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Oiapofdc I N D I AN T R EAT I E S , i7i6~,?5y 

MADE BETWEEN the Six Nations of the Z/JOdf/OZ^" CONFEDERATION 
(with tributary nations) AND the PROVINfCE of PENN S ^LVJKMIj\ (with some 
other English Colonies) . 

LAKE i <r A ^HEPPEWA £"'- 

^ c;...,o !|MrCHlGAN/\ W . P.a„^... ^"'^^ 

^W#^ I 



E95 iBn.k.l3.9. 



'Printed by 
benjamin Cjfranklin 



"benjamin Cjfranklin 

JVith an Introduction by Carl Van Doren 

and Historical & "bibliographical 

^^(otes by Julian P. Boyd 

tlfje ?|igtorical gjocietp of ^ennsfplbania 




Copyright 1938 


The Historical Society of Pennsylvania 



The Iroquois had a ceremony called T)ayonunneoqua ^a 'Deohako, or t he- 
Harvest Festival. It was not merely a Tlianksgiving for tiic harvest, but a gcueral 
pjean of gratitude for all the sympathetic and protecting elements that gave food 
and comfort to mankind — for the fertile grain, for the soil that gave it nourish- 
ment, for the sunshine and rain that gave strength to the plants, for everything 
tliat contributed toward the desired end. The acknowledgment iiere made must be 
briefer but fully as inclusive in its sweep. If it also could be as impressively sincere 
in its symbols of gratitude, it would convey a measure of the appreciation felt 
toward those who have helped to produce this volume. 

Mr. Carl Van Doren provided the fertile suggestion — as well as the illumi- 
nating and scholarly introduction — for this volume. Mr. E. E. Brownell furnished 
the equivalents of the nourishing soil and warm sunshine, elements so necessary to 
the growth of what otherwise might have remained only an ardent hope. Mr. 
Brownell's sympathetic interest in the suggestion made by Mr. Van Doren was 
quickened for a very justifiable reason: George Brownell, a Boston schoolmaster 
who taught Benjamin Franklin writing and arithmetic for several months, who lived 
for some time in Philadelphia, and who no doubt looked with a proud and kindly 
eye on the rising fortunes of his former pupil, was Mr. Brownell's collateral 
ancestor. To Mr. Van Doren, therefore, for the suggestion and to Mr. Brownell for 
the support that made possible its realization, I wish to express my gratitude. 

Many others have also helped to bring the grain to fruition: librarians of tlie 
institutions listed in the bibliography, as well as scores of others whose institutions 
unhappily did not possess Franklin treaties; the officers of the Library Company of 
Philadelphia, the American Philosophical Society, and the University of Pennsyl- 
vania, who generously permitted us to make use of their copies of the treaties for 
reproduction in this volume; the staff of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 
who have all labored anonymously but faithfully to make this work worthy of the 
imprint of the Society and without whose industry and assistance it could not have 
been produced at all — to all of these I wish to express my appreciation. 

I am particularly indebted to Mrs. Augusta Smith, of Martinsburg, Pennsyl- 
vania, for permission to use her very interesting collection of manuscripts; to 
Mr. Charles B. Montgomery for his reading of my manuscript on Indian affairs; to 
Mr. Lawrence C. Wroth for giving me the advantage of his specialized and wide- 


ranging knowledge of colonial history in general and Indian treaties in particular; 
to Miss Margaret Van Doren for her painstaking scholarship and competent artistry 
in achieving the difficult feat of producing an endpaper map that is at once charm- 
ing and useful; and to many others who have in many ways contributed to the 
improvement of this volume. For all this generous assistance I am deeply grateful. 

Julian P. Boyd 

Editor, The Historical Society of Pennsylvania 

J)(Cap of the Indian PPii/king T^iinhasi\ i^JY 


This map is in the I-ogaii Papers, Miscellaneous NtSS., I. 119, 
in The Historical Societ\' ot Pennsvh ania. The signature is 
faded but clearlv legible: "L. E\'ans Kxe. 1738." It is not clear 
why or for whom Evans prepared this map. It is not mentioned 
in anv of the contemporary records pertaining to the Walking 
Purchase. The otTicial map of that purchase was made bv 
Benjamin Eastburn, Surveyor General of the Province, and it 
is his map that is usually referred to. There was also a draft of 
the Walking Purchase made by John Chapman, Deputy Sur- 
veyor for Bucks County. Inasmuch as Evans' map is found 
in the Logan papers, it may be that it was drawn up for |ames 
Logan. This reproduction is the same size as the original. Below 
is shown an enlarged, unretouched facsimile of the signature. 












1 . <tAcknowledgment \\\ 

2. Introduction by Carl Van Doren vii 

3. Indian '^Affairs in I^ennsylvania, IJj6-Ij62y by Julian P. Boyd xix 

4. Indian Treaties Trinted by "Benjamin Franklin, iyj6-Ij62 

, PHILADELPHIA, September and October, 1736 i 

. PHILADELPHIA, July, 1742 15 

/ LANCASTER, June, 1744 41 

- ALBANY, October, 1745 81 

PHILADELPHIA, November, 1747 loi 

LANCASTER, July, 1748 109 

CARLISLE, October, 1753 123 

i^ ?, EAST ON, July and November, 1756 135 


March, April and May, 1757 167 

EASTON, July and August, 1757 189 

^ EASTON, October, 1758 213 

, EASTON, August, 1761 245 

LANCASTER, August, 1762 263 

5. 'Bibliographical !7^(otes and Qensus 301 

6. Qonrad Weiser s Journal ^During the <tAlbany Treaty of ly^^ 309 

7. Benjamin Qhew s Journal Inuring the Easton Treaty of I J ^8 312 

8. James T^emberton s Journal T)uring the J^ncaster Treaty of I J 62 3 1 9 

9. (glossary 323 

10. J^st of Subscribers 325 

11. Index 329 


Lewis Evans' Map of the Indian Walking Purchase, 1738 Facing iv 

Map of the Iroquois Confederacy, i 736-1 762 

By Margaret Van Doren Endpapers 



T'^he quality in Franklin l^hich makes him now 
seem to have been so often a prophet is the same 
as any other prophef s secret: he had a quic\and sure 
inflinSf for yphat l^as excellent in his own time^ and 
much of that excellence has turned out to be la fling. 
His inBinSi Ivas better than he always realized. In 
IT44 he hoped his Cato Major might be "^ happy 
Omen^ that Philadelphia shall become the Seat of 
the American zM^uses.'' That same year he hoped 
for his printed Version of the J^nc after treaty that 
''the method of doing business ypith those barbarians' 
might afford William Strahan some amusement. 
Franklin sent Strahan^ for possible sale in J^ndon^ 
five hundred copies of the Cato, three hundred of the 
treaty. "By all the standards then current ''this fir ft 
Translation of a Classic in this Western World" 
'^^as the important bool{. The American zM^uses l^ould 
translate the ^Roman. Qompared ypith that^ it '^ppus 

mere days ^porl^ to print an Indian treaty^ though 
here ^as a form new to literature^ in a l^orld that 
yas dangerously alive, ^nd yet^ If^hatever his con- 
scious literary judgments^ Franklin s inftinSi did not 
fail him. While he printed no more translated classics^ 
he — or he and T>avid Hall — continued his series of 
treaties^ begun eight years before^ until there li^ere 
thirteen of the flately folios Ipphich for both matter 
and manner are after two hundred years the moB 
original and engaging documents of their century in 

The Indians li^ere not^ as tradition has come to 
regard them^ perpetual enemies in endless l^ars 
againH the li^hite settlers. For three or four decades 
before 1763 the Six J\[ations — ^Mohawk ^ Oneida, 
Onondaga, Qayuga, Seneca, and the newly-admitted 
Tuscarora — of the Iroquois (Confederation labored 
skillfully and l^isely to keep the peace, ^h(ot more 
than perhaps fifteen thousand persons all together, 
living in perhaps fifty Villages in central J\(ew Tork, 
the (Confederation ruled a kind of empire from the 
St, J^wrence to the James, from the Hudson nearly 
to the ^3(Cississippi, (Conquered tribes paid tribute to 
the Iroquois, ypho alone claimed the right to say l^ho 
should go to ypar, and yphy and l^hen. South of the 

Six J\[ations lay the hunting grounds of the Susque- 
hanna 'Galley to yphich the Iroquois had assigned the 
T>elawares and the Shawnee^ l^ith smaller tribes. 
The Oneida chief S hike I lamy took^ up his official 
residence in 1728 at Shamokin (now Sunhi/ry)^ at the 
forks of the Susquehanna^ and there for twenty years 
aSiedasthe Qon federations y>iceregentforthe distriSf, 
In ij2g Qonrad Weiser^ a "Palatine ypho had lived 
from boyhood in close friendship ypith the z^^fCohawk^ 
left ^A(ew Tork^ to eflablish himself on a farm at 
Tulpehocken, To these two men muH go the credit for 
carrying out the far- looking Indian policy of Penn- 
sylvania^ originated by the liaise James J^gan, 

That policy seems to have been f offered no more 
by Pennsylvania than by Shikellamy^ aflute and 
secret. Through him^ ypith Weiser as interpreter^ 
Pennsylvania made terms ypith the Six D\(ations, 
Together they disposed of the Delawares and the 
Shawnee^ rebellious tributaries of the Six ^h(ations^ 
uncomfortable neighbors of the Pennsylvanians, This 
CO ft the province a T> el aw are -Shawnee ypar^ but it 
prevented li^hat l^ould have been a Ivorse 'har Ivith 
the Iroquois. The Six V^{ations^ after their treaty 
'^ith Pennsylvania^ <J)(Caryland^ and Virginia at 
J^ncafier in 1744^ looked on Pennsylvania as spokes- 

man for the English generally. Qanasatego^ chief of 
the Onondaga^ at J^ncaBer advised the English to 
follow the Iroquois example, ''Our Ipise Forefathers 
eBablished Union and^Amity between the Five 
Nations; this has made us formidable; this has given 
us great Weight and Authority ypith our neighbouring 
J^tions. We are a powerful (Confederacy; and^ by 
your observing the same <J)(Cethods our ypise Fore- 
fathers have taken^ you W// acquire such Strength 
andT^ower; therefore yphatever befalsyou^ never fall 
outypith one another'' Though the coloniesypere slow 
in learning union from the Indians^ ^Pennsylvania s 
Heady alliance '^ith the Six V\[ations had a large 
effeSl in preserving the friendship of the Iroquois for 
the English. If the Iroquois ^pith their li^hole empire 
had gone over to the French they might have 'hon the 

The ^Pennsylvania treaties Ifvhich maintained the 
alliance ypere diplomatic dramas in a form pre scribed 
by Iroquois ritual and for years dire£ied by Qonrad 
Weiser^ the 'Pennsylvania interpreter. "S/ the Inter- 
preter's 'Advice ^' says the earlieB treaty printed by 
Franklin^ the chiefs of the Six Vacations Ivho had 
arrived at Stenton in ijjd '"^ere firB spoke to in 
their own Way^ l^ith three small Strings ofW^nn- 

pum in Hand^ one of^hicb Ivas delivered on each 
of the follozving <^rticles^' presumably by Weiser 
himself. Four days later, in ''''the Great Meeting- 
House at Philadelphia"yf/AW/^ the top of the gal- 
leries'^ith curious citizens, in the presence of 
Thomas 'Penn, James J^gan, and the Qouncil, the 
Seneca speaker for the chiefs, also in their own 'hay, 
''spoke as follozvs by Conrad Wyser/' They had 
come, he said, to '^^arm themselves at the hospitable 
fireyphich '^Pennsylvania had promised to keep ''in 
this great Qty,'' and they desired it ypould "ever 
continue bright and burning to the End of the 
Worlds They desired that the road between Phila- 
delphia and the Six J\(ations might "be kept clear 
and open, free from all Stops or Incumbrances.'' 
<utnd they desired that the chain of friendship 
should be preserved "free from all ^Rufl and Spots 
. . . not only between this government and us, but 
between all the English (governments and all the 
Indians." business had to ypciit on ceremony, and 
the '\phole occasion Ivas ceremonial. 

The fore B metaphors of the Fire, the P^id, the 
Qhain run through the treaties dozvn to that at 
Qarlisle in 1753, lichen a new ceremony ypas added, 
at the requeH if not the demand of Scarouady, chief 

and orator of the Oneida, He ^oas there in company 
l^ith chiefs or deputies of tributary T>elawares^ 
Shawnee^ ^J^iami (Twightwee)^ and Wyandot 
from the Ohio^ li^here the French ypere threatening. 
If the English ^panted to keep the Ohio Indians 
friendly^ so did the Six ^hCations^ firmly hostile to the 
French, The English supplied the necessary gifts at 
the Qarlisle treaty; the Six V\(ations prescribed the 
ritual of giving. It ypas an applied form of the cere- 
mony of Qondolences^ used among the Iroquois yphen 
chiefs or 'Warriors had died and delegates from other 
nations came to mourn the loss, 

^11 these Ohio tribes had lately suffered the death 
of notable men, Scarouady^ speaking for 'Pennsyl- 
vania as l^ell as for the Six V\[ations^ told the 
mourners: ^>fs W know that your Seats at Home are 
bloody^ ype l^ipe away the "Bloody and set your Seats 
in Order at your Qouncil Fire^ that you may sit and 
consult again in "Peace and Qomfort as formerly r 
When a string of^pampum had been given he If^ent 
on: '''We suppose that the "Blood is now 'leashed off. 
We jointly, l^ith our Brother Onas \Tennsylvania'\, 
dig a Qrave for your Warriors, killed in your Qoun- 
try; andl^e bury their Bones decently; yprapping 
them up in these Blankets; and l^ith these Ipe cover 

their Qraves'' Then the gifts ^ already laid out before 
the Indians^ Ipoere given to them, Scarouady ended: 
''''We yptpeyour Tears from your Eyes^ that you may 
see the Sun^ and that every Thing may become clear 
and pleasant to your Sight; and Ive desire you Ivot/ld 
mourn no more'' 

The ceremony of Qondolences became as custom- 
ary in treaties as the metaphorical Fire, '^Road, Qhain, 
The forms grew familiar to the English, and they 
expert in the practice of them, but the forms ^pere Iro- 
quois, The governor or the commissioners of T^ennsyl- 
vania ^pould open a treaty council ')^ith a speech of 
several articles, presenting l^ith each of them a firing 
ofypampum l^hich ^pas for the Indians an essential 
part of the record. Usually the Indians li^ould put off 
their answer to the next day, to have time to confer 
among themselves. Then one of them, speaker for them 
all, ypould take up each article, repeating it from a 
memory as accurate as 'Written minutes, and replying 
to it, again ypith formalypampum. Though there might 
be hundreds of Indians and yphite men present at a 
treaty gathering, and all sorts of caucuses off ft age, the 
a6lual councils ype re grave and punctilious, as orderly 
as a trial before a high court of law, as straightfor- 
ward in a6iion as a good play. 

'behind the flri6l ritual the issues ypere realiBic. 
'Pennsylvania^ however generous inpayment^ li^anted 
more and more land for its increasing and spreading 
population. The Six ^h(ations knew thatfarmersl^ere 
the natural enemies of hunters. '^Tour Horses and 
Qows^' Qanasatego said at Philadelphia in iT42^ 
''have eat the Qrass our T)eer used to feed on.'' ''We 
know ourj^nds are now become more 'Valuable. The 
yphite People thinly Ive do not know their Value; but 
>^ are sensible that the J^nd is everlaBing^ and the 
few Qoods Ive receive for it are soon l^orn out and 
gone.'' The Indians could not retreat forever. The 
French '^ere at their backs. " The K^g ^England, 
and ^France," the Delaware Tedyuskung said at 
£aBon in D^{oyember^ ^756^ "have settled orl^rought 
this J^nd^ so as to coop us up as in a Pen." If the 
French and English muH be at ^ar" there Ivas Hoom 
enough at Sea to fight" Qanasatego insiBed at J^n- 
cafterin 1744. J^t them Bay away from the interior^ 
Cohere the Six ^h(ations ')^ere forking to keep the 
peace. " The French and English made War., and 
made Peace., at Pleasure" he said at Albany in 1745; 
"but yphen the Indians once engaged in Wars^ they 
knew not yphen it ypould end." 

The Iroquois statesmen l^ere perfectly aware 

that only by remaining neutral could they hold the 
balance ofpozver^ and that only as long as they held 
the balance ofpozver could they hope to survive at all 
in the face of immensely superior numbers and 
'health, So^ at treaty after treaty^ they schemed for 
English support of the Qonfe deration^ made conces- 
sions onlyl^hen they had to ^ looked out for the intereHs 
of the Indian trade ^ and exaSled or coaxed yphatever 
they could in the ypay of goods and munitions given 
as peace-making presents by the English, While their 
advantage I a fled,, a league of ragged Villages held off 
two great empires^ inflexibly and proudly forcing the 
empires to treat ^pith them in the Village language. 
Within the rigid form of a treaty council there 
If^as Hill much 'Variety in individual speeches. The 
speaker of the Cayuga at J^ncaHer in 1J44 impressed 
his Ivhite hearers ypith ^^all the Dignity of a Warrior^ 
the Qefture of an Orator^ and , , , a Ipery graceful 
'PoHure,'"^n Oneida at J^ncaBerin 1^62 ypith an 
enormous image toldhozv his people had made a peace 
by burying the bones of the enemy dead, " There is a 
large T^ine Tree in the Oneida Qountry^ ^phich I take 
and pull up by the ^^00 ts^ and then it makes a great 
Hole; yphen Ilookjiown the HoL\ I see a great ^River^ 
running y>ery Hrong at the bottom, "By this Belt I 

gather all your 'Bones^ li^herever I can find them^ and 
bury them in that Hole^ and the Hatchet ^pith them; 
Ivhen I put them down the Hole^ they fall into that 
Brong Stream^ and float down it^ I know not sphere, 
I Bickjhat Tine Tree down again in the same Hole^ 
and then no "^ody can discover that there has been a 
Hole; so that neither you nor /, nor our nor your 
(grandchildren^ shall ever be able to know sphere your 
"Bones are laid. This is the Quftom of our Forefathers^ 
that yphen any T>ifl^erence arose between them and 
their Brethren^ they buried it in this <iManner.'' 

The auflere Qanasatego^ l^ho at ^Philadelphia in 
1742 imperiously ordered the T>elawares to remove 
at once to Wyoming orShamokin^ had a dry^ sly humor 
lichen he chose. ^At the same council he praised Qonrad 
Weiserforhis impartial hone By between Indians and 
yphites. ^'He is of our ^h(ation \by adoption~\^ and a 
zMember of our Qouncil as '^ell as yours. When l^e 
adopted him, Ive divided him into Two equal T^arts: 
One ype kept for our selves, and one l^e left for you. 
He has had a great deal of Trouble ^pith us, ypore 
out his Shoes in our<J}fCessages, and dirty d his Qloaths 
by being amongff us, so that he is become as naSiy 
as an Indian." They gave Weiserfive skins to buy 
clothes and shoes ypith and recommended him to the 

further generosity of Pennsylvania, If Qanasatego 
ypas both auHere and humorous,, Scarouady ^vas 
graceful and eloquent^ and Tedyuskung an irrepres- 
sible aboriginal Falflaff. 

Throughout the treaties there is at any moment 
likely to be comedy, *'^Tou tell us^' Qanasatego said 
at J^ncafler in 1744^ 'you beat the French; f so,, 
you muB have taken a great deal of ^^m from them,, 
and can better spare us some of that J^quor to make 
us rejoice ypithyou in the Victory'' Qeorge Thomas,, 
a governor ypho had a knach^at treaties,, ''''ordered a 
T>ram of ^Rum to be given to each in a small Qlass,, 
calling it,, A French Glass." The next day Qanasatego 
asked for rum in English glasses. They all drank^ 
together in glasses of a larger size,, l^ith To- has from 
the Indians and huzzas from the English, 

The Indian treaty ypas a form of literature yphich 
had no single author, Shikellamy and Scarouady may 
have suggeBed the metaphors and rites to be used,, 
but they had to be adapted by Weiser as impresario^ 
and then be accepted by the government of 'Pennsyl- 
vania, The secretaries l^ho kept the minutes never 
dreamed they 'here making literature,, nor need 
Franklin have guessed that he li^as printing it in his 
folios. These l^ere simply the records of public events. 

The events^ being based on ritual^ had their own form^ 
and they fixed the form of the record, ^Accuracy in 
such cases Ivas art, ^h(ozv and then the secretaries left 
out speeches or parts of speeches uttered by the hard 
tongues of the Indians^ but there l^as not too much 
expurgation^ and there ypas no literary self con- 
sciousness. Here for once life seems to have made itself 
almo§i unaided into literature, 

D\(othing quite like the Indian treaties exiHs 
anywhere else in the literature of the yporld, 
Vercingetorix is only a character in Qcesafs nar- 
rative^ presented as Qcesar liked, "But Qanasatego 
and Scarouady and Tedyuskung^ '^ppith many minor 
chieftains^ live on in the a£lual If^ords they spoke 
face to face l^ith their conquerors^ in a breathing- 
spell before the conqueB, For a time savage ritual 
had power over civilized men^ ^oho l^ere obliged to 
lift en. Tears later ')^hite Bory-tellers ypere to lend 
romantic color to the 'Vanished race. Their invented 
Tories could not equal the treaties^ even as romance. 
The plain fa6ls^ as the treaties set them forth ^ are 
alive ^ith poetry no less than truths l^ith humor and 
dramuy and ^ith the Brong l^isdom of simple 

Carl Van Doren 



Indian ^Affairs in 'Pennsylvania^ ij 3 6- 1^62 

ONE of the pivotal facts in American colonial history was the balance of 
power held by the Iroquois in the period between 1689 and 1763 
wherein France and England came to grips four times for the mastery 
of the continent. That fact was recognized by thoughtful persons among the Eng- 
lish, the French, and the Indians themselves, with consequent influence upon the 
relations of all three in their efforts to control and use this "balance of the Consti- 
tution of America."' In 1689 Lord Bellomont informed the British government 
that the friendship of the Iroquois was essential to the British interest in America. 
DuChesnay wrote the French government in 168 1 that "it is absolutely necessary 
to make them our friends or destroy them.""' The Iroquois, finding themselves 
courted on either side, often revealed their consciousness of the advantages that 
those who hold a balance of power usually possess. They made the most of it, well 
realizing also that their situation, though favored, was precarious. 

"To preserve the Ballance between us & the French is the great ruling Prin- 
ciple of the Modern Indian Politics," wrote Peter Wraxall.' William Penn, though 
troubled by few of the complicated Indian problems that harassed his sons, fell 
easily into this ruling principle of Indian politics. Within a year after his arrival 
he sent agents to New York to deal with the Iroquois as the recognized overlords 
of the lands along the Susquehanna.^ But it was James Logan who gave definite 
form to Pennsylvania's Indian policy in its early years. He was in charge of 
Indian affairs in the province from 1701 to 1732 and until liis death in 1751 his 
advice on this subject was sought by the proprietors and their agents. His 
central policy was summed up in a single sentence within a year after his arrival 

'William T. Morgan, "The Five Nations and Queen the Albany Commissioners for Indian Affairs and stated that 

Anne," Miss. Valley Hist. Rev., XIII (Sept. 1926), 169-89; they could not sell the Susquehanna lands Inasmuch as they 

'Documents Relathe to the QolonUl History of the State of had yielded them up to the governor of New York four years 

C^e-u- Tork (hereafter cited as Oy. T. £■ »■). V", 371. AH 

Penn subsequently obtained a release of the land 

cryptic comment on the reverse of this document: "111 in- 
tended but Providentially well Concluded. W. P." This docu- 

manuscript sources cited in the footnotes are in The Historical <■,„„ n„„„„„ n „ i,- i, l ui r l- 

'^ Irom uovernor Dongan, which probablv accounts for his 
Society of Pennsylvania unless they are particularly referred 

to in some other repository-. 

= .% ^- C- 2)-. IX, 165. 

'C. H. Mcllwain, ed., JbriJgment of the Indian ..If airs ""="'• '°8'='''" "■"'' '""^'' °'''"' ''^'"'"^ '° '•"= '^""= '"''J"'' 

... 0/ ^«a- Tork, by Teter Wraxa/l, 219. =' "''^" '' ' d"pli"" ^'^o endorsed by Penn, is in the ptxses- 

■•Penn's agents on this occasion were William Haig and ''°" °^ ^"- Angus" Smith of Martinsburg, Pennsylvania, to 

James Graham. As appears by a document dated Sept. 26, whom I am indebted for its use. See also Mcllwain, of>. cit., 

1683. several Onondaga and Cayuga sachems appeared before H- 

Indian Affairs in 

in America: "If we lose the Iroquois, we are gone."^ In 1718 Logan, the best 
informed man in the province on Indian aflFairs, drew up an account of the French 
trade, trade routes, and Indians in the French interest. To prevent the French 
from extending their influence, he proposed that the English "use all reason- 
able endeavours to preserve the Iroquese . . . their Preservation seems to be of 
vast importance to us." " He also suggested a line of policy that the proprietors 
renewed thirty years later: that Virginia be encouraged to extend her settlements 
beyond the mountains and build forts on Lake Erie. Though he was a leading 
merchant of Philadelphia engaged in the Indian trade, Logan likewise recom- 
mended that intercolonial rivalries be avoided and that abuses be regulated. In 
1 73 1 he drew up a far-reaching view of Indian relations and their influence on 
Anglo-French rivalry, again emphasizing the importance of the Iroquois. These 
ideas he first communicated to the provincial council and later submitted to 
persons in authority in England. Not only was Logan possessed of an intelligent 
and far-reaching policy, which he impressed upon Thomas Penn, Conrad Weiser, 
Richard Peters, and George Thomas — that remarkable group of Indian diplo- 
mats — but he gained the affection of the Indians so completely as to be con- 
sidered by them in the same terms in which they thought of William Penn. 

This policy of recognizing the influence of the Iroquois was continued 
without interruption by Thomas Penn when he came into control of Pennsyl- 
vania affairs. Thomas Penn was but seven years of age when five Iroquois Indians 
visited England in 1 709 and were entertained by "le Sr. Pen la Quaker a Taverne 
du Diable a Charing Crosse." ^ He was too young to appreciate the state policy 
back of the hospitality showered by the court and all of London on these American 
chieftains, but by the time he came to America he sensed the necessity of con- 
tinuing the Founder's policy of securing the friendship of the Six Nations. He 
realized also the wisdom of William Penn's well-known policy of dealing fairly, 
honestly, and peaceably with the natives. He endeavored to act upon these two 
principles consistently.* 

■^Historical Society of Pennsylvania, (MeTnoirs, IX, 88. *Penn Manuscripts, Indian Affairs, I, 43; Joseph E. 

James Steel, writing to the proprietors May 21, 1731, said of Johnson, ed., "Of the State of the British Pla 

Logan that he "has always had so great influence on them [the America [by Logan]," Tenn. CMag. Hist, and 'Biog., LX 
Indians] that none since your worthy Father could attain." (April, 1936), 97-130; Logan Tafers, XI, 8. 
Steel Letter Book, 1730-1741, p. 23. Logan attended, if he 'Morgan, ioc. cit., 181. These five Indians, usually re- 
did not direct, treaties held with Delawares, Shawnee and ferred to as sachems, included only one who held that rank: 
other local tribes in 1710 and 1712 at which the suzerainty of "Hendrick the great Prince that was so honoured in England 
the Iroquois was acknowledged. Minutes of an Indian Treaty cannot command ten men, the other three were not sachems," 
held at Conestoga, July 31, 1 710, Penn Manuscripts, Indian wrote a contemporary; Knittle, Early Eighteenth C««'«"'y 
Affairs, I, 34; Conference with the Delawares at Whitemarsh, Talatine Emigration (Philadelphia, 1936), 150-51. 
May 19, 171 2, Ms. in Logan's handwriting in the possession 
of Mrs. Augusta Smith of Martinsburg, Pennsylvania. At the 
latter conference over thirty belts of wampum, their designs 

*In the proprietors' instructions to Governor Patrick Gor- 
don, dated Jan. 26, 1732/33, the ninth article is as follows: 
"You are to be particularly careful to keep a good Under- 

, . ... . ,. T , . , standing with the Indians & see as far as lies in your Power 

depicted m the margm oi Logan s manuscript, were sent by , , ■ , , , , . , , , t- l ■ l 

, „ . that they be honestly dealt with and as our late Father with 

' of the Delawares to the Iroqu 

great Success avoided all Acts of Hostility and ever behaved 

ing hostility to the French, some professing friendship for the ^j,^ g^^^, Humanity & kindness towards them let this be yc 

English, all acknowledging the overlordship of the Iroquois. Method & behaviour as far as possible." Penn Letter Book, I, 

The 1710 treaty has not been printed; that of 1712 is to be 74-76. These instructions are not included in L. W. Larrabee, 

found, with minor variations, in Tennsylvania Qolonial Rec- Royal Instructions to 'British Qolonial Qovernors, l6^0-IJj6, 

ords (hereafter cited as Ta. Q- ^•), ", 546-49. since that valuable work pertains only to the royal pr 

Pennsylvania, 1736-I762 

Despite the fact that he had a copy of the Prince in his library, Tliomas Pcnn 
was no Machiavclli in his dealings with tlie Indians. He was no liberal in eco- 
nomics, politics, or religion: he was an English country gentleman with strong 
Tory leanings, trying his best to adhere to the standards of his class, or of that 
above it. He had the conservative magnate's aptitude for exact detail and scru- 
pulous order in executive management. He bought books, statuary, and paintings 
because it became his station to do so. Poetry was not in him: he preferred the 
names of London streets to the sweet music in Susquehanna, Juniata, Monon- 
gahela. He was unmoved by the flowing oratory of Canasatego and Scarouady. 
He clamored for copies of the Indian treaties as soon as they were published, but 
lie wanted them to show to ministers as evidence of the good relations Pennsyl- 
vania had with the natives, or to learn of the success or failure of his plans for new 
purchases of lands or for frontier defense. They were to him business reports, not 
documents of statesmanship, least of all literature. Nevertheless, since Indian affairs 
until 1756 were entirely in the hands of the proprietors and their officials, and 
since he was the chief proprietor after 1 746, he was the ultimate source of authority 
for the Indian policy of the province and his efforts to direct that policy deserve 
a closer attention than they have received. 

When Thomas Penn met the deputies of the Six Nations at Stenton in 1736 
he entered upon the most momentous quarter of a century in the whole history of 
Indian affairs. England was temporarily at peace with France, though Utrecht was 
twenty years in the past and the stage was being set for the third conflict. The 
Indian threat had up to then been confined to New England and the frontiers of 
New York, but Pennsylvania traders had already begun to tap the rich Ohio 
Indian trade. Internal politics of the province had not yet reached an impasse 
over Indian policy, and the Friends were securely in control of the government. 
Germans and Scots-Irish were landing at Philadelphia by the thousands, but the 
pressure of population on the Indian boundaries had not yet become acute. The 
local tribes in Pennsylvania were kept in friendly relations with comparative ease 
and it had not yet become necessary to remind them unequivocally of their subjec- 
tion to the Six Nations. Treaties held with them were in the main occasions for 
exhibiting and adjusting minor grievances and making land purchases. As the 
period wore on through the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, all of these factors merged 
into the dominant theme of Anglo-French rivalry, the focal point of which became 
the Ohio Valley. At its climactic close, France had yielded to British imperialism, 
the local tribes in Pennsylvania were left without influence, great tracts of land 
were available for settlement, the Iroquois were declining and the western tribes 
were growing in weight in the calculation of policy, and the incomparable Ohio 
region was ready for the Whartons and the Gratzes. In the unfolding of these 
momentous events, Thomas Penn was obliged to enlarge his Indian policy from 
provincial to imperial dimensions, merging it with the interests of what was coming 

Indian Affairs in 

to be known as the British Empire. During the middle of the period, no British 
colony in America had more influence over the Iroquois or more friendly relations 


ith them than Pennsylvania. 

A decade after William Penn's death Indian affairs began to require an 
increasing amount of attention from the provincial government. In 1727 about 
forty Iroquois, mostly Cayugas, appeared in Philadelphia to brighten the chain of 
friendship and also to complain about being cheated by traders and debauched by 
rum, as well as to sell lands. A few months later an Indian killed a trader in a 
drunken brawl — "the first Accident of the kind ... in this Province since its 
first settlement." " This led Governor Patrick Gordon and the council to reflect 
that "this Government had been formerly happy above most of our Neighbors, in 
preserving a good understanding and an uninterrupted Friendship with all our 
Indians, which was effected by the just & obliging Measures our late Proprietor 
first took with them . . . and the same Methods had been for Years constandy con- 
tinued by Treaties with them," but that for the past six years no treaty had been 
held with the Pennsylvania Indians, a fact which had brought complaints from the 
Indians.'" A treaty was therefore resolved upon for the following spring and 
recommendation was made for closer regulation of the Indian trade. The spring 
of 1728 brought an even more imperative need for attending to Indian affairs — 
the threat of invasion. This war scare was brought in by James LeTort, one of 
James Logan's traders, and he had it from Madame Montour, a not unimpeachable 
source. Nevertheless, the council again pressed for a treaty with the Indians on the 
Susquehanna and those on the Delaware. The inhabitants were genuinely alarmed, 
for a skirmish had actually taken place between some of the frontiersmen and a 
small band of Indians. Governor Gordon held three conferences with the Indians 
in 1728 because of the alarms and at one of them an unscheduled outburst on the 
part of the bibulous Sassoonan, chief of the Delawares, provoked spirited replies 
from James Logan and Andrew Hamilton. To Sassoonan's charge that people 
were settling on lands not purchased from the Indians, Logan, as secretary of the 
commissioners of property, replied that the commissioners had followed William 
Penn's "Constant Rule never to suffer any Lands to be settled by any of his 
People, until they were first duly purchased [from] the Indians." Logan reminded 
Sassoonan that in 171 8 he and other Indians had made the same complaint; that 
at that time deeds had been produced showing that the Indians had already sold 
all the lands between the Susquehanna and the Delaware below the Lehigh Hills; 
that nevertheless Sir William Keith had given a valuable present and Sassoonan 
and four other chiefs had signed an absolute release for these lands. When the 
deed was again produced, Sassoonan conceded it was effective but also pointed 
out that the settlement of the Palatines was beyond the boundary, whereupon 

^Ta. C- R., Ill, 286. ^"Loc. dr. 

Tennsylvania, I^j6-I/'62 

Logan laid the blame for that settlement on Keith. Both Logan and Hamilton 
took notiee of the "pains that some iiad taken to persuade [the Indians] that 
they were wronged" witli respeet to tiieir lands. Logan even found it necessary 
to reply to a rumor that he had retained for his own usage a large part of a valu- 
able present that he Iiad received from London for the Indians. These rumors 
and insinuations, they felt, were made by those who, for partisan motives, desired 
to embarrass the government. Here, too, for the first time was made the charge 
that Indian treaties were held only for the benefit of the proprietors in their pur- 
chases of lands and that in consequence tiie province should not be called upon to 
bear the mounting expenses for such conferences." 

These difficulties with the local Indians caused the governor and council to 
fall back upon their reliance on the Iroquois. "As the Five Nations have an abso- 
lute Authority over all our Indians and may command them as they jiiease," they 
resolved, "it is of great importance to Remove any impressions that have been made 
upon them to the prejudice of tlie English." '" A treaty with the Five Nations was 
therefore thought to be urgent. James Steel, Surveyor General, was sent to England 
in 1729 to urge one of the proprietors to come over. He was assured that Thomas 
Penn would arrive in Pennsylvania that autumn, but two years passed and still he 
did not come. As the summer of 1731 wore on, James Logan, fixing his vision far 
beyond the small problems raised by the local tribes, saw the need for prompt 
action to protect the whole of the British interest in America. Laying before the 
council a map of Louisiana, he pointed out that the French claimed a part of Caro- 
lina, Virginia, and Pennsylvania, including the lands along the waters of the Ohio 
and that they were making efforts to gain influence over the Shawnee on the Alle- 
gheny. "Mr. Logan then went on to represent how destructive this Attempt of 
the French, if attended with Success, may prove to the English interest on this 
Continent, and how deeply in its consequences it may affect this Province" and 
moved that "a treaty should be sett on foot with the Five Nations, wlio liave an 
absolute authority as well over the Shawanese as all our Indians . . . and tiiat such 
a treaty becomes now all the more necessary, because 'tis several years since any of 
those Nations have visited us, and no opportunity ought to be lost of cultivating 
the Friendship which has always subsisted between this Government & them." '* 
At the same time Logan recommended that legislation be urged for controjlins: the 
selling of rum to the Indkns. The assembly agreed to provide funds for a treaty to 
renew friendship with the Five Nations but at the same time urged the governor 
to induce the proprietors to purchase lands of the Indians and thus remove some 
of the grounds for complaint. Shikellamy, who had been placed at Shamokin by 
the Six Nations to oversee the Pennsylvania tribes, was forthwith dispatched to 
Onondaga to invite the Six Nations to a treaty.'* 

"Penn Manuscripts, Indian Affairs, I, 34, fmiim; Tj. '^/iiV., 402-403 ; Pcnn Manuscripts, Indian Affairs, I, 43. 

C- R-, III, 271-76, 295-98. 302. 307-26, 333- '^T""- C- ^■. >". 403-405. 407-408, 410-12. 

"/i»</.. Ill, 330-31. 

Indian Affairs 

Two years had now passed since Thomas Penn was first expected. Logan, 
Steel, and others had repeatedly written the proprietors urging one of them to 
come over to negotiate a purchase with the Indians. Now that the Six Nations and 
the local tribes had been invited to a treaty to be held in the spring of 1732 and 
overtures had been made for the purchase of lands, it was imperative that the 
proprietors be made to realize the seriousness of the situation. Thereupon Logan, 
Isaac Norris, and Samuel Preston, all seasoned veterans in the proprietary adminis- 
tration, indited a long summary of Indian affairs and laid the responsibility squarely 
upon the shoulders of the young proprietors: "Treaties with the Indians in order 
to purchase their Lands that against their Consent have been invaded, which as it 
has been repeatedly observed to you ought to be managed only by the children of 
their Friend W. Penn are of [such] ... a nature and the neglect of them may be 
attended with such fatal consequences even to the lives of the inhabitants as well as 
to their and your Estates that it is extreamly unhappy you could never be prevailed 
on to consider an affair of such vast Importance and that has so repeatedly been 
urged and press'd upon you." '^ Logan's hand is seen also in that part of the letter 
emphasizing the French effort to control the Ohio and their overtures to the 
Shawnee and Delawares, "with the first of whom we doubt not they have had too 
much success." Concluding one of the bluntest letters the proprietors ever received 
from their agents in Pennsylvania, they said: "If these affairs appear troublesome 
you may be assured their difficulties are in a great measure if not wholly owing to 
your delays. Therefore now if you set any value on your interest here or will show 
any regard to the peace of this country you see the absolute necessity there is that 
one of you should hasten and be here as early as possible in the spring to take 
proper measures for preventing the calamities we may otherwise incur. As this is an 
affair of the utmost importance we hope it may at length have its due weight. If not 
we have but too just cause to fear we shall all have reason to mourn the heavy mis- 
fortune." Logan's warnings had indeed already had effect when this letter was 
written. Already John Penn had sent a message to the chiefs of the tribes in Penn- 
sylvania promising that Thomas Penn would arrive in 1732 and assuring them that 
the proprietors stood ready to give "satisfaction and to do justice to you and all 
your people upon whatsoever occasions . . . that so the good foundation laid [by 
my late] deceased father for establishing a perfect concord and good agreement 
with your nations may be [from ti]me to time confirmed and kept up as long as 

^^Isaac Norris, Samuel Preston, and James Logan to John, encouragement for two reasons: first, there was some doubt that 
Thomas and Richard Penn, Nov. 13, 1731, Penn Manuscripts, the land was in the province; second, "we will not pretend to 
Indian Affairs, I, 36. See also James Steel Letter Book, II, 23 dispose of any Lands before they are Fairly purchased of the 
also the treaty held with Sassoonan and Shikellamy in August, Indians." Yet the Penns were interested in the proposal and 
1731, p. 274-76; proprietors to James Logan, March 5, thought it well to "enter into some preparatory treaty with 
1729/30, Penn Letter Book, I, 5; iiiJ., 13, 87. John Penn those Indians for the purchase of those lands, so that we might 
wrote James Logan on Feb. 15, 1730/31, that one Jacob be able to treat with this man more Effectually after his Re- 
Stover, of Switzerland, had proposed to go into Germany to turn from Germany." Penn Letter Book I, 22-23; nothing 
obtain families to settle beyond the Blue Mountains on the came of this proposal, however. Mi/., I, 63, 71, 77, 87. 
Potomac, but that the proprietors had not given him definite 

Pennsylvania, 17J6-IJ62 

the sun and moon continue to give light." '" Thomas Penn arrived in Philadelphia 
on August 12, 1732, barely a week ahead of the delegates from the Six Nations.'' 

He plunged at once into the strange world of forest diplomacy. He met for 
the first time Conrad Weiser — called by his adoptive Mohawks Tarachawagon 
and by Governor Thomas "Honest Conrad" — who in the next decade was to 
become the most influential, most respected, and best informed interpreter in any 
of the colonies, and who, as a backwoods diplomat, was to implement James 
Logan's established policy of giving official support to the authority of the Six 
Nations. The treaty was an important one and Penn's arrival was most timely. In 
his opening speech to the Indians he reiterated his father's policy of friendship 
with the Indians and justice to them. The Six Nations were urged to extend their 
influence over as many Indian nations as possible "for by these means you will 
make yourselves much greater and stronger." '" They were asked to assist in com- 
pelling the Shawnee to remove from the Allegheny closer to the inhabited parts 
of Pennsylvania. They were urged to avoid wars with distant tribes, such as the 
Cherokee and Catawba. They were desired to let all of tlie nations over whom 
they extended their influence know that an alliance with the Six Nations brought 
them also into the league of friendship with the English. A Council Fire was there- 
upon established at Philadelphia and the path to the Onondaga Council cleared of 
"every Grub, Stump & Log, that it may be straight, smooth & free for us and you." 
The Six Nations were urged to draw in their tribes from the West so as to consolidate 
their strength. Here, then, appeared in its complete form the policy that Logan 
had long advocated, based on a broad concept of English interest. Local Indian 
problems within the province were apparently not even discussed, except, as in the 
case of the Shawnee, when they touched upon the larger problem of the Iroquois 
balance of power.'" 

These local problems engrossed Thomas Penn's attention during the next 
four years. He made arrangements with the Delawares for confirming the deed of 
1686 for a part of their lands. He held conferences at Conestoga, Durham, Pcnns- 
bury, and Philadelphia. He formed friendships with several of the Shawnee and 
Delaware chiefs, and had the artist Gustavus Hesselius paint portraits of Tishcowan 
and Lapowinsa. In 1732, in order to meet the protest made by Sassoonan in 1728 
about the settlement of the Palatines, a purchase was negotiated for all the lands 
lying on the Schuylkill or any of its branches between the Lehigh Hills and the 
Kittatinny range, otherwise called the Endless Mountains. The Six Nations were 
expected back in Philadelphia in 1733, but the smallpox, the difficulties experi- 
enced with the Shawnee at Allegheny induced by the effort to secure their removal 
to Pennsylvania in conformity with the treaty of 1732, and a number of other 

"Penn Manuscripts, Indiiin Affairs, I, 38. For the pro- '"//-iV., Ill, 415-52- The treaty lasted from August 23 to 

prietors' reply to the letter of Norris Preston and Logan, see Sept. 2, 1732. John Pcnn wrote Thomas that he was greatly 

Penn Letter Book, I, 43, 46. pleased with the treaty with the Indians, "whose being att 

"P^;.^-/?., Ill, 433- Philadelphia att your arrival was a happy accident." Penn 

"Pj. C-/J., Ill, 448- Letter Boot, I, 68; Jan. 28, 1732/33. 


Indian (Ajfairs in 

factors contrived to delay the meeting until four years had passed. At last, about the 
first of September, 1736, Conrad Weiser received information that some twenty 
chiefs of the Seneca, Onondaga, Cayuga, Oneida and Tuscarora, led by the friendly 
Seneca chief Hetaquantegechty, who had been speaker in 1732, were on their 
way. The treaty that opened at James Logan's home at Stenton on September 28 
was the largest and most important that had been held in Pennsylvania up to that 

Charles Thomson in 1759 complained that "the Minutes published of the 
Treaty 1736 are so imperfect, that they only serve to shew that a great deal was 
transacted, and much was said, of which little or no Notice was taken, and over 
which a Veil seems to be cast." "' It is true that, aside from the important business 
of confirming the treaty of friendship of 1732, completed at the session in the 
Great Meeting House in Philadelphia on October 2, the minutes for the next ten 
days take no notice of the negotiations with the Indians. This, however, was prob- 
ably due less to a sinister secrecy than to the fact that the Indians were engaged in 
the private business of selling lands to the proprietor. They met him at his home 
on October 5, when he presented them with a belt of wampum bearing his own 
arms and those of the province, reminded them of the purchase of the Susquehanna 
lands from Governor Dongan and of the confirmation of it by the local tribes on 
the Susquehanna in 1701, and asked them to clarify the claims they had lately 
made to those lands. "The Proprietor told them that his father the great friend of 
all the Indians who made it his constant rule never to take one foot of Land of the 
Indians without first duly purchasing it, had always believed as his children and 
all our people had constantly done that these lands truly belonged to him and them 
alone and that no other person or nation had any right to them.""" The next day 
the Indians gave their reply, now lost to us, but on October 1 1 they again sold or 
released all the lands on both sides of the Susquehanna, eastward to the heads of 
the tributary streams and westward "to the setting of the sun" and to extend north- 
ward to the Endless Mountains. The deed was signed by twenty-three Indians of 
the Six Nations, representing all of the nations except the Mohawk. Three days 
later the Tennsyhania (gazette, in announcing the confirmation of the Dongan 
grant, paid tribute to William Penn's policy of maintaining a good understanding 
with all the Indians, "to the preservation of which nothing has contributed more 
than the practice he set on foot and has since been continued of purchasing their 
lands before he would sufi^er them to be taken up by his authority."'^ But the 
Qazette did not announce a more important deed signed on October 25 at Weiser's 
home in Tulpehocken. Charles Thomson knew about it in 1759, and said it was 

-"Pcnn Manuscripts, Indian Affairs, I, 37; James Steel Shepherd, History of TropiieUry Qovenimetit in Tetnijyl- 

Letter Book, II, 51, 272; Richard Peters Manuscripts, I, 18, vmla, 98-99. 

20; Paul A. W. Wallace, "Conrad Weiser and the Delawares," -'Crta/« 0/ the ^Jlicnutinn of the- Dehwares an J S/m!c- 

Tennsyhania History, IV (July, 1937), 139-52; the purchase atiese InJuins from the 'British Interest (London, 1759), 30. 

of 1732 was acknowledged and confirmed in 1733 and 1742; =-The original manuscript of this treaty is in the Pcnn- 

Ta.Jlrch.,\, 344-47, •Pj.C.^., Ill, 5" 1-13. 577.607; W. R. sylvania State Library, Provincial Papers, VI, VII; •?.;. .frch.. 

I, 494-98- 

^^Tennsyhania gazette, Oct. 7-14, 1736. 

Temisylvafiia, I/j6~l/'62 

signed at Philadelphia by only a few of tlie chiefs who had remained in town, a 
statement accepted by subsequent liistorians."' It was, however, signed by ten of tlie 
principal chiefs after Weiser had fully explained its terms to them; in it tiiey 
extended the area purchased to the Delaware River below the Kittatinny Hills and 
also agreed not to sell lands in Pennsyhania to any but the proprietors or their 
deputies. James Logan had urged Weiser to secure this amplification of tlie hrst 
deed in an effort to forestall a Jersey Delaware, Nutimus, who claimed lands w hich 
his tribe had already sold. The Indians debated all day before making the second 
release. "It went very hart," wrote Weiser to Logan, "about syning over their right 
upon delaware becaus they sayd they liad nothing to doe there about the land, they 
war afaired they Shoud doe any thing a mis to their gosens [cousins] tlie dela- 
wars.""" This concern, however, did not prevent some of the same chieftains from 
dictating "in a very earnest manner" a message that they desired Weiser to take 
down paragraph by paragraph and con\ey to the proprietors and James Logan. The 
latter, in asking Weiser to secure the deed of October 25, had intimated that he had 
intended to broach the matter at the treaty. Now the Indians, usually so punctilious 
about conducting business at the Council Fire in Philadelphia, dictated with a 
sardonic touch a petition covering some things they "had forgot to mention at the 
treaty." These questions concerned their claims for compensation for lands in Vir- 
ginia and Maryland, a matter plainly set forth in the treaty but evasively answered. 
But their petition also contained a serious warning: "We desire further of our 
Brethren Onas and James Logan never to buy any land of our cousins the Delawares 
and others whom we treat as cousins. They are people of no virtue and have nowhere 
a iire burning and deal very often unjust with our friends and brethren the English. 
Let it be manifest to all people that if so be the Delawares our cousins offering to sell 
any lands to the Europeans that no Body may buy it of them, for they have no Land 
remaining to them; and if they offer to sell they have no good design." '" Although 
this message was sent in the name of all of the Six Nations, only four chiefs signed it. 
Probably the others at Tulpehocken were "afaired they Shoud doe anything a mis 
to their gosens." 

The proprietors were much pleased with the two releases, but more so with 
this statement about the Delawares. "What gives me a Particular pleasure," wrote 
John Penn to James Logan in thanking him for his assistance in making the pur- 
chases, "is the message they sent back with relation to the Indians about the Forks 
[of Delaware] that they had no Land to sell which agrees with our thoughts at 
Pennsbury, when wee believed them to be Jersey Indians who came over the River 
after the sale made to my Father and those Indians Removing Further into the 
Country upon it."" The proprietors were now definitely committed to the policy 
of cultivating the Six Nations and of giving recognition to their suzerainty over 

^-Thomson, op. cil., 32#. -»Pcnn Manuscripts, Affairs, I, 39. 

"Penn Manuscripts, Indian Affairs, I, 40; Pa. State Lib., -'Feb. 17, 1736/37; Penn Letter Book, I, 189; see also, 

Prov. Papers, VI, 63; Wallace, loc. cit., 14.7, citing Logan ibij., I, 185, for 1 letter from John Penn to Thomas Penn 

Papers, X, 65. on the same date, expressing similar views. 


Indian ^Affairs h 

the Pennsylvania tribes. It was the more costly policy, to them and to the province, 
but in the long view it was the safer. 

Believing that their father had already purchased the lands in the Forks of 
Delaware and having assurance that the Indians there had no right to sell, the 
proprietors nevertheless proceeded to complete the negotiations begun at Durham 
and Pennsbury in 1734 and 1735 for confirming the sale of 1686. This culmi- 
nated in 1737 in what has come to be known as the Walking Purchase. At a treaty 
held in Philadelphia in the summer of that year the Delawares "agreed that the 
land formerly purchased of their ancestors should be walked over in a day and a 
half's journey according to the former agreement.""* A trial walk had been made 
in 1735, the exact course was run by the shortest and best route a few days before 
the actual walk on September 19-20, 1737, the best walkers were chosen, and, 
while the point is not well established, it is probable that the courses of the release 
were interpreted to the advantage of the proprietors. In short, the purchaser made 
the best of his bargain. It has been claimed that fraudulent measures were resorted 
to by the proprietors in order to obtain the lands in the Forks of Delaware. The 
Indians, however, knew at the time of signing the release that those lands would be 
included and requested to be allowed to remain there. Their request was granted 
and the land thus set aside was still available in 1757 for their use. They made no 
complaint about the method of the walk for twenty years, and then only when they 
were seeking a casus belli after the fact. The proprietors doubtless would have pre- 
ferred to obtain the lands by geographical bounds, as being more precise and less 
troublesome, but they were bound by the terms of the deed of 1686. Finally, the 
detailed arrangements for the walk were made not by the proprietor but by two 
members of the Society of Friends of unimpeachable character, James Logan and 
James Steel. The generally accepted conclusion that the Walking Purchase had 
far-reaching consequences and a direct relation with the warfare of 1755— 1756 is 
even more tenuous than the charge of fraud and deception."" 

-*James Steel to Solomon Jennings, Aug. 31, 1737; Steel posed injustice on the part of the walkers." Of. cil., 102, 

Letter Book, II, 156; Penn Manuscripts, Indian Affairs, I, 46. citing Hazard, Register of Tennsyhania, V, 339; VI, 209#. 

^°The terms of the deed of release as agreed upon by and 337#. The proprietors set aside 6500 acres of land in the 

Logan. and Steel are set forth in Steel Letter Book, II, 157, Forks of Delaware for the use of the Indians and as late as 

Steel to Nicholas Scull, Sept. 6, 1737, ordering him to run 1757 Thomas Penn asserted that this land was still available 

the courses "some days before the time appointed" for the for them. Indeed, this tract was not cut up by surveys until 

Walk. Steel stipulated also that "No time or pains should be 1789. For an excellent treatment of this and other tracts in 

spared in making the proper discoveries both in respect to the the Forks, see A. D. Chidsey, Jr., "The Penn Patents in the 

place where the men are to begin their Walk and the shortest Forks of the Delaware," Viorthamfton Qounty Hut. and 

and best course they are to take in their journey." See also Qeneal. Soc. "Publications, II (1937), Table 8. The original 

W. J. Buck, History of the Indian Walk, 82#.; Steel Letter draft of this 1789 subdivision of the Indian Tract is in The 

Book, II, 75, 95, 96, 155, 157, 166; Penn Manuscripts, Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

Indian Affairs, I, 41. The copy of the confirming deed Buck, whose strongly prejudiced viewpoint affects the 

of release of August 25, 1737, as set forth in the last validity of his conclusions, states that the proprietors had 

cited source, does not agree in some important details with granted lands in the Forks prior to 1737. It is probably nearer 

that given in Buck, op. cit. (particularly in the bounds and the truth to say that surveys, which were not at the time 

in the names of the Indians); Ta. jtrrh., I, 541-43 (wherein patented, were made sub.scquent to the preliminary Walk of 

James Steel's name is repeated and the n.imcs of Jo. Tununi 1735 and prior to the final Walk of 1737; it was certainly 

and Cornelius are omitted). not the policy of the proprietors to grant lands within the 

Shepherd expresses the opinion that the subsequent com- Indian territory. See Richard Peters to [Zachary? ] Butcher, 

plaints of the Indians regarding the Walking Purchase were Feb. 10, 1737/38; Peters Letter Book, VIII. See also Penn 

"due far more to the presence of squatters than to any sup- Letter Book, I, 224, 227, 268-69. 

Tcfinsylvania, 1736-IJ62 

During the time that the Walking Purchase was being carried on by the 
proprietors' agents, the council, now under the direction ol Janies Logan as presi- 
dent, was debating matters of greater importance to the peace of the province and 
the good of the British interest. The Shawnee on the Susquehaiina had protested 
tlie purchase of the Susquehanna lands from the Six Nations and made overtures 
to certain French Indians. The council expressed amazement at this claim and 
declared that it was "entirely new and without any manner of foundation, those 
Indians having never before made the least Pretension of tiie kind."'" Never- 
theless, they were of opinion that "all possible means ought to be used to prevent 
their Defection and to keep them attached to the British Interest." This decision 
was influenced also by the fact that during the preceding winter Logan had under- 
taken at the request of Governor Gooch of Virginia to negotiate a peace between 
the Six Nations and the Cherokee and Catawba. Although this matter concerned 
the British interest more directly than it afTected Pennsylvania, the energy with 
which Logan and Weiser acted reveals their concern for matters beyond the borders 
of Pennsylvania. Weiser set ofT for Onondaga in the dead of winter, suffered almost 
unbelievable privation, and arrived "almost starved by Misrysand Famine."^' Even 
the Indians were surprised at his endurance — but the urgency of his journey at 
such a season impressed them with the importance of his message. He tendered the 
invitation of Governor Gooch to the Six Nations to meet the southern Indians at 
Williamsburg in a peace treaty and also the request from Pennsylvania for a cessa- 
tion of arms until the treaty could be held. The proceedings of this conference were 
impressive. The chiefs had been assembled with urgent haste and Takanuntv, an 
Onondaga who had attended the treaty of 1736, "spoke as a man of great authority 
and prudence, loud and slow and great silence and order was kept during the 
whole." He referred in affectionate terms to Onas and Logan, but said that the Six 
Nations could not go to Williamsburg "as there is no road to that place. We never 
travel through bushes to treaties of peace. It is too dangerous and we have no fire 
at Williamsburg . . . Such a thing can't be done in a corner, it must be done by 
public ffre." He therefore invited the governor of Virginia to the Council Fire at 
Albany, and agreed likewise to Pennsylvania's request for a cessation of arms, 
promising to suspend hostilities for one summer and one winter. He also desired 
the governor of Pennsylvania to attend the treaty, for, said Takanunty, "the gov- 
ernor of Virginia is a particular friend of the Southern Indians and we must 
needs have one of our particular friends on our side." Messengers were dispatched 
with speed to all of the Six Nations proclaiming the cessation of arms; and Weiser, 
his heroic mission successfully concluded within a week after his arrival, set out 
immediately to carry the news back to Pennsylvania. Pennsylvania's Indian policy 

^"P.^.f./J., IV, 203-20+, 233-3;, 342. ihe actual negotiations at Onondaga than is given in J. S. 

"Conrad Weiser to Richard Peters, March i;, 1754, Walton, £""'■"' "'««"- ■"••' 'he InJun PrAicy of Tenmyl- 

printed in Suiquehmnah Qomfun-j Tafers, I, 63-66. Weiser's vania, 35-43, who evidently ufed not the journal itself but 

narrative of this remartable diplomatic mission is in Penn Weiser's remarks about the trip as set down subsequently; 

Manuscripts, Indian Affairs, I, 42, which includes more of Tenn. !Mag. Hist, and 'Biog.,1, 163-67. 


Indian jtffairs in 

had taken on the aspect of international diplomacy, and her frontier diplomat was 
a man in whom reliance could be placed. ^^ 

The following five years, however, found Weiser engrossed in religious inter- 
ests. James Logan continued to guide Indian affairs during this comparatively 
peaceful period. His aging hand was capably supported by two newcomers to the 
circle of proprietary officialdom, Richard Peters as secretary in 1737 and George 
Thomas as governor in 1738, each of whom seemed to have a natural ability to 
deal with the natives. Their immediate problems concerned no more urgent matters 
than the maintenance of friendly relations with local tribes. Sassoonan, aged and 
very weak, brought a number of the older men of the Delawares to Philadelphia 
in October, 1738, to see the new Onas and "in the path between him and us . . . 
remove every little stick or Grub." If there were any thorny obstacles in the path, 
Sassoonan, always quick to recognize them, made no mention of them. He had in 
1 73 1 complained of not being compensated for his lands, but now, a year after the 
Walking Purchase, he apparently had no grievance. He made no exception to the 
governor's speech declaring that the sons of William Penn, "that Great and Good 
man ... as they have succeeded him in the Inheritance, so they have no less in 
affection and Tenderness for all your People, of which you have already received 
many Proofs." Instead he spoke of the perfect friendship and good understanding 
that had always subsisted between the Indians and the government — a friend- 
ship no doubt valued the more by the old warrior because of the matchcoat and 
hat, laced with silver, that Governor Thomas presented to him as a personal gift.'^ 

The Shawnee on the Ohio were at last responsive, but when they appeared 
in 1 739, having been repeatedly invited, James Logan's message to them was a stern 
reminder that they were newcomers to Pennsylvania, that they had entered into 
solemn engagements with William Penn in 170 1 to remain friendly to the English, 
that their own messages and other information showed they had been listening to 
French overtures, that they had evaded the invitations to return closer to their allies 
the Six Nations. The Shawnee protested their friendship and their eagerness to 
abide by the covenant of 1701, whereupon, departing from the usual custom, the 
governor laid before the chiefs another written treaty binding the Shawnee on the 
Ohio and those on the Susquehanna to maintain the union of friendship between 
tliem and the English. This they "freely and unanimously agreed to." They agreed 
that they would not "by any motives or persuasion be induced to join any Nation 
whatsoever" that should become an enemy of Great Britain. They also agreed to 
observe all of the articles of the covenant of 1701, one of which imposed a stricter 
limitation on their trade than the sons of William Penn ever required: that the 

'■''-Ta.C.R., IV, 145-46. This document, dated Sept. 27, ''■'■Peiiiisyhj/n.i gazelle, May 25-June I, 1738; Steel 

1737, and bearing the lesser seal of the province, is to be Letter Book, II, 182; I'ctcrs Manuscripts, I, 32; Rithard 

found in Peters Manuscripts, I, 31. Sec also James Logan to Peters Letter Book, IV, to the proprietors, April 10, 1739; 

Conrad Weiser, Aug. 6, 1737, informing him that Governor Ta.C.R-, IV, 307-308. 
Gooch was "highly pleased" with Wciscr's narrative; il/ij., 
I, $0. 

Tcmtsylvatiia, iyj6~iy6^ 

Shawnee could not sell their skins or other products to anyone beyond tlie bounds 
of the province. This covenant of 1739 was broken as readily as it was signed. It 
suggests, far more tlian the treaty of the Walking Purchase, a direct relationship 
with 1755." 

At a treaty held in Philadelphia in August, 1 740, Sassoonan, speaking for the 
Dclawares on the Ohio as well as for various other tribes, again found the "road 
very good and clear." But three months later another protest came Irom the Dcla- 
wares about their lands being taken from them and held witliout compensation. It 
was just ten years since Sassoonan had made a similar protest, but in the meantime, 
as the governor was able to remind tlic Dclawares, tlie area had been taken in by 
the two releases from the Six Nations in 1736 and by that of the Dclawares in 
1737 — and in addition the Six Nations had specifically requested the governor 
not to buy lands of the Dclawares for they had none to sell. Instead of allowing 
the matter to rest with this reply. Governor Thomas took a step that had important 
consequences. He advised the Indians of the approaching treaty with the Six 
Nations and said that the complaint concerning lands would be taken up then, and, 
he added, "The Dclawares may, if they please, at their own expense, come down 
at the same time and be present." There was in this apparently nothing more than 
a willingness to allow the Dclawares to see that their charge was fairly presented, 
and since the Indians were making the charge it did not seem reasonable to the 
council that they should be the guests of those defending it. The coming treaty 
was to be a large, important, and expensive one. There was another reason for 
holding the numbers down: some of the Six Nations had experienced a famine. "I 
find we are to have a goodly ragged and very hungry company," wrote James Logan 
just before the treaty opened, "but if Allummapis [Sassoonan] with any of his 
People be so indiscreet and thoughtless as to add themselves to the Crowd, I think 
all proper measures should be used to prevent their coming, for they may assure 
themselves at such a time when there are to be so many others, they will be most 
unwelcome." But in a postscript Logan added a significant sentence: "On a further 
thought I believe it may be proper enough that Allummapis with some few of his 
Council attend, for probably wc may have an important treaty."'" Did Logan 
anticipate what the Six Nations would say to Sassoonan and his people? 

In June, 17+2, Richard Peters authorized Weiser to meet the Indians "with 
what provisions you please and as far as you please." '' But when the more than two 
hundred men, women, and children of the Six Nations arrived in Philadelphia 
they were "most of them in a starving condition."" One hundred and eighty- 
eight of them, including twenty or thirty Dclawares, arrived at Stenton on June 29 
and Logan entertained them until next day. They then proceeded to Philadelphia 

"P-j.^./?., IV, 336-47, 501; Peters Manuscripts, 1,45,46. to Conrad Wciscr, Feb. 26, 1741/42, Peters Manuscripts, 

'^ James Logan to Conrad Weiser, June 10 and 28, 1742, I, 73. 
Peters Manuscripts, I, 84, 88; Tj.C-R., IV, 432-34, 443-47, ^'Junc 10, 1742, Peters Manuscripts, I, 8;. 

481, 501-502; Richard Peten to Thomas Penn, Oct. 8, 20 ''Richard Peters to Thomas Pcnn, July 9, 1742, Peters 

and 24, 1741, Peters Letter Books, IV and V; George Thomas Letter Boot, V. 


Indian Affairs in 

where they were joined by about forty Indians from Conestoga, "and soon after by 
Nootamis and his Company, who [complained] very heavily to their Uncles of 
their being cheated and abused" with respect to their lands/* 

The treaty was Canasatego's. The great Onondaga leader was at the height of 
his power. He had started out from the Onondaga Council with two other deputa- 
tions, one going to conclude a peace with the southern Indians and the other to 
Albany. He had concluded new alliances with distant tribes, and his actions at 
Philadelphia were those of a leader of a proud and imperious confederacy. He met 
Governor Thomas as an equal, and each entertained a respect for the other. The 
purpose of the conference was ostensibly for Pennsylvania to pay the Six Nations 
the moiety of the consideration for the releases of 1736, but of far more importance 
was the question of their attitude toward the English in the approaching war with 
France. On the latter head, Canasatego pledged whole-hearted support to their 
defensive alliances with the English. Peters was not convinced, for he observed that 
the deputation of Six Nations Indians that had gone to Albany had only pledged to 
remain neutral. But Logan, Governor Thomas, and the proprietors were delighted 
with this "excellent treaty." ^^ For Logan this pledge of support from Canasatego 
represented the culmination of his long desire. On July 1 1 he wrote an urgent letter 
to Weiser, asking him to sit down with "some of the Chiefs and inform thyself as 
eflectuaUy as possible how it stands between them and the French, and more espe- 
cially what Nations of Indians at present in alliance with them, how many men for 
service in their judgment each nation consists of, and what their names and where 
and how they are Situate in respect to their own towns."*" He considered this 
inquiry "of such singular importance" that, despite his illness, he went to Phila- 
delphia to see that it was done. Weiser complied with his request, and thus it was 
probably through Logan that the information reached Dr. John Fothergill, who, 
early in 1743, edited it and brought out a London edition of the treaty. Thomas 
Penn's own copy of this London edition shows how carefully he recapitulated on 
the flyleaf the total strength of the Six Nations and their allies and tributaries. 
Canasatego supplied an impressive set of statistics for English consumption. 

The principal purpose of the treaty fulfilled, Canasatego broached other 
matters. He spoke of encroachments by the settlers on lands at Juniata. The gov- 
ernor prompdy issued a proclamation and took steps to have the squatters recalled. 
Canasatego reminded the governor of a promise made in 1736 to write to the 
governor of Maryland about Indian claims to lands in that province. The council 
immediately met and, genuinely alarmed, concluded that "should those Threats, 
in any sort, be put into Execution, not onlv the Inhabitants of Maryland, but of 
this Government, and all His Majesty's Subjects on the Northern Continent of 
America, may thereby be involved in much trouble." Canasatego's remarks were 

"James Logan to the proprietors July 12, 1742, Peters '"liiJ., I, 89. 

Manuscripts, I, 89. ^o/W., I, 88; Ta.C.R., IV, 586; Walton, of. cit., 72. 

*'Sce Bibliographical Notes in the Appendix. 

Temuylvania, iyj6-iy62 

less a threat than an ultimatum: "Let him [the governor of Maryland] say Tts or 
J\o.- If he says Tcs, wc will treat with him; if No, we arc able to do ourselves 
Justice." In reporting this to the proprietors, Peters said that "Colonel Thomas 
transmitted this request in the very words the Indians had used and mentioned what 
a powerful and resolute people the Six Nations were and how prejudicial it might be 
to the British Colonics to disoblige them at this time." *' 'Logan, Thomas, and 
Peters were determined to let nothing jeopardize the alliance they had striven so 
hard to obtain. 

This treaty was decisive in another respect: tiie arbitrary discipline exercised 
over the Delawares. This significant action was relegated to a minor paragraph in 
Peters' letter describing the treaty: "The Six Nations, at the instance of our Gov- 
ernor, have ordered the Delaware Indians to remove immediately off the Land in 
the Forks on pain of their highest displeasure." " Logan liad no l(>\e for "those 
vile ones from the Forks of Delaware" and he may have inspired ( Governor I'homas' 
request for their removal. This fateful step met with a surprisingly vigorous and 
perhaps undesired response. And it is doubtful if Canasatego's historic speech to 
the Delawares would have come with such insulting fury if the Onondaga sachem 
had not been in an authoritarian mood: it was just as easy and, under the circum- 
stances, far more dramatic to deliver an ultimatum to Sassoonan than to Governor 
Ogle of Maryland. At any rate, whether or not the proprietors' officials desired 
such a severe chastisement for the Delawares, a large part of the price of this treaty, 
along with the powder, lead and matchcoats, was the alienation of the Delawares, 
the full payment of which fell on the inhabitants thirteen years later. But in recog- 
nizing this, it must be remembered that the real aHenation of the Delawares had its 
origin long before in the deep-rooted hostility between the Six Nations, especially 
the Mohawk, and that tribe. Those who formulated the Indian policy of Penn- 
sylvania did not feel that hostility, but they did assume it when they chose the more 
powerful ally. As Scarouady the Half-King put it: "You can't live in the woods 
and stay neutral."" 

Thomas Penn was generous with his praise of Thomas, Logan, and Peters for 
accomplishing such a significant treaty. "I am glad the Treaty with the Indians is 
so well ended and everybody pleased with it," he wrote Richard Hockley, "which 
is somewhat very extraordinary at this juncture."^' But while the treaty was far 
more successful than that being conducted by Governor Clarke at this time, and 
marked the beginning of Governor Thomas' influence with the Iroquois, not 
everyone was satisfied. The Delawares were smarting under a taunting insult. And 
Weiser, who at Peters' suggestion had sounded the Six Nations about a new pur- 
chase of land, found the chiefs "unmoveably determined not to treat with agents, 
but with one of the proprietors from an imagination that the proprietors never leave 

"Richard Peters to the proprietors, .Aug. 25 and Oct. 17, ''^Wallace, he. cil., p. 145; Peters Manuscripts, I, 88. 

1742, Peters Letter Book, V; Pa.C.S., IV, 630. "Sept. 16, 1742, Penn Letter Book, II, 6; to George 

*^To Thomas Penn, .Aug. 25, 1742, Peters Letter Book, \'. Thomas, Sept. I 7, »ifV., II, 9-10. 

Indian Affairs 

the keys of their money chest behind them, or in other words that their agents 
would not be so generous as the proprietors themselves."'® Finally, the assembly 
was by no means pleased with John Kinsey's unofficial promise, made while that 
body was not in session, to have the public bear the maintenance charges for all but 
fifty of the Indians, and informed Kinsey that "he had no business to have engaged 
at all, and had he not given the governor expectations of the greatest part of the 
maintenance being defrayed at the Publick expence, they would not have allowed 
a farthing." '^ . 

There were other disturbing factors. While the treaty was in progress, Mary- 
land was alarmed by a war scare which evidently originated with the Shawnee, who , 
had apparently made overtures to the Maryland Nanticoke to join them in an-.- 
uprising. Governor Ogle had no sooner imprisoned a large number of the Nanti- 
cokes than Governor Thomas' express arrived with Canasatego's ultimatum. The 
Indians were immediately released and Ogle sent a conciliatory message back to 
the Six Nations. The chiefs at Tulpehocken on their way home promised to inquire 
into the matter, saying that the Nanticokes had been imposed upon by the Shawnee. 
The Delawares, too, despite their peremptory orders to leave the Forks of Dela- 
ware, were disposed to use every means to remain. The strategy they employed was 
to become Christians. Count von Zinzendorf and his Moravians, wrote Richard 
Peters, had had "a good deal of trouble with the Indians, Captain John in particular, 
who are converted or pretend to be converted to the Calvinistical scheme of 
religion, on purpose, as it is thought, to vex the Count and to be a plague to him, and 
those rascals, the Delaware Fork Indians wrote a letter some time ago to the Gov- 
ernor wherein they pray that as they are become Christians and of the same religion 
with the white people they may be permitted to stay on their Lands and not to 
remove to live with Heathens, though of their own nation, and have the impudence 
to subscribe themselves, 'Your Honour's brethren in the Lord Jesus.' They are now 
in Town to prosecute their petition and . . . the Governor intends to speak to them 
in a very severe manner and treat this their Application as a violation of the late 
Treaty, of which he will inform the Six Nations and expects they will all be cut of? 
... if they stay."" The petition was heard in council on November 20, 1742, and 
the Indians were put through the catechism. It appeared that they had "very little 
[knowledge of Christianity] if any at all." They were sternly reminded of the terms 
of the treaty and acknowledged the "Inconveniences they were reduced to by the 
ill Behaviour of the Delawares . , . and express'd Concern at the Conduct of their 

A more serious disturbance of the harmonious relations with the Six Nations 
appeared the next month when a skirmish occurred between the frontier inhabi- 

^"Richard Peters to the proprietors, Oct. 17, 1742, Peters ■'"Richard Peters to Thomas Penn Aug. 25 and Nov. 21, 

Letter Book, V. 1742, April 23, 1743, Peters Letter Book, V; Peters Manu- 

"Loc. cit., Penn Letter Book, II, 2-3, II, 17, 21-22, scripts, I, 76, 78, 90, 93, 94; Tenmyhania Qmette, Aug. 

30-31; Ta. Jtrch., 8th ser., "Votes and Proceedings of the 5, 1742. 

House of Representatives," IV, 2784-85, 2804-2805. *^Va.C.R., IV, 624-25. 


''Pennsylvania, iyj6-lj62 

tants of Virginia and a party of Iroquois. The Indians and the whites gave eon- 
flicting accounts of this engagement, each declaring the other was the aggressor. 
Wherever the aggression lay, Governor Thomas' liope that tlie treaty of 174:2 
"would have made us easy for some time to come as to all Indian affairs" was rudely 
shattered. But he acted promptly by offering to mediate between Virginia and the 
Six Nations. The assembly agreed to bear the expense ot such mediation, and 
Thomas at once sent Weiser to Shikellamy to notify "the Six Nations, the Shaw- 
anese and all the Indians in alliance with us that we shall continue to be faithful to 
our treaties with them so long as they observe them on their part, that we are 
extreamly sorry for the accident that has happened, and that we wish the Six 
Nations would rather endeavour to accomodate tlie matter witii the Governor of 
Virginia in an amicable way . . . and that I shall be glad to contribute all I can 
to bring it about." '^^ Thomas, in his message to the assembly on this affair, said that 
he thought the Six Nations would adhere to their treaty, but he entertained a differ- 
ent opinion of the Shawnee: "They are known to have a strong Attachment to 
the French, to be a perfidious People, and to have rendered themselves justly 
to be suspected by their Behaviour."'' On this affair Franklin's Pennsylvania 
Qazctte expressed the hope that "by the prudent interposition and mediation 
of this and the neighboring governments, a war may be prevented between 
those nations and Virginia." '' The Cjazette also quieted the false alarm that 
an action had occurred between some Pennsylvania Indians and traders on 
the Susquehanna. On September i, 17+3, the Qazette was able to announce 
that the misunderstanding over the Virginia skirmish "is now happily accomo- 
dated by the mediation of our Governor" and by Weiser's negotiations at 
Onondaga. "The Governor," wrote Richard Peters to the proprietors, "has had 
a great deal of trouble in Indian affairs and has shown in liis management a fine 
spirit and a very good understanding, insomuch that he is the favorite of the Indians 
and has more influence in the Grand Council of Onontaga than any Governor on 
the Continent. The Six Nations have made him the arbitrator of their differences 
with the government of Virginia, and the Governor of Virginia has lodged £100 
sterhng with our Governor as a present to the Six Nations, not for their land, but in 
testimony of their willingness to enter into friendship with them, and Conrad 
Weiser has been at Onontaga to inform the Six Nations of this favorable disposition 
of the Virginians and of their present. Whereupon the Six Nations have unani- 
mously agreed to bury the hatchet and have forbid their people to mention the 
late skirmish or anything about it, and they have agreed to treat with the Virginians 
at the same time they treat with Maryland, which is to be next spring on the Bank 
of Susquhanna near John Harris's Ferry. The Governor of Maryland has likewise 

'^''Thomas to Weiser, Jan. 26, 1742/43. Peters Manu- "7>d. .frch., 8:h scr., "Voles and Proceedings," IV, 

scripts, I, 104; see also I, 105, 106, 108, 1 10, III; Ta.Q.R., 2859-61. 

IV, 630-33; Richard Peters to Thomas Penn, Jan. 30 and '"-TcnmyhanU Q3zette,]i-n. 27, Feb. 2, March 31, 1743. 
Feb. [?], 1742/43, Peters Letter Book, V. 

Indian Affairs in 

made our Governor handsome Acknowledgments for his assistance in their trans- 
actions with the Indians, and Conrad is handsomely rewarded both by Virginia 
and Maryland for his indefatigable Pains and excellent Management." ""' Logan's 
policy had not only heightened the influence of the Six Nations but had also made 
Pennsylvania, under the hands of a capable governor, the chief arbiter in their 
relations with the English. 

Peters did not understate the matter when he said that the preliminaries 
to the treaty of mediation had given the governor a great deal of trouble. Both 
Virginia and Maryland denied that the Iroquois had any land claims in those 
provinces. Governor Gooch of Virginia insisted that the Indians were the aggressors 
in the skirmish, whereupon Thomas wrote him plainly, though graciously, that 
he thought he was mistaken. Thomas Cresap, who had given Pennsylvania so 
much cause for concern in the boundary dispute with Maryland, sought to have 
the scheduled Maryland treaty of 1743 held at his home, a move that Conrad 
Weiser promptly and effectively blocked. "The Pennsylvanians," wrote Daniel 
Dulany to Lord Baltimore, "have Shewn their Rancor to Mr. Cressap in a very 
Extraordinary manner."" In the same letter Dulany said he was "satisfied the 
Indians had no thoughts of making any demands for lands in this Province till Mr. 
Logan or his Emissarys Infused a notion into their heads that they had some pre- 
tensions." The Maryland commissioners appointed to negotiate the treaty of 1744 
thoroughly distrusted Weiser and infected the Virginia commissioners with their 
feelings. "Before we left Annapolis," wrote the latter, "there was an express from 
Conrad Weiser, with an Artfull Letter relating to the Indian Affair, which they say 
is Logan, tho Weiser Signs it." '" Cresap had not helped to smooth the negotiations 
when he told a deputation of Indians from the Six Nations that the battle in 
Virginia was between the Scots-Irish, who had removed from Pennsylvania and 
settled without obtaining patents from the Government of Virginia and that the 
battle happened with them and the Indians without the knowledge of the Gov- 
ernor of Virginia.""" It is evident, therefore, that the embittered boundary dispute 
between Maryland and Pennsylvania complicated the issues involved in the treaty. 
There may be, too, some ground for Dulany's charge against Logan in the fact 
that the releases secured from the Six Nations in 1 736 extended all the way to the 
mouth of the Susquehanna River. These releases were not published at the time, 
but in the printed minutes of the treaty of 1 742 the terms were changed to read : 
"as far South as this Province extends"; and when Franklin was furnished infor- 
mation respecting the purchase, he printed in the gazette all of the bounds except 
the southern one." Governor Gooch also wrote that the Virginia commissioners 

"Oct. 3, 1743, Peters Letter Book, VI; Peters Manu- Kvelyn Abraham; Peters Manuscripts, I, 113, 114, 115, 117, 

scripts, I, 120; Tennsyhania Qazette, June 9 and Sept. i, 118, 119, 121; II, 5. 

1743. ''•''R. Alonzo Brock, cd., "Journal of William Black, 

"June 16, 1744, Calvert Papers, Maryland Historical \-] 1,1,," Te7in. C\lag. oj Hist. arWBwg^X, z-i,%, faisim. 

Society. This quotation was generously given to me by Miss '^"Peters Manuscripts, I, 122. 

'•''Tcnmytvunia Qazette, Oct. 7-14, 1736. 

Tcnusylvafiia. IJjd-iyd. 

objected to tlie time and place of meeting. It was e\en necessary for Peters to get 
Weiser to interview Jolm Kinsey, speaker of the assembly, and to represent to him 
the necessity for appropriating expenses for the goNcmor lo atteiul the treaty 
that he had done so much to bring about, for, he wrote Thomas l\iin, "as I am 
afraid, from those gentlemen's [the commissioners'! ignorance of Indian affairs 
and from their being in some measure under the influence of Cresap who has been 
medling on the part of Maryland, that there may be some misunderstandings." 
Weiser did this and Kinsey promised to "represent the thing fairly and fully to 
the Assembly." " Finally Weiser threw consternation into the governor and Peters 
by becoming ill on the eve of the treaty. When the commissioners finally arrived 
late in May, 1744, Peters was not optimistic: "Two Commissioners and seven 
flaming fine gendcmcn are arrived here from Virginia and will stay till the Indians 
come to Lancaster, who are expected there every day. I wish the ensuing treaty 
may end well, but I very much doubt it, being afraid of the narrowness and hauglit- 
iness of the Virginians and Marylanders, which, added to their unacquaintedness 
with Indian affairs, make but a poor prospect. If anything turns out favorably, it 
must be owing to the influence our Governor is like to acquire by his spirit, cheer- 
fulness, and lively conversation, for which the Virginia gentlemen express high 
admiration and seem extremely well pleased with him. Colonel Lee, a high man in 
his own country, and Colonel Beverly are at the head of the Commission. Mr. 
Jennings and Mr. Phil. Thomas and two others are to manage for Maryland, and 
our Governor, Mr. Lawrence and Mr. Taylor go up with £300 voted by the 
Assembly for a Present besides Charges." °" 

Though Peters lamented the ignorance of the commissioners concerning 
Indian affairs, it was probably this unfamiliarity of the Southerners with the pictur- 
esque diplomacy of the Indians that caused one of them, Witham Marshe, to give 
us the clearest and most vivid picture we have of such proceedings — the formalities 
and marks of precedence, the dancing and singing of the Indians, the banqueting, 
the curiosity of the townspeople. Marshe's journal describes not only one of the 
most interesting but also one of the most crucial of all the treaties, and he gives the 
only pen picture available of Canasatego, now returned, more powerful than ever, 
to receive the answer to his ultimatum of two years' standing: "a tall well-made 
man" who had "a very full chest and brawny limbs. He had a manly countenance, 
mixed with a good-natured smile. He was about sixty years of age, very active, 
strong, and had a surprising liveliness in his speech."*" By the time the conference 
closed, Canasatego was more splendid than ever, clothed in a scarlet camblct coat 
presented to him by the Virginia commissioners and in a gold-laced hat given by 
those from Maryland. 

^'Richard Peters to Thomas Penn, March 7, 1743/44, Manuscripts, II, 12, 14; Tenniykanu Qj^tie. June 21, July 

Peters Letter Book, VI; Peters Manuscripts, II, I, 2, 3, Jan. 12, 1744. 

1 1 and Jan. 20, I 743/44. °° W. H. Egle, ed.. Journal of the trtafj at Uncailtr in 

"Richard Peters to Thomas Penn, May 31, 1744, Peters /7./V ■ • ■ h W'lham Marihe (Lancaster, 1884), p. 12. 
Letter Book, VI; same to same, June 7, 1744, ibU.; Peters 

Indian tAjfair 

The critical importance of the treaty was enhanced by the news of the 
declaration of war against France received a few days before the Indians arrived. It 
was now imperative that they should be pledged to maintain their promise given 
in 1742 to support the English. Thomas Penn urged Governor Thomas to secure 
a positive declaration from the Indians and to send him a copy of the treaty by the 
first conveyance that he might print it "and give copies to the ministers that they 
may see the care you have taken of those provinces and the credit our Government 
has with the Indians."" The treaty was wholly successful in renewing the alliance 
with the Six Nations, in adjusting the claims of the Six Nations to lands in Maryland 
and Virginia, and in promoting peace negotiations between them and the southern 
Indians. There can be Httle doubt that, in the face of jealousies existing between 
all three of the provinces represented, the success of the treaty was largely due to 
the conciliatory diplomacy of Governor Thomas. Thomas Penn expressed great 
pleasure that the governor had brought the treaty "to so happy a conclusion," 
but at the same time he attributed some of the success to the proprietors' policy: 
"Though I shall never be inclined to lessen Mr. Thomas's Merit in every thing, 
it has been primarily owing to the just & kind Methods that my Father observed 
in his transactions with [the Indians] and our acting on that Plan ever since." *^ 

More than once the treaty seemed destined to certain failure. At the very 
beginning Thomas Lee gave Weiser thirty pistoles to induce the Indians to nego- 
tiate with Virginia first, they having determined to begin with Maryland as being 
the first government that had invited them. Lee claimed the preference since Vir- 
ginia was the older colony. Canasatego replied that "they would not put such 
an affront on Maryland as to postpone them to Virginia. It was nothing to them 
who was the oldest colony. If the Governor, as mediator . . . would order it so, 
they would act by his directions and then Maryland would know who put the 
affront upon them. When Colonel Lee saw their firmness and that the Governor 
Would not interfere they proceeded to the treaty and Maryland spoke first." 
This led to an embarrassing moment at the first meeting. Canasatego, probably 
as a diplomatic gesture, turned to Governor Lee and said that the Indians had 
"nothing to say to him at this time" — at which point Weiser paused in his interpre- 
tation and "Colonel Lee, in an haughty manner interrupted him and said 'Then 
tell them if they have nothing to say to us we have nothing to say to them,' which 
occasioned a sort of confusion in Conrad Weiser, and after a little time Canassatego, 
repeating what he had said, Conrad Weiser interpreted the whole sentence in the 
manner it stands in the treaty." Whereupon Lee thought Canasatego had said the 

"'Thomas Penn to George Thomas, May 5, 1744, Penn the entering into a treaty with Indians, and I am fully con- 
Letter Book, II, 89; to Peters, June 4, iliiJ., II, 94. vinced without your mediation they never would have brought 

"-Thomas Penn to Richard Peters, June 7, 1745, Penn it to 3 happy conclusion, though it is a matter of the greatest 

Letter Book, II, 129. Governor Thomas received the follow- consequence to the English interest in North America in 

ing appreciative comment from Penn: "I am very well assured general, as well as ours In particular." March 7, 1744/45, 

the commissioners without you would not have come to an Penn Letter Book, II, 118; see also, iiiJ., II, 98-gg, 102; 

amicable agreement, as I know the haughty behaviour of the Ta.Q.R., IV, 680-85. 
gentlemen of a certain country, a very improper ingredient in 

Pennsylvania, iy^6—Ij62 

Indians' had no land claim on Virginia, but that Wciscr had given the sense wrong 
and he ordered Weiser not to "mention a word of the land to the Indians." When 
Weiser learned of Lee's suspicion, lie declined to sit in the Indians' counc ils as he- 
was accustomed to do. This created some uneasiness among the Indians and about 
thirty of them came to Peters. There Canasatego "complained they were ili-used 
by the Virginia strangers who had been so indiscreet as to tell them tliey were come 
to be paid for land they had no right to. They said it was not likely they should 
agree with Virginia or Maryland and . . . that should tliey cjuarrcl witli the com- 
missioners they desired I would inform the Governor tiiat they would manage 
that quarrel so as not to prejudice Pennsylvania and to assure Brother Onas that 
they had a grateful sense of his friendship and honorable dealing with them and 
would . . . take his country into their care and prevent any harm from coming to 
it." *^ Peters diplomatically explained the indiscreet remarks of the young Virginia 
gentlemen and assured the Indians that the commissioners were well disjiosed. They 
then asserted their right to one-half of Weiser and desired him to sit in their coun- 
cils; this request they made in Peters' presence and enforced with a bottle of gin. 
Weiser accepted this urgent invitation. A more serious breach occurred when the 
commissioners, thinking the Indians' claim to lands unsound, determined "to bury 
it with an high hand and try if they could not fright the Indians into a renunciation 
of their claims in Virginia." "In this temper," wrote Peters, "the Commissioners 
. , . came to Philadelphia and in their first conference with the Governor treated 
the Indians with great contempt, spoke in rapturous terms of Colonel Spotswood's 
management at Albany and proposed to imitate his example. The Governor gave 
them full scope to vent all they had on their minds of this sort and that in a 
strain between raillery and earnest, he played their hero Spotswood off and was 
able to give them such a history of that treaty as put Spotswood into the contempt- 
uous light they endeavored to place the Indians in. In two or three days he brought 
them to alter their opinions, and when he had convinced their understandings, he 
then showed them Colonel Gooch's letters wherein he had in express terms agreed 
to pay the Indians for their lands" and had solicited his and Governor Clarke's good 
offices to this end."'' Lee in the meantime had been writing to the commissioners 
for Indian affairs at Albany to get an interpreter to replace Weiser and also to 
inquire about the Indians' land claim. To the first request the commissioners at 
Albany made no reply, but they inquired of the Iroquois concerning the land 
claim and found the Indians there made no such claim. Lee had also borrowed 
from Thomas all of Governor Gooch's letters, and when he received the reply from 
the Albany commissioners he returned these letters to Colonel Bex'crly to gi\c to 
Thomas, "and the Governor looking them over the moment Colonel Beverly left 
the room, he found all returned except that one which contained Colonel Gooch's 

"Richard Peters to Thomas Penn, Aug. 2, 1744, Peters °'/i>V. 

Letter Book VI. 

Indian Affairs in 

promise to give the Indians satisfaction for their land." Both Lee and Beverly- 
asserted they had returned all the letters, but Peters and Thomas were "very well 
persuaded that Colonel Lee fraudulently kept back that letter that it might not 
stand in the way of their first project." ^^ However, Governor Thomas had kept 
a copy certified by Weiser, which he read before all the commissioners. "When 
the Commissioners of Maryland heard this they put Colonel Lee in the wrong and 
concurred very steadily and warmly with the Governor, who did not spare Colonel 
Lee, and at last it was agreed that the part of our Governor's speech relating to the 
satisfaction to be made to the Indians by Virginia for land should not be spoke but 
was agreed to be true and should be entered in the minutes." "This wrongheaded- 
ness created many disputes," concluded Peters.*^® 

A number of Friends attended this treaty, among them James Pemberton, 
who paid tribute to Governor Thomas: "Marylanders and Virginians seem to be 
Entire strangers to the Indians Disposition & was not our Governor here [I] believe 
no business would be done. They [the Indians] are but indifferently provided for 
and don't seem to like it."" He also spoke of Canasatego who was "so much 
admired for his Eloquence." Peters ranked the diplomacy of Canasatego above that 
of the commissioners: "I make no doubt that the Indian treaty will give everyone 
pleasure that reads it and as the Indians really appear superior to the Commissioners 
in point of sense and argument, it will raise people's opinions of the wisdom of the 
Six Nations and give the government at home higher notions of their consequence 
than they could have before." *^ Governor Thomas, being a man of sense himself, 
said that Colonel Lee was: and the Virginia commissioner, finding his suspicions of 
Conrad Weiser turned into genuine admiration for the Indian diplomat, proved 
himself one. On his return to Virginia he opened up a spirited correspondence with 
Weiser, asking him numerous questions about the customs, manners, religion, 
social and civil institutions of the Indians, and concluding almost every letter with 
an urgent request to send the Indian songs that Weiser had promised. "You have so 
much trouble in these affairs," he wrote Weiser, "and have done the King and the 
three colonies so much service, with faithfulness to the trust the Six Nations have in 
you, that I think you ought to have a pension for life." "'' 

The treaty was not only one of the most important ever held in Pennsylvania 
but one of the most effective. The Six Nations had promised neutrality during King 
George's war. And in the agreement to pursue efforts to conclude a peace between 
the northern and southern Indians, the influence of Weiser and Thomas was felt 
and appreciated even in South Carolina. When Governor Gooch urged peace upon 
the Catawba, they replied that they earnestly desired it but as their own overtures 

^^Ihid. ''Richard Peters to Thomas Penn, Feb. 8, 1744/45, 

^'^Ibid.; William Gooch to George Thomas, Feb. 8, Peters Letter Book VI. 

1742/43, Peters Manuscripts, I, 109. *°Thomas Lee to Conrad Weiser, Aug. 30, 1744, Peters 

*' James Pemberton to Israel Pemberton, Sr., June 24, Manuscripts, II, 19. See also Penn Letter Book II, 98-99, 

1744, Pemberton Papers, 111, 120. 99-100; Peters Manuscripts, II, 22, 39, 40, 60, 70, 71, 78. 

Tennsylvania. I7j6—iy62 

had been met with insult, they desired Governor Thomas and Weiscr to induce tlie 
Six Nations to recall their warriors. Thomas again accepted the role of mediator 
and Weiser again made an arduous journey to Onondaga in behalf of the British 
interest, although neither Thomas, Weiser, nor the Six Nations had any faitii in 
the sincerity of the Catawba plea. Addressing hiniself to "Honest Conrad," Thomas 
wrote as to one who had a better appreciation of Indian policy and its requirements 
than the King's ministers: "It has indeed been a reproach upon the King's Govern- 
ments in North America that they have not interposed more effectually with 
Nations of Indians that are equally under the King's protection. I am convinced 
that the Six Nations are as desirous of peace as the Catawbas, but by the confession 
of the latter they have been treacherously dealt with. . . . With a little of your good 
management . . . the Six Nations may be brought to send deputies to meet some of 
the Catawbas at a third place." '" "Our Governor," wrote Richard Peters, "is every- 
where acknowledged to have the greatest influence over the Councils of tiie Six 
Nations that has ever been acquired, and it is happy for us and our neighbors that 
it is so." ' ' The center of Indian influence had shifted from New York to Pennsyl- 
vania; at this time the Indian commissioners of Albany, under the control of the 
DeLancey faction of the Assembly, felt their authority undermined by Go\ernor 
Clinton's promotion of Colonel William Johnson, and amid such conflicting 
counsels the Indians could And no authoritative voice as in Pennsylvania.'" But 
Johnson, probably the greatest of all Indian agents, would soon be heard. 

Canasatego and his two hundred and hfty followers returned to Onondaga 
laden with gold and goods, lavished on them more liberally than at any other treaty. 
They had promised to remain neutral during the war, but the governor of Canada 
had invited them to Montreal, and they had accepted his invitation. In so doing 
they entered upon four years of struggle to preserve their neutrality. As long as 
they could maintain their precarious balance of power, being courted on either 
side, they could continue to command expensive gifts, continue to deliver threats 
and force compensation for land claims based upon flimsy rights. Canasatego, 
powerful as he was after meeting on equal terms the deputies of three colonies, had 
a difficult role: while struggling to maintain the balance of power between England 
and France, he was faced with a similar struggle within his own far-flung con- 
federacy. For on his eastern hand were the Mohawk, under the influence of 
Johnson willing to hght with the English; on the western end of the Iroquois 
Long House were the Seneca, strongly inclined to fight with the French under 
the influence of the Joncaires. Still farther to the west, on the Ohio, were the 
Shawnee, whom the Six Nations had not drawn in as Logan had repeatedly sug- 

"Jan. 31, 1744/45, Peters Manuscripts, II, 23. See aUo, "Richard Peters to TTiomas Pcnn, Feb. 8, 1744/4;, 

TennsyhanU Quelle, Aug. 2 and 23, Nov. 8, 1744; William Peters Letter Book \'l. 

Gooch to George Thomas, Nov. 22, 1744, Peters Manuscripts, '^cj^.^Uj^^r Golden, MS. "Present State of the Indian 

11, 24, with enclosure of message from the Catawaba and .Affairs," Pcnn Manuscripts, Indian Affairs, I, 79. 
Thomas' reply, ibid., II, 25, 26; and Thomas' instructions to 
Weiser, Hid., II, 29. 

Indian ^Affairs in 

gested, and now Peter Chartier had won over a considerable body of them to the 
French, an act which brought Chartier attainder of treason from Pennsylvania but 
which weakened Canasatego's following. In the center his own Onondagas, 
flanked by the Cayugas and Oneidas, were strongly in favor of the neutrality 
policy: their thirst for war — along with their military strength — was being less- 
ened by continued warfare with the southern Indians. Canasatego won his struggle, 
except for some desertion among the Mohawk to the English and some among 
the Seneca to the French. He won it against the combined efforts of Pennsylvania, 
New York, and the New England colonies. But the victory left his people with 
only a portion of their former power: after Aix-la-Chapelle the fulcrum of the 
balance shifted from Onondaga to the Ohio. 

The issue before the Albany treaty of 174.5 was that which Thomas Penn 
hoped would have been settled at Lancaster in 1744: a declaration of war by the 
Six Nations against the French. Two of the three commissioners appointed from 
Pennsylvania were members of the assembly and of the Society of Friends and 
while Governor Thomas, following Penn's directions, expressed a personal pref- 
erence to have them "join with the Government of New York in urging the United 
Nations to an open Declaration against the French, & in promising them in that 
case an Aid of Men, Arms, & Ammunition for their Defence," '* he did not venture 
to make this a part of the commissioners' instructions as the assembly might not 
agree and might decline voting supplies for the Indians. The commissioners were 
instructed to take up with the Six Nations other matters that were regarded as viola- 
tion of the neutrality agreed upon at Lancaster: the continued warfare with the 
southern Indians in disregard of the promise of a cessation of arms made to Weiser 
at Onondaga the preceding spring; the robbery of some Pennsylvania traders com- 
mitted by Chartier on the Ohio; and especially the report that the Six Nations 
had received a wampum belt with a hatchet woven into it from the French gov- 
ernor at Montreal.^* 

The Treaty of Albany of 1 745 furnished a good example of inter-colonial 
jealousies — and of Canasatego's sagacity. The Pennsylvania commissioners 
declined to join with Massachusetts in urging an outright declaration of war; in 
the New York version of the treaty they are recorded as urging their religious prin- 
ciples as a reason and as stating that, while they would treat with the Indians sepa- 
rately on matters affecting Pennsylvania, they would say nothing to them contrary 
to what was agreed upon for the general interest, but "rather to enforce and give 
aid to it by observing to them the union of these several colonies." In their own 
report to Governor Thomas they omitted the religious motive but gave other rea- 
sons. From the beginning of the treaty the Indians displayed a resentment toward 

"'^Ta.Q.R; IV, 775-77; Thomas Penn to George Thomas, scripts; Indian Affairs, I, 49-5O; Tennsykwiia qazetle, May 

May 5, 1744, Penn Letter Book, II, 90. 16, Aug. i, Sept. 12 and 19, 1745; 6i_.T. Q-'D., VI, 289- 

'^Instructions to the commissioners, T'.j. (;.^., IV, 775-77; 305; Peters Manuscripts, II, 30, 36, 37, Peters to Thomas 

their report, ibid., V, 7-26; Wciser's journal, Penn Manu- Penn, May 5, 1 745, Peters Letter Book, VI. 


^Pennsylvania, 1736-I762 

Governor Clinton and a strong antipathy toward the New Englanders. Wlien 
Clinton angered them by seeking privately to discover the originator of the rumor 
that the English were about to cut off the Mohawk, Weiscr smoothed over the 
difficulties. When Clinton asked them about the Montreal treaty, Canasatcgo gave 
a categorical denial, but he was franker with the Pennsylvania ccjmmissioners and 
even more so with Weiser. The Indians were quick to notice the conflicting 
counsels of the various commissioners, and Gmasatego urged them to be united in 
speech. When they noted the absence of tiie Pennsylvania commissioners the day 
the hatchet belt was thrown at their feet by Clinton, they inquired of Weiser the 
reason for it: "I told them that I could not well tell their reasons but believe it was 
because they were peaceable people and quite averse to war and did not care to 
see the Indians engage in a war on behalf of either of the contending powers, but 
chose they should altogether remain neuter and observe punctually what was 
agreed upon at the treaty of Lancaster last year." Canasatcgo revealed to Weiser 
that he understood very well the Indians had no concern in the quarrel, that "tlie 
white people increasing saved themselves and . . . the Indians decreased," and that, 
as for taking up the hatcliet because Governor Shirley had declared war against 
the New England Indians, "the New England people were much worse tiian 
Indians for they made no more of killing an Indian, though in alliance with them, 
than they do to a dog."" When the Indians replied to Clinton's hatchet belt with 
the statement that they would deliberate on it, one of the Massachusetts commis- 
sioners, before all of the Indians, expressed dissatisfaction with the reply and said 
Massachusetts wanted "no Indians' satisfaction which would only consist in a 
couple of skins." Clinton replied warmly and two Massachusetts delegates joined 
in. Canasatcgo then urged the representatives of the colonies "to be all of one 
mind, one heart, and one body," a speech which the British Ministry would have 
echoed. "Everything by this time was in confusion," wrote Weiser, "and the 
Governor [of New York] answered the last two articles immediately out of hand 
without consulting the commissioners, at which the Indians were altogether dis- 
pleased. The Governor begun to hurry away and the Indians asked him for a barrel 
of beer to drink. He damned them and said he ordered them some the other day." 
But he gave them the beer. 

The treaty had secured a contingent promise from Canasatcgo to take up 
the hatchet, and Clinton had "made large promises ... of assisting them with 
ammunition, clothes, and provisions and in short the interpreter added all what- 
ever they wanted."'* Thomas Penn, who consistently regarded any action urging 
the Indians to war without giving them support as a sort of betrayal, was angered 
at this. He was even more concerned because Governor Gooch of Virginia had lost 
interest in bringing about peace between the Six Nations and the southern Indians, 
a negotiation which was not furthered at this Albanv conference. As for Clinton's 

"See Weiser's journal, fou. '"'IbU. 


Indian tAjfairs in 

treatment of the Indians, he wrote: "I am much concerned the Governor of New 
York should act so ill a part by the Indians. While such an administration is con- 
tinued we must expect nothing but confusion."^' During the winter of 1745— 
1 746 continual reports came in that the Six Nations would join the French, and a 
report from the Minisinks led the frontier inhabitants to believe the province 
would be attacked as soon as the snows came. In presenting the commissioners' 
report to the assembly in January, 1746, Thomas expressed the opinion that "it 
seems next to impossible for them [the Six Nations] to maintain their Neutrality 
much longer." During the spring the governor sent Weiser to visit Shikellamy at 
Shamokin to learn the true status of affairs. The report was encouraging, but 
Thomas was dubious: "If Shekalimys account be true, we shall soon hear that 
the Six Nations have taken up the Hatchet against the French. I for my part do not 
believe that they will unless they could have the strongest assurances from all the 
colonies of being supported with everything necessary for carrying on the War. 
They know the people of New York too well to trust to their words only."^* But 
when Governor Clinton and the New England colonies kept pressing Thomas to 
attend another treaty in Albany to try once more to gain the Iroquois over, the 
governor went to the assembly. That body frankly told Thomas that "Men of our 
peaceable Principles cannot consistently therewith join in persuading the Indians 
to engage in the War." " Nevertheless, if a present would be of service and if the 
governor's health and business would permit him to attend in person, the assembly 
would be willing to pay the necessary expenses. Governor Thomas did not attend 
the treaty held in Albany in August, 1 746, but reports soon came back that, while 
the Six Nations had kept their promise of the year before and danced the war 
dance, they were ill treated, still unsatisfied about their land and other grievances, 
and only a small number of Mohawk and some of the younger warriors of the 
other nations entered with spirit into the expedition against Canada. "The account 
you give me," wrote Penn to Governor Thomas, "of the little care that was taken 
of the Indians at Albany, and also of their engaging them to declare war without 
a proper support, I am apprehensive will have very bad efTects, and estrange those 
people from us." *" 

It was at this treaty that William Johnson came into prominence; the Albany 
board of Indian commissioners ceased to function, and Johnson took sole charge 
of Indian affairs in New York. While Johnson's power was in the ascendancy, 

"Thomas Pcnii to George Thomas, Feb. i, 1745/46, war before they are sure to be well supported." Penn Letter 

Penn Letter Book, II, 151 ; iiU., II, 143, 146, 149, 150, Book, II, 212. 

155, 158; Peters Manuscripts, II, 43, 44, 51, 53, 54, 55; "George to Conrad Weiser, May i;, 1746, 

Tennsyhania Qazette, June 26, 1746; George Clinton to Peters Manuscripts, II, 56; !MJ., I!, 46, 48, 49, 50, 57, 58, 

George Thomas, Aug. 24, 1745, Peters Manuscripts, II, 41; 59, 63, 68; Te/insyhaiiin gazette, Dec. 24, 1745; Penn 

Ta.C.R., IV, 770. On Oct. 16, 1747, Penn wrote to Peters; Letter Book II, 164; Ta. Q-R-, V, 1-2, faaitm Richard Peters 

"I think it is really to be wondered at that the Governors to the proprietors, Nov. 19, 1747, Peters Letter Book VII. 
of New York and New England should be made to believe "P^.f./J., V, 4();Ten/rsyh,wia gazette, July 3, 1746. 

the Six Nations have declared war against the French, unless *"'Thomas Penn to George Thomas, March 5, 1 746/47, 

they saw it was done by order of their united Council; I Penn Letter Book, II, :8o; /V«V., II, 168, 172; ^.r.f.©., 

should be much concerned to see these people so exposed to V'l, Ji-jff.; Walton, of. ril., nbjf.; Teiiiisylvaiiia gazette, 

the resentment of the French, as they must be, if they declare Jan. 28, 1745/46; Sept. 4, 1746. 


Temtsylvatiia, 1736-176. 

Pennsylvania's influence in Indian affairs began to decline. CJovernor Thomas, in 
ill health, departed for England in 1 7+7. Logan died in 1751. Weiser lost much of 
his influence with the Iroquois upon the death of the old warrior Shikellamy in 
1748, and he was now disgusted with Indian affairs anyway. Canasatego died in 
1750, being succeeded by a Catholic convert and a Imcik h sympathizer. The strong 
coterie of able Indian diplomats who iiad shaped Pennsylvania policy for the past 
ten years was disintegrating, and a new group was coming into power, dominated to 
a large extent by the growing prerogative of the assembly: of the older group only 
Peters was left, a tower of strength for the proprietors' policy. The Six Nations, too, 
after the death of their strong leader came under new influences: Ikndrick Peters, 
the Moh;iwk chieftain, was now in the ascendancy and directly under the shadow of 
Colonel Johnson. The Iroquois now looked more to New York than to Pennsyl- 
vania. But in Philadelphia attention was turning to the West, not merely to the 
Forks of the Ohio, but beyond to the rich fur regions of the Michigan peninsula, 
to the Scioto and even to the Wabash. Trade, the western lands of the province, 
and military strategy were the magnets that drew attention to that all-important 

"The accession of the Nations of Indians on the Lakes," Thomas Penn wrote 
Peters on October 16, 1 747, "is a matter of great importance, and if they are sincere 
may be a means in time to prevent the communication between Canada and Missis- 
sippi."" James Logan had long ago sensed the importance of the western lines of 
communication. Weiser likewise, having an expert knowledge of the wcstwartl shift 
of Indian power, realized the need of cultivating tribes several hundred miles west 
of Philadelphia. But the chief impetus came from the traders in the West and of 
these George Croghan, an Irish immigrant of barely six years' standing, was the 
acknowledged leader. 

The French ministers had also turned their eyes to the West. The peace of 
Aix-la-Chapelle had barely been signed when the struggle for control of the peltry 
trade of the Ohio and Illinois country began — an economic conflict that merged 
almost imperceptibly into the final clash of arms that is usually regarded as having 
begun with Washington's adventure on the Ohio. Pennsylvania traders had firmly 
established themselves in this region during King George's War. Hanna lists, tenta- 
tively, nearly three hundred such traders, and Croghan was described as having 
"Stores on the Lake Erie, all along the Ohio ... all along the Miami River, and up 
and down all that fine country watered by the branches of the Miamis, Sioto, and 
Muskingham Rivers, and upon the Ohio from . . . near its head, to below the Mouth 
of the Miami River, an Extent of 500 Miles, on one of the most beautiful Rivers in 
the World." '" Pushing their pack-horse trains westward from Lancaster, along the 

»iPenn Letter Book, II, 211-12; ihid., II, 170, Walton, "-A. T. \olwllir, (.]eore^t {;ngh^,: aiiJ the. Weit:c:ird 

op. cit., I4.9#., Tenmy/canui Qjzette, July 16 anil Sent. 10. !Movemcnt, 38; Walton, op. ell.; C. A. Hanni, The Wilder' 

1747; Peters Manuscripts, II, 81. '«« Trail. 


Indian Affairs in 

Juniata-Conemaugh route to the Ohio, the adventurous traders — most of them 
hard-bitten characters who had little respect for English or Indian authority — 
carried their rum, cloth, knives, kettles, traps, lace, women's stockings ["red, yel- 
low, and green" preferred], jewsharps, whistles, looking glasses, and trinkets to the 
Delawares, Shawnee, Hurons, Wyandots, and the powerful Twightwee/^ These, 
as Franklin pointed out to the House of Commons in 1766, were English manu- 
factures. The chain of credit that sustained this trade extended from the Indian 
setting his trap for beaver on the Miami to the trader to the Philadelphia merchant 
to the London merchant to the English manufacturer: and if something occurred 
to prevent the Indian from setting the trap, its eflects would be felt all along the 
line.** That something occurred in 1749 when France began a determined eflort 
to recapture the trade that had been lost during the war. Bankruptcy, complicated 
relations with the Indians, and war followed. 

Philadelphia merchants had furnished the traders with capital and goods but 
the British navy had as much to do with establishing the Pennsylvania trader in the 
Ohio-IlHnois country as anything else. By controlling the seas, England made it 
almost impossible for French coureurs de hois to obtain articles for barter. Prices 
during the war advanced as much as one hundred and fifty per cent. The Indians 
were not long in finding out that a beaver skin would buy more from Pennsylvania 
than from French traders, and they even crossed the lakes in order to do business 
with them. The result was that tribes that had long been sympathetic to the French 
now turned to the English: as an extreme example, Weiser records an instance of a 
French trader offering a single charge of powder and one bullet for a beaver skin, 
whereupon "The Indian took up his Hatchet, and knock'd him on the head, and 
killed him upon the Spot." *^ Philadelphia merchants such as Shippen and Law- 
rence, Jeremiah Warder and Company, and others prospered as Croghan and his 
fellow traders prospered. 

This was the situation in the spring of 1 747 when Croghan wrote, and prob- 
ably inspired, a message supposedly coming from three Iroquois chiefs near Lake 
Erie, transmitting a French scalp, one of five taken near Detroit. About the same 
time Croghan wrote Peters that the Indians "Dwelling on the borders of Lake 
Arey" had turned to the English and that this afforded an excellent opportunity to 
gain further allies by means of a small present of powder and lead. Governor 
Thomas laid the matter before the assembly in June, and urged an appropriation, 
"as ... it may be of great service to encourage such Applications." *' Croghan, 
impatient at the delay, wrote on September 18 to one of his partners, Thomas 
Lawrence, a member of Council, and thereupon Lawrence's firm was authorized 
to lay out £200 for the purpose in suitable goods. It was at this juncture that a sig- 

*^VoIwiler, op. cit., 30. ^"lliU., 59-60; Ta. Jtrch., 8th ser., "Votes and Procccd- 

^*Ibid. ings," IV, 3 1 40; Tennsyhania Qazetle, June 4, 1747; Peters 

^^Ibid., 42. Manuscripts, II, 72, 79, 83, 84; Penn Letter Book, II, 214; 

Pa. State Lib. Prov. Papers, X, 17. 


Tetinsylvafita, IJjd-iyd. 

niticant turning point in Pennsylvania Indian relations was rcaehed : the apjiearance 
in Pliiladelphia of some Iroquois representing hve liundred Indians on the Ohio — 
the first official visit any Ohio Indians had ever made to Pennsylvania. The eouiuil, 
surprised, turned to Logan and Weiser for adviee. Had tliev known it, advice from 
the proprietors to the president and council, almost a month old, was on its wav: 
"Wc are well pleased to find by your minutes that some considerable nations of 
Indians on the lakes, are come over to the English interest and into confederacy 
with the Six Nations. We recommend it to vou to encourage such inclinations in 
them, and as you have given, that you will continue to give the necessary orders for 
keeping up a good correspondence with tiic several tribes with whom we are allied, 
and who having ever been faithful friends to us are justly entitled to our regard, as 
well as that in point of policy their further friendship may be of great use. We 
observe complaints Jiavc been made of tlie injustice of the Indian traders towards 
some of that poor people, and desire you will cause the most speedy and efi-ectual 
inquiry to be made into that business, that justice may be done to them, the most 
e.xact performance of which is the only basis on which a firm union can be estab- 
lished."*' Logan and Weiser both gave approval to the proposed present for the 
Lake Erie Indians, but Weiser felt the Indians of the upper Ohio deserved equal 
if not greater recognition. 

This treaty of November, 17+7, impressed Philadelphia. It was not such a 
grand spectacle as the city had seen in 1736 or 1742, with scores of men, women 
and children. There were only ten warriors present. There had been many con- 
ferences in past years larger than this but Franklin had not troubled to issue their 
proceedings in pamphlet form. This conference caught his imagination: not only 
did he print the treaty at once, but the 'Pennsylvania (gazette ran several accounts 
of the Indians and the messages of the governor and assembly relating to them. 
Logan wrote Weiser for detailed information concerning the warriors and their 

The head of this delegation was Scarouady, the Half-King. In a private con- 
versation he told Weiser that if Pennsylvania should give them encouragement, 
they intended to build a Council Fire on the Ohio in the spring, to which all the 
Indians around Lake Erie had already consented to come. But he insisted that "The 
Pennsylvania Government should be plain and tell them so, or should tell them that 
they would not encourage them, that they might know how to take their meas- 
ures.""" "The Council and indeed Mr. Logan," wrote Peters, "was at first of 
opinion that they should be told this government never advised them to take up the 
hatchet, that there was no kettle hung on in this province, that they were out of 
their road and should have gone to Albany, but in consideration of tiie scarcity and 

"Oct. 16, I- + -, Pcnn Letter Book, II, 214; Richard .Irrh.. I, 762; Ta.Q.R., W M«-3y; Pcnn Leiicr Book, II, 

Peters to the proprietors, Nov. 19, 1747, Peter; Letter 222, 224-2;; 'Pcnniylmnui Cjjzeiie, Nov. 12 and 19, Dec. 3 

Book VII. and I ;, 1747; Jan. 12, 1747/48- 

*"Log3n to Weiser, Nov. 13, 1747, Peters Manuscripts, ""Richard Pctcn to the proprietors, Nov. 19, 1747, Peters 

11, 85; James Logan Letter Book, 1748-1750, p. 3; Tj. Letter Bool, \'II. 


Indian Affairs in 

clearness of goods and many other difficulties incident to a time of war, they would 
make them a present of powder and lead and clothing. But on Mr. Weiser's report- 
ing the conversation had with the Indians that they expected at least to have their 
conduct approved, another sort of an answer was framed, such as you see in the 
copy." It was also debated whether a present should be sent to the Shawnee, but "as 
they had often been invited after their defection and return to come down to see 
the Governor and had never thought it worth their while to do so, on second 
thoughts it was judged better to let it alone till the spring, when Mr. Weiser (on his 
own motion, and to come to the true knowledge of all the Indians in those quarters) 
is to go to Ohio with a larger present to be distributed among all the Indians. If this 
turns out as is expected, this province will have a fine barrier to the westward." "" 

President Palmer warmly recommended that the assembly adopt Weiser's 
suggestion and provide funds for the present : "This is an extraordinary event in our 
favor which ought to be improved to the greatest advantage. They [the western 
Indians] are mostly within the limits of the government and are capable of doing or 
preventing the greatest mischief. From what passed at a conversation between them 
and the interpreter there is reason to apprehend that without encouragement . . . 
they may be seduced by the French to go over to their side, whereby the lives of the 
back inhabitants will be in the utmost danger." *^ The assembly supplied the funds 
necessary for the gift, but advised the governor to urge these Indians to take the 
advice of their older men not to go to war, for, they added, "most of us . . . are men 
of peaceful principles and the presents we gave and those formerly given on behalf 
of this government so far as we have understood would supply them with neces- 
saries towards acquiring a livelihood and cultivate the friendship between us and 
not to encourage their entering into a war. This we think most for the King's 
interest and the peace and safety of his colonies in America, it being well known 
that wars once begun amongst them are not to be ended without great difficulty" — 
an observation that might well have been taken from Canasatego's speech at 
Albany in 1745."^ The assembly voted only £500 for the Indians; they had just 
declined voting any sums for defense of the city, and Norris told William Logan 
that in light of this "they should be liable to disadvantageous remarks for giving so 
large a sum to the Indians for the defense of the frontiers." Norris himself "spoke 
warmly for £1000." '* Some members, at least, must have realized that the lead and 
powder bought with the former appropriation would not be used solely for hunt- 
ing. In order to make the present more impressive, the governments of Maryland 
and Virginia were invited to contribute to the sum. While waiting for answers from 
these two provinces, Croghan was dispatched to the Ohio in April, 1748, to dis- 
tribute an initial present of £200 worth of goods. 

The treaty held at Lancaster in July, 1 748, was similar in form to the one of 

^"Loc. clt. "-'Pennsyhfinia Qazetle, Jan. 12, 1747/48. 

^^Tennsylvania Cjazelte, Dec. i ;, 1747, and Jan. 12, "'Richard Peters to the proprietors, Feb. i, 1747/48, 

1747/48. See also, ibij., March i, 1747. Peters Letter Book, VII; Penn Letter Boot, II, 231-36. 


Pennsylvania. IJ36-IJ62 

the preceding November. Scarouady had returned with a following of some fifty- 
five Shawnee and Twightwce, but the province was represented by four commis- 
sioners who were new to Indian affairs. Richard Peters' name does not appear in the 
official report, but it was he who had charge of the management. For the past ten 
years he had "with an unwearied assiduity endeavoured to gain the esteem of the 
Indians," and he had been rewarded by Weiser's telling him that he had "succeeded 
so far as to be considered as a young Logan that does not want affection for 
the Indians and in time may understand to do their business honestly for them. "* 
The four commissioners who were authorized to receive the Twightwce into the 
alliance of friendship did not stand high in Peters' estimation: "You may easily 
judge," he wrote the proprietors, "by the persons who were appointed that the 
Board depended on me to do the business, and I did it as well as I could though not 
so well as it might have been done iiad I not been affected with the heats of the 
season and the fatigue of restless nights occasioned by unclean beds.""" He con- 
sidered the treaty "of great consequence to this province." The Twightwce were 
reported to have, with their allies, twenty towns and a thousand fighting men. Not 
only, he reported, did the Twightwees control an important path used by the 
French to the Mississippi, but they were in the heart of a rich trading country, "a 
plain, champagne country of an excellent rich soil and abounds with all manner 
of game, and if they are well used by our traders they will bring all their peltry 
to this market which will make a very considerable addition to the articles of 
remittance."''" The Pennsylvania (gazette, in announcing the alliance with the 
Twightwce and the renewal of friendship with the Shawnee, likewise emphasized 
the relation between this treaty and western trade: "We are informed that some of 
the more distant nations wait only to hear what reception the Twightwees meet 
with, being strongly inclined to throw themselves into the arms of the English, who 
have since the war furnished goods to their allies cheaper than the French could do. 
Had the war continued a few years longer, probably the greatest part of the French 
Indians would have been brought over to the English interest and the trade accord- 
ingly have fallen naturally into the hands of the British nation."" Pcnn welcomed 
the Twightwce alliance, but did not like the idea of having the troublesome 
Shawnee intercede for them "when they were but barely pardoned themselves." He 
thought Indian expenses were high, but cheaper than the sum required for sup- 
porting an Indian war, and he hoped that "the increase of the trade will compensate 
the Ohio treaty." "* 

"'Richard Peters to the proprietors, May II, 1748, Peters Indians of the Six Nations dividing themselves and settling 

Letter Book, \'II ; Volwller, of. cit., 63. colonies which arc not to depend on their council at Onondago. 

"^July 27, 1748, Peters Letter Book, VU. ""iw. cil. It is our interest to unite them that we may have but one 

^'' Tenmyhjnuj Qazette, July 28, 1748. body of them to treat with and make presents to, and advise 

"'Thomas Penn to Richard Peters, Oct. 12, 1748, Pcnn them to Increase their alliances, for it will be extremely 

Letter Book, II, 248; Peters Manuscripts, II, 108; see also troublesome to treat with every nation of Indians, and cxpen- 

Ta.C-R; V, 322; Tenniytvmia QazetU, Sept. 8 and 15, 1748. sive to give them frequent presents; so that If the Five Nations 

In another letter, Pcnn commented to Peters: "Wc are well can do it we ought to put them on making alliances and 

pleased with your management in the treaty at Lancaster and make them sometimes a considerable present for that purpose. 

think if the Twightwce nation of Indians prove faithful it But if they lose their influence wc must treat with their alliej 

may be of great use to us, but wc do not so well like the ourselves." Pcnn Letter Book, II, 246-47, Oct. 12, 1748. 


Indian ^Affairs in 

While events had thus opened auspiciously to give Pennsylvania a pre-eminent 
claim to the trade and friendship of the western Indians, difficulties were experi- 
enced with the matter of fulfilling the promise made the preceding summer to send 
Weiser with a large present. Weiser himself alarmed Peters and Logan by asserting 
his unwillingness to undertake the journey — one that he himself had suggested. 
This was most disturbing, and Logan wrote Weiser an urgent letter: "Richard 
Peters lodging with me two nights ago surprised me by showing me a letter of thine 
declaring thy unwillingness to undertake the journey to Ohio, for which I certainly 
thought thee very well disposed, but both of us concluded that as thou formerly 
joined with the absolute necessity of thy going, there was no room now to dispute it, 
and when thou sees thy instructions from the Council thou will freely acknowledge 
this necessity." "" Both the Virginia and the Maryland assemblies declined to add to 
the present, but Governor Gooch raised £200 to be presented in the name of Vir- 
ginia. Governor Ogle of Maryland, wrote Peters, was "really hearty as well as his 
Council in favor of a present from that government to be added to ours and urged it 
cordially and handsomely to his Assembly. But they would not hearken to him, 
being of opinion Lord Baltimore should furnish these expenses out of his rev- 
enues." "° When President Palmer laid the same matter before the Pennsylvania 
assembly, that body had a similar feeling. Peters was surprised that the assembly 
had not made such a suggestion formerly, and attributed it to John Kinsey "that 
they have been kept so long from this public declaration. To do the Assembly 
justice, they have behaved well in Indian affairs, and Mr. Kinsey told me they 
thought this branch of business was well conducted."*"^ James Logan exhibited a 
remarkable interest in this western mission, and contributed f 100 worth of goods, 
including two barrels of gunpowder, five hundred weight of lead, one thousand 
flints, and six dozen knives — evidence that the aged Quaker knew what was 
needed. "By this," he wrote Weiser, "thou sees some part of my zeal for the public, 
and I would yet give more out of my small estate . . . but it would appear vain, and 
the utmost I could spare would be little in comparison with the public if they had 
the spirit of giving," "' A further delay appeared imminent in the indication that 
some Six Nations Indians wished to come to Philadelphia to consult about a choice 
of a successor for Sassoonan, the deceased Delaware, and for this Weiser's presence 
would have been necessary. But this visit did not materialize and at last, armed with 
full instructions, Weiser set out. With the pack train, accompanied by Croghan 
and Andrew Montour, was the nineteen-year-old son of Benjamin Franklin.*"^ 

""James Logan to Conrad Weiser, March 30, I 748, Peters ■"'Z.or. cit., July 27, 1748; ■Pennsylv^Nk Qazette, May- 
Manuscripts, II, 100; Weiser to Peters, March 28, 1748; 26, 1748; Thomas Penn to Richard Peters, Oct. 12, 1748, 
ihid., 99; this letter of Weiser's is printed in Ta.Q.R., V, Penn Letter Book, II, 246-47. 

212-13, although the following postscript is omitted: "Shick- '"-March 30, 1748, Peters Manuscripts, II, 100. 

calamy desires to be remembered to you and in particular to '"^Volwiler, of. cit., 66-67; Weiser's Journal to Ohio 

his old friend, James Logan." See also Walton, of. cil., (photostat from copy in Library of Congress) in H.S.P.; Pa. 

175-79. State Lib., Prov. Papers, X, 33, 34, 38, 39, 42, 43; Peters 

'""Richard Peters to the proprietors, July 27, 1748, Peters Manuscripts, II, 106; Ta.Q.R., V, 290-93; Penn Letter Book, 

Letter Book, VII; see also, same to same, May 1 1, 1748, it>i,l. II, 241. 

'Vcnnsylvania, 1736-IJ62 

Wciser's treaty at Logstown in 17+8, reinforcing and strengthening the last 
treaty at Lancaster, opened up trade possibilities with the western Imlians all the 
way to the Mississippi and from the Michigan peninsula to the Kentuckv region. 
Tiiis negotiation with the Delawares, Shawnee, aiul Irocjuois Indians at Logstown 
marks the height of the English influence in the Ohio region until after the peace 
of 1763. One marked result was a decided increase in the exports of furs and skin^ 
from Philadelphia. Weiser's journal of this expedition was read thoughtfullv by 
Thomas Penn in luigland, by Thomas Lee in \'irginia, ami bv the agent> ot the 
proprietors in Philadelphia. But what Weiser had to say unofficially stirred the 
leaders in Philadelphia more than what he had written. His comments on the 
untapped riches of that almost unknown transmontane region created in Phila- 
delphia a speculative boom. "One of the most important discoveries made bv Mr. 
Weiser," wrote Richard Peters, "is this — that the moment you leave the last ridge 
of hills, the lands are exceeding good and continue so interruptedly. He says, 
what I can't believe, that the body of the lands for many miles together, sixty or 
seventy together at least, is as good as Conestoga lands. He talks in raptures about 
the soil and waters." As for the Indians there, they were numerous but, except for 
the Wyandots and Twightwee, "the scum of the earth." Although thev were a 
"mixed, dirty sort of people," they would be of great consequence to the "trade 
and security of this province." ^"^ 

Carried away by Weiser's glowing descriptions, Peters was seized with the 
speculative fever. The treaty of Lancaster, 1 748, had brought about renewed efforts 
to regulate the Indian trade, particularly in rum. Peters was deeply immersed in this 
problem, and had just suggested to Penn that the proprietors ought to back William 
Trent in the Ohio trade, as soon "all the world will be running now into the Indian 
trade."'"'' That was in July. In October Weiser returned, and Peters again urgetl 
upon Penn that "some of your friends, Mr. Hockley, for instance, and some others 
that you could depend on, men of weight and authority ... be employed im- 
mediately in the Indian trade." Within another month, Peters succumbed to the 
trade fever. William Trent before the war had carried on a successful partnership in 
the Indian trade with George Croghan. That partnership had been dissolved when 
Trent entered the army, but now he was back in Philadelphia, ready to engage with 
some of the leading merchants for trading on a large scale, and he asked Peters to 
recommend him to the proprietors. But Peters, without waiting for authority from 
Penn, could not resist the temptation. He induced Trent and Croghan to come into 
partnership with him and Richard Hockley, and then he informed Penn tjiat he 
and Hockley had lent their names to the contract "freely to be made use of as you 
please, either as your trustee or the trustee of any other person you shall recom- 
mend." If this was not satisfactory, Peters would take up the obligation himself and 

'"^To Thomas Penn, Oct, 24, 17+8, Peters Letter Book, '"■■ [uly 28, 1748, Peters I_x:tter Book, VII. 

\'II; Penn Letter Book, 11, 254-55; Volwiler, of. cit., 66. 


Indian Affairs in 

would give bond to Penn for three years at five or six per cent in order to become a 
partner in his own right. But Thomas Penn was remote from the feverish talk of 
trade in the Philadelphia taverns, and declined to enter the partnership or to permit 
Peters to do so. His decision was wiser than he knew. He saved Peters from bank- 
ruptcy and when ten years later Franklin in London told Penn it was rumored that 
Peters was engaged in Indian trade, a thing many Pennsylvanians thought improper 
for a proprietarial official, Penn was able to give a categorical denial.^"* 

But Pennsylvania's auspicious lead in the Ohio region was threatened from 
Virginia. Months before the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle Virginia had begun to make 
large grants of land in the northwest, even as far as the Ohio. On February 13, 
1748, Colonel Thomas Lee wrote Weiser that he was interested in one of these 
"which when we begin to settle I shall hope for your help to make it agreeable to 
the Indians.""' Virginia's contribution to the presents made at Logstown was 
inspired partly by the hope that the Indians "will protect and not disturb our 
back settlements." "* Even before Weiser's journey westward, Lee had written him 
that he was concerned "with Colonel Cressap in a company to settle by grants 
from the King on some part of Ohio with the consent of the Indians and my pur- 
pose is to carry a fair correspondence with them and I hope you will be so good as 
to recommend us to your friends. As I am known to some of them you may men- 
tion me being one of the company." "" Peters learned of this immediately, and 
wrote urgently to Penn to inquire what moves the Virginia people had made to 
enlist the support of the ministry. "That vile fellow Cressap," he wrote, "has pro- 
posed a scheme to Colonel Lee and some other great men in Virginia to make 
trading houses at Allegheny in order to take advantage of the disposition shown by 
the Twightwees and other Indian tribes to trade with the English, and I believe 
Colonel Lee has engaged with Cressap and he is gone to try where to make suit- 
able settlement. This will undoubtedly rob this province of great advantages and 
probably they will not stick to settle lands that may be within your limits and so 
create new squabbles. Colonel Lee who has a plotting head, has I am told, sent a 
scheme to the Ministry to build forts on the frontiers of Virginia on some of the 
waters of Ohio and has set forth the vast advantages of such forts as if thereby all the 
country might be secured to His Majesty up to the Mississippi."'*" Peters then 
urged Penn to support Trent and Croghan to "disappoint all the prejudicial 
schemes of the Virginians," for they "can do more with the Indians than all the 
other traders put together." The rivalry between the traders of the two provinces 
had already started; one Hugh Parker, a trader representing Colonel Lee's Ohio 
Company, was robbed and Lee charged that this was caused by the "irregularity" 

^"^Loc. cit., Oct. 24 and Nov. 24, 1748; Volwiler, of. ^"^Loc. cil. 

cil.; Peters Manuscripts, 11, 112, 1 14, I20; VI, 88, 89, 90. ""Richard Peters to Thomas Penn, July 28, 1748, Peters 

'"Feb. 13, 1747/48, Peters Manuscripts, II, 89. Letter Book, VII. 

"•'Thomas Lee to Conrad Weiser, May 14, 1748, Peters 
Manuscripts, II, 102. 


Tennsylvania, 1736-1762 

of the Pennsylvania traders. Lee told Weiser that such rivalry between the two 
provinces would enable the French to come in and regain the trade, a prophetic but 
futile statement. Thomas Penn refused to share Peters' alarm. He was a friend of the 
Duke of Bedford and John Hanbury, the great London merchant, who were two of 
the leading spirits in the Ohio Company. Hanbury assured him that they would not 
settle within Pennsylvania's bounds, and that was the chief point that would have 
disturbed Penn. As for the Indian trade, "I have nothing to say to it, but that if our 
province cannot furnish the Indians so cheap as the Virginian, they must lose the 
trade." *" This was discouraging to Peters, who believed that, as the principal men 
in the government of Virginia were concerned in the Ohio Company, they should 
be offset by men of similar standing in Pennsylvania. 

The flourishing condition of the western trade in 1 74.9 also brought concern 
to Peters from another quarter — Montreal. "Since the treaty held at Lancaster 
with the Twightwees," he wrote the Penns on July 5, 1 749, "there has been a large 
extension of the Indian trade which will undoubtedly be soon known at Canada, 
and vigorous efforts will be made by the French to regain this important nation, if 
not for the sake of trade, yet for the conveniency of the River Mississippi, and this 
will occasion great disturbances among the Indians." '^" The government of Canada 
had indeed already set in motion their plans to recapture the trade and the friend- 
ship of the Indians in this great valley which was, in the words of a contempo- 
rary, "as great a Prize as has ever been contended for, between two Nations.""^ 
Governor Hamilton dispatched Croghan to the Ohio to observe movements of the 
French, and there, in the summer of 1 749, he learned of the first determined efforts 
of the French to "send the English Treaders home." '" Celoron de Bienville, on 
his famous journey among the Indians in 1749, burying leaden plates as he went 
in order to establish French claims, found the Twightwee and the Shawnee 
inclined toward the English. But within five years the Pennsylvania traders had 
lost their monopoly, the western Indians had abandoned their new-found friends 
in Pennsylvania, and New France had pushed her wide-flung frontiers across the 
western end of the province. That this could have been accomplished is little short 
of amazing. For in all of New France, stretching in a chain of forts and trading 
posts and villages along a great semi-circle almost four thousand miles in length, 
from Cape Breton to New Orleans, the total number of Frenchmen was less than 
half the number of Europeans in the province of Pennsylvania."'^ It was the hunch- 
backed governor of Canada, the Marquis de la Gallissoniere, who saw the necessity 

"'Thomas Penn to Richard Peters, Feb. 20, 1748/49, 
Penn Letter Book, II, 254-55; ibid., II, 128, 135, 276; 
Thomas Lee to Conrad Weiser, Dec. II, 1748, Peters Manu- 
scripts, II, 115; Weiser to Peters, March 10, 1748/49, dis- 
closing part, but not all, of Lee's letter of Dec. 1 1, ihU., II, 
116; Volwiler, of cit., 68; Peters to Penn, July 28, 1748, 
Peters Letter Book, VII. 

"^Peters Letter Book, VII. 

^" Lewis Evans, Analysis of a IMaf of the CMiddle 
"Br ithk Colonies (1755), 31. 

"■"Peters to the proprietors, July 5 

:, 1749, Peters Lctt< 

Book, VII; Volwiler, of. cit., 68; an 

account of Croghan 

return is to be found in the Tenns-jlv 

ani<j gazette, Aug. 1 


"=The combined number of Frei 

ich and Iroquois w; 

probably less than 100,000. An estimate 

: for Pennsylvania an 

Delaware in 1749 placed the figure at 

250,000; Greene an 

Harrington, ^tmerican Tofuhtion befo 

re the Federal Qensi 

o//7po(NewYork, I930),5, 115. 


Indian ^Affairs ; 

for drawing this tenuous cordon around the British colonies in order to restrict the 
growth of English trade and naval power.' '" Nature provided him with his first line 
of defense in the Appalachian chain of mountains. 

Celoron was polite but unequivocal. "Our Commandant-General," he said 
to the traders, "would be very sorry to be forced to use violence; but his orders are 
precise, to leave no foreign traders within the limits of his government." '^' At the 
site of Pittsburgh and again on the Scioto, Celoron was met with discharges of 
powder and ball, furnished the Indians by English traders. Nevertheless, his expedi- 
tion had discovered the influence of the English over the western Indians and he 
had secured the promise of some of the traders to withdraw. He was not deceived 
by these promises, and within a few months the governor of Canada found it 
necessary to use force. Peters expected the French government to make a remon- 
strance against Pennsylvania that would come before the English ministry and he 
warned Penn that "unless the Ministry be beforehand fully informed of the situ- 
ation of the Indian countries, and how far the waters of the Mississippi extend to the 
eastward into Virginia and this province, and of the vast importance of the Indian 
trade, they may be off their guard and make concessions very prejudicial to the 
English nation." "^ Peters anticipated a larger French force on the Ohio waters the 
next year, but this did not disturb him so much as the fear that "the French court 
may surprise ours into some hasty, hurtful instructions to the governors in America 
. . . [This] may be much better understood in England, yet it may not be attended 
to, unless the proprietaries in time and with care and pains set people of conse- 
quence to think beforehand of it." In his concern for the general British interest, 
Peters asked Penn to send him a copy of Charlevoix and in return he would send 
Penn a copy of Douglass' Summary — a work that he thought might be useful but 
which contained a pernicious sentiment, one that others had adopted: that at the 
next treaty with France the Appalachian Mountains should be fixed as the bound- 
ary between the two nations. "Surely," he added, "neither he nor any of the 
espousers of this doctrine know the . . . situation of those hills. If they did they 
would not give up to the French the greatest part of each English province in 
America." "" Thomas Penn was alarmed by this news in Peters' letter, and at once 
communicated it to his friends the Duke of Bedford and Lord Halifax, together 
with a copy of Celeron's letter. He thought that something should be done imme- 
diately about taking possession of this region with the consent of the Indians. For 
this purpose he suggested the building of a strong house or fort on the Allegheny, 
even going so far as to outline its construction and dimensions, and promised to 
give £400 toward the cost of erecting the building and £100 a year toward main- 

"••La GalHssonierc, (Memoire sur les colonics ie la '"Ta.C./t., V, 425. 

France dans VJlmerique seftcntrionale. Parkman, (Montcalm ''"Pciers to the proprietors, rj. Scpt.-Oct., 1749, Peters 

and Wolfe, I, 37; a translation of one of Celoron's plates, in Letter Book, VII. 
the handwriting of Benjamin Franklin, is in Provincial Coun- >'» hoc. cit. 

cil Records, H.S.P., dated Jan. 29, 1750/51; Ta.Q.R., V, 


Tennsylvania, I'/36-I';62 

taining a small number of men in it. "However few the men are," he said, "they 
should wear a uniform dress that though very small it may look fort like." Such a 
structure would protect the trade with the Indians and would be a mark of posses- 
sion; Hamilton was directed to take the matter up with the assembly. Had Penn's 
suggestion been acted upon promptly, the course of events might have been altered. 
By February, 1750, Penn wrote that the ministry had done nothing "and if the 
Province will not do something the trade may be lost." '"" 

But the assembly declined Penn's offer to join with them in building a fort 
at Allegheny. The merchants in the assembly were faced with a dilemma: the 
Indian trade was of vital concern to them, but as Friends they could not join in a 
program of military defense. Nevertheless, they stood by their principles: "As we 
have always found that sincere, upright dealing with the Indians, a friendly treat- 
ment of them on all occasions, and particularly in relieving their necessities at some 
times by suitable presents have been the best means of securing their friendship, we 
could wish our Proprietors had rather thought fit to join with us in the expense of 
those presents, the effects of which have at all times so manifestly advanced their 
interest with the security of our frontier settlements." But the issues at stake were 
such that mere altruism was ineffectual as a policy: the balance of power in Europe 
was of the utmost concern to the French and at the root of their determined 
advance at the middle — and weakest — link of their long chain along the Mis- 
sissippi, the Lakes, and the St. Lawrence Valley, Aggression could not be stopped 
at this stage by mere generosity or friendliness to the Indians. Within two years 
Thomas Penn turned from the province to Virginia for aid. On the basis of 
an agreement made with Mr. Hanbury in London, he directed Governor Hamilton 
to assist the Ohio Company in building a fort on the Ohio, with the written under- 
standing that such a settlement would not prejudice the proprietors' rights in that 
region. While Virginia and Pennsylvania were rivals for the rich western trade — 
and would soon be rivals for the western lands — there was much more of an 
understanding between them as they faced the common enemy than has been sup- 
posed. Hanbury and the Duke of Bedford kept in touch with Thomas Penn in 
London about their plans, Thomas Lee carried on an active correspondence with 
Weiser and Peters, and both Weiser and Croghan gave official services to Virginia 
in her relations with the Indians. Peters' correspondence with Lee, however, was 
literary in character, and he was fully informed of all the activities of Weiser and 
Croghan on behalf of Virginia. Indeed, in this manner he secured much valuable 

'-"Thomas Penn to Richard Peters, Feb. 13, 1749/50, Virginia in erecting a fort on the Ohio); W. Neil Franklin, 

Penn Letter Book, II, 299; to James Hamilton, Feb. 12, "Pennsylvania-Virginia Rivair)' for the Indian Trade of the 

1749/50, ihid., II, 294-95; Volwilcr, of. cil., 76-77; Ta. Ohio Valley," ^Miss. Valley Hist. Rev., XX (March, 1934), 

C-.'?-,V, 514-15. 463-80. This article, while it is an admirable summary of 

'-'Message of the assembly, Aug. 21, 1 75 I, Penn Manu- the forces back of the intercolonial struggle for control of the 

scripts, Indian Affairs, I, 80; Thomas Penn to James Hamil- Ohio trade, fails to distinguish rivalries between /rj,Jers from 

March g, 1751/52, and July 13, 1752, Provincial Coun- those between governments. 

cil Records, H. S. P. (extracts authorizing joint action with 


Indian ^Affairs in 

One bit of such information came to Philadelphia late in 1 749. Hugh Parker, 
agent of the Ohio Company, had written a glowing account of the prospects of the 
company to Robert Smith, a young trader "att the Miamis Country," saying that 
he expected to receive momentarily about fifteen or sixteen thousand pounds' worth 
of Indian goods and that he would like to interest Smith in the Virginia enterprise. 
Such a trade would not only be profitable but would commend "young men of 
spirit" to the governor and council of Virginia, "who are mostly interested in the 
undertaking, and you may also Depend upon being taken notice of in a Different 
manner from what Traders generally are in Pennsylvania, where I think after their 
great fatigue in getting Skins they are only Treated as Slaves by those who get most 
by them; but in Virginia I expect to see them Treated as Gentlemen. I have a 
Generall good will to young Men of Spirit and think there will be an opportunity 
for severall to make their fortunes by joining the Virginians in the Indian Trade." 
Parker had heard that Smith was influential with the Miamis, and he recommended 
that he bring their chiefs to Virginia at the same time that the Six Nations were 
expected in the spring of 1 750. Virginia, he thought, was "the only Proper Govern- 
ment for them to come to, being the Chiefest of the English Governments on the 
Continent." This letter was probably intercepted by Croghan and sent by him to 
Peters, Croghan learned immediately of the invitation to the Indians and suggested 
to Peters that as this "May be a Determent to the Tread of pensilvanie ... I can put 
a Stop to thire going Down if you think itt convenant."^"^ 

Meanwhile, during the summer of 1 749 the proprietarial officials were trou- 
bled by the perennial problem of squatters. The pressure of population westward 
had for thirty years embarrassed the proprietors in their relations with the Indians. 
Every effort had been made to keep the settlers from crossing the bounds of Indian 
purchases: cabins had been burned, magistrates' authority had been invoked, proc- 

i=2Dated at Old Town, Dec. i, 1749. This Interesting 1 believe the Most of the Indians hear are for the English att 

letter is in the possession of Mrs. Augusta Smith of Martins- present butt if there be Nott a Stop putt to the bringing of 

burg, Pennsylvania, who graciously permitted me to quote Liquor Out Amoungst them that two thurds of them will go 

from it. George Croghan's letter to Richard Peters, also in to the french this Spring thre are severall Treaders Now in 

the possession of Mrs. Smith, Is dated Nov. 25, 1749, and the Woods that brings nothing Else butt Liquer & Makes the 

is worth quoting in full: "Yesterday I was att a Councell held Indians Drunk So that I have Anouff to Do to keep them 

by the Six Nations & Several other Nations of Indians within from killing one another. I hope the Governor will putt [a] 

about fifty Miles of Lake Ery att an Indian Town where I Stop To any Liquers Comeing outt this Spring the Month of 

now live. The Indians Received a Mesidge from the Com- March itt Is Comon for the Treaders to Send Down for 

mander of Fort De Troath Importing that the Governor of Liquers & I think any of the Justuss in the South Valley 

Cannada was much Displesed with the usedge his Solgers Might putt a stop to thire bring any as Itt Is brought throw 

received from all the Indians that was settled on Ohio & To that Valley. 

Lett them now that if he Did nott imaidettly Send the Eng- The Indians hear has received an Invitlon [sic] from Coll. 

llsh Treaders home from Amongst them and charge them Crisep & Mr. Hugh Parker to go Down to see the Governor 

never to return that he was Determined to Disown them for of Maryland which perhaps may be a Determent to the Tread 

his Children & To send a party of his Men by the first of of pensilvanie as the want to Enter into the Indian Tread I 

June next which wold Lay all there Towns in Ases & Distroye can put a Stop to thire going Down if you think itt convenant 

them of the face of the Erth the Indians received the sd So I Desire the fcavcr of you to give me your advice how 

Mesidge with a Great Dale of Contemt & is Determined to I shall behave if the French shold come. Capt. Trent can 

Give them battle if they come. The Indians In Genarel hear further a Letter to Me att any Time you send It. Sir 1 am 

Complain very much that the Governor Dont putt a stop to with Due respects your Most obedient humble Servant, 
his Treaders bringing outt Spirals to Sill after the Many Geo: Croghan 

Complants Made on that Acount there has been many Indians Sir Plese to acquaint the Governor that some of the Chiefs of 

killd In Drinking Spills Debaching whether the french or the Indians hear intend to pay his honour a visett this Spring." 
English was best some for the English & Some for the french 


Tennsylvania, IJ36—IJ62 

lamations had been issued by the governors. The Indians in 174.2 and at other 
treaties had complained against such encroachments on their lands and the Penns 
had sought to alleviate the pressure on the Indians' lands by making additional 
purchases. All this was ineflfectual. In 1 749 the matter became acute and threatened 
to develop into a serious issue that would embarrass the friendly relations of the 
province with the Six Nations. Squatters' cabins and clearings dotted "the lands at 
Juniata and all along the road to Allegheny." ''* Ten thousand German immigrants 
were expected to arrive that year. It was therefore urgent that immediate action 
should be taken. Early in the spring Peters had been directed by the governor to 
advise Weiser that another proclamation would be issued and that the settlers at 
Juniata would be turned off the Indians' land. Weiser, however, thought it would 
be unwise to use force "till some of the Six Nations' Chiefs come down, when all 
proper means ought to be used to make a purchase from them ... at least for some 
part of that land between the . . . Endless Mountains and Allegheny Hill, in order 
to build a couple of villages for the good of the trade with the Indians, as Virginia 
is about to establish an Indian trade on Ohio. Our people by having a settlement 
somewhere on the east side of the Allegheny Hill . . . would far outdo Virginia [and 
would produce] several other advantages not to be mentioned here." ''^ This advice 
was transmitted at once to Thomas Penn for instructions regarding a new purchase. 
Hamilton, Weiser, and others thought that this would have to be done soon or the 
peace would not be preserved. Peters was more urgent: "I must say that it will be 
impossible to preserve the peace or to prevent numbers settling all over the Indian 
countries, or to take up any valuable land for you, unless an Indian purchase be 
made soon. ... I beg you will write to the Governor on the subject of the Indian 
purchase by all opportunities. The thought is quite new. I assure you it took its rise 
from Conrad's letter." '"" Weiser also secured a delay in adopting force against the 
Juniata squatters because he thought the governor's proclamation would carry 
more weight if it were issued as a result of the complaint on the part of the Indians 
that were expected to come down from Onondaga that summer.''" 

Three Seneca and some Onondaga arrived in Philadelphia on July i , com- 
ing as they said, to reply to a message concerning peace with the Catawba and to 
meet the new governor. They stated that all of the Six Nations had planned to 
send deputies for the treaty, but the others had not met them at the rendezvous at 
Wyoming and they had decided to come on alone. James Hamilton wrote Weiser, 
under an injunction of secrecy, to sound these Indians on an Indian purchase and, 
if they thought the overture would be agreeable, to charge them with a message 
for that purpose to the Onondaga Council. Hamilton urged Weiser to manage the 
affair so that the proposal for a sale should seem to come from the Indians, "for 

'^'Richard Peters to the proprietors, April ig, 1749, '-'ioc. cit. 

Peters Letter Book, VII. i-^Richard Peters to the proprietors, July 5, 1749, Peters 

i^^Richard Peters to Thomas Penn, May 16, 1749, Peters Letter Book, VII. 
Letter Book, VII. 


Indian Affairs in 

should the Indians discover that the proprietors want to buy and that they are the 
first movers, they would be the more averse and insist on higher terms." The pur- 
chase should also be large enough to take care of the "natural increase of the inhabi- 
tants and the multitude of foreigners which may be expected to come over now a 
peace is concluded." Its situation, too, should be such as to forestall the Maryland 
and Virginia encroachments and to enable the proprietors to establish their south- 
ern and western bounds. The governor and council also gave Weiser secret instruc- 
tions to the same effect. The reason for this secrecy was the fact that a new danger 
had appeared in the problem of the squatters: "That they will become tributary to 
the Indians and pay them yearly sums for their license to be there. He [Weiser] 
says positively that they are got into this way on the east side of Susquehanna beyond 
the Hills and receive acknowledgments and are easy about those lands, and that if 
they do the same on the west side of that river, the proprietors vnW not only have all 
the abandoned people of the Province to deal with, but the Indians too, and that 
they will mutually support each other and do a vast deal of mischief. This consider- 
ation," added Peters, "has alarmed me more than any other." ^" Only Weiser, the 
governor and Peters knew of this threat, Weiser succeeded in sending a message by 
the Seneca to Onondaga respecting a new purchase of land. The Indians at the 
conference had also complained about the Juniata settlers and Governor Hamilton 
immediately issued his proclamation and took steps to remove the squatters. Thomas 
Penn did not approve of Weiser's strategy in delaying the proclamation until the 
Indians had complained. *^^ 

Scarcely had the Seneca departed with their presents before word came that 
the remainder of the Six Nations' delegation was at Weiser's and would soon be at 
Philadelphia, thus, as Peters said, putting "the Governour and myself . . . under one 
of the greatest dilemmas in the world from a thing quite unforeseen." '"" The three 
Seneca deputies had been told by Weiser to advise the other party of Indians that 
their visit would not be well received in Philadelphia as the present had already 
been given and as they had no particular business to negotiate. "But in very wanton- 
ness," wrote Peters, "[they] pressed into their company most of the Shamokin 
Indians, Nanticokes, Tuteloes and Delawares, so that when Mr, Weiser met them 
they made a formidable appearance amounting to 280." '^" Canasatego was at the 
head of this embarrassing deputation and the imperious old warrior was not to be 
turned aside on his first visit since 1 744. Weiser met him and refused to shake hands 

'-'Lor. cit.; James Hamilton to Conrad Weiser, July 7, Philadelphia at this time and offered an opportunity for 

1749, Peters Manuscripts, II, 121; a rough draft of the interesting ethnological observations; Teriniylcwiia Qjzette, 

instructions to Weiser, dated July 7, 1749, in Richard Peters' June 15, I 749. 

handwriting, is in Provincial Council Records, H. S. P. — one '-''Thomas Penn to James Hamilton, July 31, 1749, Penn 

paragraph, authorizing Weiser to offer his services to settle Letter Book, II, 272-73; and to Peters Oct. 9, 1749, II, 283, 

between the Indians and the proprietors the question of the 289, 290. Richard Peters to Thomas Penn, Aug. 7, 1749, 

quantity of land, its situation, and the price, was deleted from Peters Letter Book, VII; 'Pa. Q. R., \\ 394-95; Pchn Manu- 

the instructions. The fair copy of the private instructions for scripts, Indian Affairs, I, 55. 

Weiser was dated July 24, 1749; Penn Manuscripts, Indian '-"Richard Peters to the proprietors, Sept. 11, 1749, 

Affairs, I, 54. Minutes of Conferences with the Indians at Peters Letter Book, VII; to Penn, Aug. 7, 1749, iliiJ. 
the State House, July 1-4, I 749, ibid., I, 53; Ta. Q. R-, V, ""Peters to the proprietors, Sept. 11, 1749, Peters Letter 

388-94. Three Greenlanders, Moravian converts, appeared in Book, VII. 


Tennsyhania, 1736-IJ62 

until Canasatego should explain the business and purpose of his unsolicited visit. 
The result was that high words passed between the old friends — and Canasatego 
had his way. "When we went to Philadelphia [formerly]," he said, "[I] ... never 
have been reprimanded for it after this manner. Perhaps it is because you got all our 
lands that you wanted from us, and you don't like to see us any more, and conse- 
quently our fate is the same as our cousins, the Delawares and Mohicans."'" 
Canasatego then demanded that Weiser produce the governor's orders command- 
ing them to turn back; they would then know what to do. This alarmed Weiser, 
but he was fortunately extricated from his position by the arrival of a letter from 
Peters, reporting a conversation between the governor and the speaker of the house, 
wherein it was agreed that the Indians should not be pressed too hard to return 
without completing their mission. The Indians proceeded on their journey and 
arrived in Philadelphia early in August. 

There, in one of the longest speeches he ever made, Canasatego showed that 
he had business enough to talk about. He boasted that "We are a frontier Country 
between your Enemy and you, so that we have been your Guard, & things have 
been managed so well as to keep the War from your doors." He had seen the gov- 
ernor's proclamation for removing the Juniata settlers; this would not be enough 
— force would have to be used. He complained of the murder of one of his rela- 
tives by someone in Pennsylvania. He spoke about the mistreatment of the Nanti- 
coke in Maryland and urged Governor Hamilton to interpose. He replied to the 
messages of the governor of Virginia made in 1745 respecting the Catawba, and, 
without laying stress on the matter, he urged that the present disposition of the 
Catawba be inquired into. Although it is not in the recorded version of Canasa- 
tego's speech, Peters wrote Thomas Penn that, fearing they would receive no 
present, Canasatego proposed that the proprietors should pay them for the lands 
already sold and for which they had already received compensation. "On this unex- 
pected piece of knavery, Mr. Weiser broke from them and would not be prevailed 
on to sit any longer in Council. On this they trumped up a speech the best they 
could without Conrad's assistance, and for fear lest the government should give 
them no present, they of their own head proposed to sell some lands to the east side 
of Susquehannah as far as Thomas McKee's house, which is about ten miles from 
the Blue Hills and left to the governor to say what they should receive for those 
lands. Here then was the dilemma." On the one hand, the people had been clamor- 
ing for an Indian purchase; the assembly had contributed ^500 for a present to 
Canasatego and his followers, expecting the proprietors would give as much or 
more; the Indians, in making the offer, had required the Juniata settlers to be turned 
off, and if this were done they would have no place to go unless a new purchase 
were made; if the offer were declined, Canasatego might, on his return to Onon- 
is Memorandum In the handwriting of Conrad Weiser, 
Aug. 7, 1749, of conference held with Canasatego and about 
38 Indians; Peters Manuscripts, II, 122. 


Indian (Affairs in 

daga, oppose the proposal for another purchase already sent by the three Seneca. 
On the other hand, the lands offered were "not worth, comparatively speaking . . . 
one six-pence, being broken, stony Mountainous and almost impassable"; there 
were no directions from the proprietors to purchase; the governor had no power to 
order payment of the money; and, in the same speech in which Canasatego offered 
the land, he had "put a bar to asking for the lands on the West side of Susque- 
hanna." The proprietarial officials tried to get Canasatego to sell all lands east of the 
Susquehanna below a line extending from Shamokin on the Susquehanna to the 
mouth of the Lackawaxin on the Delaware, but this Canasatego peremptorily 

This dilemma caused almost a week's deliberation. But at last the council, 
on the earnest recommendation of Weiser and Peters, authorized the purchase for 
£500 in addition to the £500 in goods to be presented by the assembly. The deed 
was thereupon executed and a map attached to it in which two significant features 
were omitted lest the Indians should fail to sign : the north branch of the Susque- 
hanna was carried only a short distance beyond Shamokin so that the Indians would 
not realize how close the northern line of the purchase came to Wyoming; and the 
line from the end of the Walk in the purchase from the Delawares in 1737 was not 
run out to the Delaware. The deception thus practised in 1 749 was more glaring 
than any apparent in the Walking Purchase and the whole transaction attended 
with more animosity. The era of good feeling between Pennsylvania and the Iro- 
quois was definitely ended. This was partly due, so Peters thought, to the fact that 
the Six Nations "had in the course of the war been so imprudently managed by the 
Governor of New York that they were grown as irregular and dishonest in Council 
as out." '^* It was partly due, also, to the fact that Pennsylvania, since the peace, had 
directed all of its attention in Indian affairs to the western allies and tributaries of 
the Six Nations, a policy which Thomas Penn did not wholly approve. But the 
immediate cause was that Canasatego, continuing the shrewd diplomacy practised 
upon Maryland and Virginia in 1 744, had impaled the proprietarial officials on the 
horns of a dilemma. 

To say that Thomas Penn did not approve of these negotiations would be to 
understate his feelings. As for the efforts to keep Canasatego from coming to Phila- 
delphia, he felt, with reason, that the Indians would long remember it: "I am satis- 

'■'-Canasatcgo's speech is in Ta. Q. R., V, 399-403; allowed Nutimus, a Delaware, to receive some of the purchase 

Richard Peters to the proprietors, Sept. II, 1 749, Peters Letter money. Edward Scull's men, in surveying the lands in the 

Book, VII; Tennsyhania Cjazelte, Aug. 17 and 24, 1749. purchase of 1749, met some opposition from "King Tattan- 

^^^Richard Peters to the proprietors, Sept. II, 1749, hick" who informed Scull that the "Land on the Lcchawack- 

Peters Letter Book, VII. Peters added this postscript to his sein and a considerable distance to the Southward belonged 

letter: "You will perhaps wonder that you do not see in the to him and his people, that if the Mohocks had disposed of it, 

map the line from the end of the Walk [of 1737] to Dcla- they had done what they had no right to do." Tattanhick 

ware. It is really in the original map but Weiser knowing that thereupon forced Scull to abandon his surveying on that creek 

this was only a grant from the Delawares not from the and its tributaries; deposition of John Williams, Philip 

Six Nations, advised us to say nothing about it." The deed Dewecs, and John Fish, Nov. 7, 1750, in Provincial Council 

of 1749, signed also by some Delawares and Shawnee, is in Records, H. S. 

Ta. JJrch., II, 33-36. Penn was surprised that the Six Nations 

'Pennsylvania, iyj6-iy62 

fied they were never so slighted since my father settled the country." ^^* He modi- 
fied this opinion somewhat when he learned more of the facts, but he still felt that 
the Indians, in selling a worthless piece of land, had received more for it than in 
1 744 when they released their claims to all lands in Virginia and Maryland. This 
negotiation likewise instilled in Penn a growing feeling of distrust toward Conrad 
Weiser, the one he had once considered "as necessary a Man to the Province as any 
in it." ^^° Weiser, growing old, was thinking more and more of creating an estate for 
his family and his actions did not appear so disinterested as formerly. Thus when the 
Indians signed the deed of 1 749 they stipulated as a condition that Weiser should 
have, as Peters put it, "a tract of noble land" of some 1500 acres near Shamokin, 
this to be surveyed even before any lands were surveyed by the proprietors. Penn 
finally consented to this but he gave strict orders that it should not be allowed to 
happen again. When Peters, Weiser, Croghan and some local officials turned the 
squatters oil the Juniata lands and burned some of their cabins in accordance with 
Canasatego's demands, Penn thought this was "executed with an hussar spirit, 
nothing less than which will do with these people." ^^'^ As for the purchase itself, 
Penn met with another disappointment. The deed of 1736 had included all of 
the lands on the Susquehanna below the Kittatinny Mountains but its ambiguous 
phraseology had led Penn to believe that it included also all of the lands west of the 
river and south of an east-west line drawn from the point where those mountains 
crossed the Susquehanna; this would have included the Juniata lands and Penn now 
insisted on this interpretation — until Peters and Weiser informed him that the 
Indians meant the western bounds to follow the mountains in the curving line from 
the river to the Maryland border to the southwest. '^^ 

Back in 1 745 Governor Thomas had suggested the need of union among the 
colonies if Indian affairs were to be effectively managed. The events of the years 
from 1749 to 1754 not only prepared the way for war but, out of trade rivalries, 
internal political dissensions between governors and legislatures, and intercolonial 
jealousies, the realization grew upon thoughtful men in the English colonies that 
their ten to one numerical preponderance over the French could not be effectively 
mustered until there was some unity of counsels. "I think it would be of the greatest 
advantage to the English interest," wrote Thomas Penn to Richard Peters, "for 
several colonies to join in the management of Indian affairs and appoint, as you sug- 
gest, deputies from each of them to manage the whole, agreeing upon a proportion 

"^Thomas Penn to Richard Peters, Feb. 13, 1749/50, ilnJ., II, 298. See also Peters to Penn, Feb. 16, 1749/50, 

Peters Manuscripts, III, 4; and July 18, 1750, Penn Letter Peters Letter Book, VII. 

Book, III, 9-1 1; to Hamilton, same date, and also Feb. 12, '-^"Thomas Penn to Richard Peters, Aug. 27, 1750, Penn 

1749/50, ibU., II, 293; III, lO-ii. Letter Book, III, 16-22. Peters and Weiser acted "on this as 

'''^Thomas Penn to Richard Peters, Sept. 14, 1746, Penn a certain Truth, that if we did not in this Journey entirely 

Letter Book, II, 170; and also May 30, 1750, ibU., U, 311, remove these People, it would not be in the Power of Gov- 

312. "This I assure you," wrote Penn, "much lessens Conrad ernment to prevent an Indian War."; Ta. Q- R-, V, 447-48. 

in my esteem and will make me less cordial to him. ... I But this "Hussar spirit" drove some of the squatters into hos- 

think if Conrad had not suggested this to the Indians, they tility — Simon Girty was one. Volwiler, op. cil., 70-71. 

would never have thought of it. I think it cannot now be '"Thomas Penn to Richard Peters, Aug. 27, 1750, Penn 

refused to him, but I desire you will tell him I expect to Letter Book, III, 16-22; to Hamilton, July 18, 1750, ibid., 

have no more Indian recommendations"; Feb. 13, 1749/50, 111, lO-II. 


Indian tAffairs in 

that each colony will bear of the expense."'''^ Archibald Kennedy and Benjamin 
Franklin in 1751 urged the need of union in the face of the French. Others were 
sharing these thoughts. Governor Glenn of South Carolina, urging a conference 
between the Catawbas and Iroquois at Williamsburg, said: "The French are united 
in all their councils, which gives them advantages that they could not have if the 
King's Governors on the Continent were to act on the same principle." Peters, in 
replying, touched on the basic cause of the diversity between the colonies: "The 
larger the trade is & the more of the colonies who reap the benefit of it, the more it 
strengthens the general interest, and at the same time there is more than ever 
required a union of hearts as well as purses to defeat the indefatigable industry of 
the French." '^^ All seemed to be agreed upon the need for unified action, yet these 
years saw only increased rivalries and divisions. 

Pennsylvania, to be sure, furnished some evidences of an earnest desire to 
secure intercolonial action and to remove causes of friction. At a conference with 
some Indians at Croghan's in 1750, Peters was asked about trade and he gave 
emphatic advice that "the Indians . . , ought to buy their goods where they can best 
be served. The People of Maryland and Virginia who deal in this Trade may serve 
you as well as any others from Pennsylvania or elsewhere ... It will be agreeable to 
the Proprietaries and this government that the Indians trade wherever they can be 
best supplied." '^^ But however closely the two governments might have cooperated 
in the effort to reduce friction in the Indian trade, there can be little doubt that the 
Pennsylvania trader as an individual endeavored to turn the Indians against his rival 
traders from other colonies as much as he did to influence them against the French 
— and the Maryland and Virginia traders used the same device against their Penn- 
sylvania rivals."' 

At the same time that the Pennsylvania government was following this liberal 
trade policy. Governor Hamilton was seeking to enlist the interest of other colonies 
in strengthening their influence over the western Indians. In September, 1750, he 
wrote Governor Clinton and the governors of Maryland and Virginia that as large 
numbers of the Six Nations had left New York and settled in the West and "are 
become more numerous there than in the Countries they left," and as these Western 
Indians seemed to be "now upon the Balance," the governors of the English 
colonies would do well to consider what should be done.'*" Clinton laid this state- 
ment before the New York assembly, and that body rehearsed some recent history 
for the benefit of the Pennsylvania government: during the last war, it pointed 
out. New York's frontiers had borne the brunt of the French and Indian threat, 
with little assistance from Pennsylvania — and now that the sCene had shifted to 
that colony's back country, let her take her turn in providing defense. In. August 

'•*"Fcb. 24, 1750/51, //'/V., Ill, 37-53. V, 463-64, 480-81; the rough draft of this letter is in 

"»?a. .ftr/i., II, 59. Provincial Council Records, H. S. P. Cf. the message deliv- 

'''"Ta. Q. R; V, 439-40. ercd by .Andrew Montour to Governor Hamilton from the 

"'^IbU., V, 422-25. Six Nation Indians on the Ohio, Sept. ii, 1750; Penn Manu- 

"=Penn Manuscripts, Indian Affairs, I, 59, 60; 'Pd. £■ R-, scripts, Indian Affairs, I, 58; Hid., I, 63, 65. 


Tennsylvania, I/j6—I/'62 

Hamilton had urged the assembly to send a present to the Twightwees since they 
had made "so large an addition to the Trade of the Province," and the assembly 
had readily complied. But as succeeding weeks brought news of the increased 
activity of the French, Hamilton took up the crisis in Indian affairs with the new 
assembly as soon as that body was organized: the French were building up war 
stores at Detroit, Weiser had just returned from Onondaga with news that 
Canasatego was dead and that he had been succeeded by a Roman Catholic con- 
vert who was wholly in the French interest, and the Ohio Indians were in imme- 
diate need of assistance. The assembly promptly responded with another present, 
admitting the need for speedy action, expressing approval of the governor's alert- 
ness to the problem, and asserting that "the prosperity of the trade of the province 
and peace and safety of our remote inhabitants are essentially concerned in pre- 
serving the Indians in our alliance steady in their friendship with us."'^^ But at 
the same time they repeated their request that the proprietors should bear some 
of the costs of Indian expenses. Weiser, at the urgent request of the governor, 
attended the meeting of the council and assembly at this time. "Indian ailairs 
are in a most lamentable condition," Peters wrote him. ". . . It seems to me that 
our only game to play now is with the Ohio Indians and the Twightwees." *** 

During the preceding summer Governor Hamilton had dispatched George 
Croghan and Andrew Montour to the Ohio to invite all of the western tribes to 
attend a treaty the following spring. In January, 1 751, he laid before the council 
a letter from Croghan saying that Joncaire was on the Ohio preparing to build a 
fort, that some of the Indian chiefs had expressed the opinion that the English 
ought to build a fort there to protect their trade. At the same time the council 
considered Governor Clinton's letter to all of the British governors in America, 
calling upon them to meet in Albany the following June to concert measures in 
order to prevent the Indians' "wavering [under] dread of the French, which will 
ever influence their conduct as long as the colonies remain disunited.""' 
These disturbing documents Hamilton sent at once to the assembly, but that body 
deferred a decision on Governor Clinton's invitation until its adjourned session. 

"3/i,V., I, 61, 62; Ta. C- R; V, 465, 480-84, 486-87; 15-Oct. I, 1750, is in Ta. £■ R; V, 470-80. Two variant 

Clinton's letters to Hamilton of Sept. 8 and Dec. 18, 1 7 50, copies of this journal are to be found in Penn Manuscripts, 

are in Provincial Council Records, H.S.P. Hamilton to Indian Affairs, I, 66, 67. The latter is endorsed by Peters: 

assembly, Aug. 8, 1 750, Ta. £■ R-< V, 454-55; assembly's "Rough draft of Conrad Weiser's journal of his journey to 

reply, Aug. 15, iiiJ., V, 460. Tennsylvania Quzette, Aug. 30 Onondaga intended for Colonel Lee, President of Virginia, 

and Nov. i, 1750. James Pemberton to John Pemberton, He makes a separate one for this province which shall be 

Aug. 16, 1750: "Canesatego who was their Chief Speaker at copied and sent in Buddcn. This is only to let Proprietors see 

the last Great Treaty and another Indian Chief who had great what a state the Six Nations Council is in." This copy is not 

influence amongst them is lately dead and their successor, it is in the handwriting of Weiser though it is called a rough 

said, is a Roman Catholic, by which means the French have draft. It contains Weiser's memorandum of "a friendly 

found it less difficult to carry their point and are taking great pute" on theology between an Oneida and "Tahasawuchgioony 

pains to enlarge their trade amongst them. By the account ... a professed Roman at the head of affairs in Onondaga 

Conrad gives most of the Six Nations are Inclinable to the since the death of Canasatego." This discourse, not printed 

French & their behaviour to him hath been very different at or included in the other versions of Weiser's journal, does not 

this time to what he hath formerly found it, tho' do not hear establish the Onondaga chieftain as a devout Catholic, but it 

they alledge .-iny Complaints against the Pennsylvanians. The does reveal his subtlety. 

afl^air is now under notice of the Assembly"; Pemberton "<Oct. 3, 1750, Peters Manuscripts, III, 20, 21. 

Papers, VI, 119. ""^Pj. C- R; V, 496-98; Volwiler, of. rir., 71-72. 

The journal of Weiser's negotiations at Onondaga, Aug. 


Indian ^jfairs in 

The message from Croghan, however, gave Hamilton an opportunity to con- 
verse privately during the winter with some of the leading members of the assembly 
concerning the proprietors' proposal to build a fort on the Ohio. But finding 
these members in private "extremely averse to it" Hamilton could only instruct 
Croghan to sound the Indians out on the matter. This he did in May when 
Croghan returned from the West, reported that in February, at Pickawillani, he 
had held a treaty with the chiefs of two tribes of the Twightwee nation and had 
presented them with goods to the value of £ioo. The assembly repudiated this 
treaty and warned Hamilton concerning agents in the Indian trade who exceeded 
their instructions — but by that time Croghan was on his way to Logstown wdth 
the assembly's present of £700 for the western Indians, a mission which stored up 
additional causes for the assembly's resentment toward Croghan. For, only two 
days after the treaty of Logstown opened late in May, Joncaire and a party of 
French, with forty Iroquois, arrived to disturb the conference with the Six Nations, 
the Delawares, the Shawnee, the Wyandots, and the Miami. Croghan laid up 
trouble for himself by accepting a letter from Joncaire to Hamilton stating the 
French claims and demands. The Indians, disregarding the private nature of his 
instructions respecting a fort, replied in open council: "We expect that our 
brother will build a strong House on the River Ohio, that if we should be obliged 
to engage in a War that we should have a Place to secure our Wives and Children, 
likewise to secure our Brothers that come to trade with us, for without our Brothers 
supply us with Goods we cannot live." ^** When this statement came before the 
assembly it was thought that Croghan had inserted the Indians' request for a fort 
in his journal, and that body investigated both Croghan's instructions and his 
conduct — a step which forced both Hamilton and Weiser to deny knowledge 
of or concern with instructions relating to a fort. The proprietarial officials were 
now feeling the embarrassment of placing Indian negotiations in the hands of an 
interested person : Croghan was not Weiser, and he was in desperate need at this 
time.**^ Nevertheless, when the assembly sought to evade the embarrassing request 

^^^Ibid., 76; Ta. C- R; V, 498; 514, 515, 517-18, the fact that he had issued private instructions on this point; 

522-25, 529, 547. On April 27, 1751, Hamilton sent Weiser technically the latter was correct, for this matter had been 

a copy of the latter's journal to Ohio in 1748, advising him deleted from the official instructions; Ta. £■ R; V, 547. Cf. 

to give Croghan and Montour such extracts as they might Walton, of. cit., 249. Actually Peters drew up the instructions, 

need. Hamilton also expressed pleasure that Weiser and sent them to Weiser, and told him to take away from them 

Croghan had settled the instructions for the Ohio journey or alter them in any way he thought proper; Peters Manu- 

and he returned a fair copy of them, omitting that part re- scripts. III, 35, 39, 47, 48. 

lating to the building of a fort. This was done, he said, ''"Croghan, Trent, and Hockley, in account with Richard 

because he had sounded some members of the assembly on Peters, Aug. 20, 175 1, Cadwalader Papers. In a letter to 

this matter and he found no likelihood of their agreeing to it; William Trent, Nov. 13, 1750, Peters accused both Trent 

hence it would expose the province to the contempt of the and Croghan of violating the partnership agreement with 

Indians if they were solicited for permission to build a fort Hockley by using the company's resources in furtherance of 

and then the province found itself unable to execute the plan. their private trading; he stated also that the debts of the firm 

Therefore Hamilton thought it better to have Croghan make of Croghan and Trent amounted to three or four thousand 

the proposal as coming from himself; then it could be pressed pounds, part of which was for individual trading; iiiJ. A 

on the assembly; Peters Manuscripts, III, 38. few months after Peters performed the "heavy task" of mak- 

Both Montour and Weiser felt that the Indians would not ing these charges to Trent, he wrote again ordering company 

permit the building of a fort, thus causing the assembly to assets to the extent of £710 be turned over to Peters in order 

think this speech of the Indians had been "Misunderstood or that they would not be liable to attachment for a private debt 

misrepresented" by Croghan. Weiser denied any knowledge of Croghan's of £3500; March 11, 1750/51, iiiJ., cf. 

of instructions to Croghan about the fort and Hamilton denied Volwiler, of. cit., 41, 45;^. 


sylvania, 1736-1762 

put by the Indians for a fort at the forks of the Ohio, and when Hamilton engaged 
in a discussion of the question of whether this area was in Pennsylvania, Thomas 
Penn was impatient. The larger question, he wrote, was the protection of His 
Majesty's interests and if the Forks of Ohio was beyond the limits of Pennsyl- 
vania, it was the duty of the assembly to assist Virginia or any other colony 
in building a fort — assisted by his donation of £400 for building and £100 
annually for maintenance. But the assembly entertained no such broad view 
of the good of the British interest. By declining this proposal, the assembly took 
a fateful position: the Delawares and the Shawnee on the Ohio now looked to 
Virginia for assistance in defending themselves against the French. The Indian 
comprehension did not include an understanding of the fact that some men 
were principled against war. In the absence of understanding, contempt 

Virginia was ready, and had been for two years, to assume the lead in 
western Indian policy. Thomas Lee, as head of the Ohio Company, had urged 
Weiser early in 1750 to bring the western Indians to a treaty at Fredericksburg, 
and he had assured the Pennsylvania officials that the plans of his company were 
for the advancement of the British interest in general and not for any particular 
colony. This convinced Peters and Hamilton, but not Thomas Penn, who relied 
more on the assurances given him by Hanbury and the Duke of Bedford. But 
now Lee was dead and in 1751 Dinwiddie, whom Penn regarded as an honest 
man, took over the Virginia government and immediately became deeply inter- 
ested in the Ohio Company. For the next three years Thomas Penn continually 
urged Governor Hamilton to assist Dinwiddie in estabHshing settlements on the 
Ohio and in building a fortification; he transmitted Indian information to the 
British ministers, often before any official communications arrived from America; 
probably no one in England was better informed on Indian affairs or more aware 
of the need for unified action, and, because of his friendship with the Duke of 
Cumberland, Lord Granville, Lord Halifax, and the Duke of Bedford, Penn was 
able to emphasize again and again the need for imperial control of this problem. He 
urged intercolonial cooperation at the same time that he pleaded for imperial 
action: when Colonel Cresap, acting for the Ohio Company, made trouble among 
the squatters on the border, Penn went to Hanbury and obtained a promise that 
Cresap should be quieted; when news came to him that Pennsylvania traders were 
inciting the Indians against the Virginia and Maryland traders, he urged Hamilton 
to use his "utmost endeavours to prevent our traders from infusing such jealousies in 
the Indians for the future"; when the Indians, at the treaties conducted by Virginia 
at Logstown in 1752 and at Winchester in 1753, asked that colony to build forts 
on the Ohio, Penn was pleased and urged Hamilton to support Virginia. Croghan, 
Weiser, and Andrew Montour were permitted by Governor Hamilton to assist at 
these treaties. The English defensive was now assumed by Virginia, and not Weiser 


Indian Affairs in 

or Croghan but young George Washington was sent in 1753 to warn the French 
at Venango."* 

But it was too late. The governor of Canada now resorted to force instead 
of persuasion. An attack on the Indian town of Pickawillani in June, 1752, 
caused the traders to draw in their lines and establish themselves on the upper 
Ohio. The following year a French expedition set out to build forts at Presque 
Isle, Le Bceuf and Venango. The assembly met this threat by appropriating £200 
for a condolence present to the Twightwee and £600 for "the Necessities of Life" 
for the other tribes on the Ohio — a euphemism for guns and ammunition which 
accommodated the peaceable principles of the assembly and which suggests the 
hand of Benjamin Franklin. This present was to be delivered to the Indians on 
their return from the treaty at Winchester, and Hamilton now departed from the 
usual practice by selecting from the assembly two of the commissioners who would 
have charge of the negotiations — a move that was displeasing to Thomas 
Penn, though the choice of FrankHn as a commissioner modified his displeasure 

Richard Peters, Isaac Norris, and Benjamin Franklin, not knowing why 
the western Indians wished a treaty with Pennsylvania, met them at Carlisle late 
in September, 1753. The Iroquois, Delawares, Shawnee and Twightwee, to the 
number of about one hundred, were led by Scarouady, the Oneida chief whose 
title of Half-King even Thomas Penn and some of the British ministers thought 
derisive, but the commissioners reported that Scarouady, who had conducted the 
Winchester treaty, was "a Person of great Weight" in the councils of the western 
Indians. The Oneida chief was skillful in hinting that the attitude of the western 
Indians toward the French would be determined by evidences of Pennsylvania's 
friendship in the form of goods. Weiser was urged by the commissioners to find 
out from his Indian friends the true disposition of the Ohio Indians, and he 
reported that "all Persons at Ohio would have their Eyes on the reception of 
those Indians now at Carlisle, and judge of the AfTection of this Province by 
their Treatment of them." '"** The intended present, he added, was no secret among 
the Indians and he urged that the whole be given at once; but as the Virginia gift 
of arms and ammunition had been withheld to be delivered at Ohio, out of fear 
that the Indians who were present at Winchester might use them on the Virginia 

'**W. Neil Franklin, "Pennsylvania-Virginia Rivalry for necessity for such very great gratifications, and this I take the 

the Indian Trade of the Ohio Valley," Miss. Valley Hist. liberty to think from the letter wrhich Parker their principal 

Rev. XX (March, 1934), 463-80. Penn Letter Book, II, trader wrote to one of ours"; ibid.. Ill, 37-53. For the 

302-303; III, 12-13, 33> 34> 35- O" ^^^- ■'4' '75°/5'' Weiser-Lee correspondence and Peters' comments on it, 

Penn wrote Peters as follows: "I cannot agree with you that Peters Manuscripts, III, 5, 6, 9, 10, 13, 14, 27, 28, 30, 

Col. Lee's attachment to Indian affairs would have been of 50, 54, 55. 

general use. I believe he had not anything in view but to ""Volwilcr, of. ril., 78-80; Ta. f. /?., V, 616, 687; 

attach them to Virginia and to his new company at Ohio, Peters M.inuscripts, III, 52, 57, 58, 60, 63, -67, 69, 75, 

and I am of opinion to have done that effectually would have 77, 78, 107. 

run the hazard of drawing off their regard to the other '^"■P.j. f. /?., V, 657-59, 665-86. The manuscript of the 

colonies. What can the bribes to Conrad mean but to engage Winchester treaty of 1753, which has not been printed, is in 

him to persuade them to measures that may be more for the the Library of Congress. 

interest of Virginia than of the Indians, else there were no 


Tennsylvania, I/'j6-I/62 

frontiers, the Pennsylvania commissioners rejected Weiser's advice and adopted 
a similar expedient. Although the commissioners tempered their decision by 
increasing the quantity of the goods, Scarouady and his followers were dissatisfied 
with the arrangements and the chief spoke plainly concerning abuses of the 
traders, the encroachments of settlers, the sale of rum, and the large number of 
trading posts, which he wished to reduce to three. During the treaty word was 
brought that the message of Scruniyatha, the Seneca Half-King, to the French 
had been contemptuously treated, reducing Scruniyatha to tears and causing him 
to warn the English traders not to cross the Ohio. This seemed to alarm the 
Indians, but Scarouady, with great cunning, addressed himself to the Delawares 
and Shawnee and urged them to be quiet until "We get home and I see my Friend 
and Brother the Half King, and then we shall know what is to be done." The 
chain of friendship was brightened at the treaty, but the noncommittal policy of 
Scarouady respecting the French was ominous, more so that it was addressed 
specifically to the Delawares and Shawnee. Without waiting for Franklin to print 
the first treaty in which he took part, Peters sent a manuscript copy off to Thomas 
Penn, who added to it some memoranda urging the building of forts on the Ohio 
and no doubt passed it on to some of his ministerial friends."'* 

The treaties of Winchester and Carlisle were wholly ineffectual in stemming 
the tide of French aggression. Within three months Governor Hamilton informed 
the assembly of the building of forts by the French, which he regarded as the most 
alarming occasion "since the first Settlement of the Province."*" Too late the 
Ohio Company began the erection of fortifications on the Monongahela and at 
the Forks of Ohio. Too late the British ministry gave orders to repel French 
encroachments by force. Too late — and too inefi^ectual when it came — was the 
crystallization of the need felt by all for united counsels. Dissensions between 
governors and assemblies, intercolonial jealousies, trade rivalries were still too 
strong to be overcome by the efforts of men like Franklin, Kennedy, Colden, 
Penn, Peters, and others to secure some sort of colonial union against the French 
threat. The Albany Plan of Union of 1754, wrote Governor George Thomas, 
now ruling peacefully in Antigua, "smells strong of Pennsylvania."*" Pennsyl- 
vania had had a leading hand in the events of three years leading up to the Plan, 
and Franklin of Pennsylvania was its architect, but it was not accepted by the 
colonies and never submitted to parliament. The treaty at which the Plan was 
drawn up indeed served only to drive another wedge between Pennsylvania and 
the western Indians, to drive deeper the wedge between Pennsylvania and the Six 
Nations at Onondaga. Thomas Penn had long counseled against neglect of the 
Iroquois at Onondaga, advising that control of the western Indians be secured by 
maintaining a firm friendship with their overlords in New York. 

"•Penn Manuscripts, Indian Affairs, I, 89-106; Temi- '■^-Ta. £■ R-, V, 658-59, 665-87. 

syhania Qnelle, May 10 and 24, June 7, 1753, and April ^^^]m. 15, 1755, Peters Manuscripts, IV, i. 

Indian .Affairs in 

The western policy had been ineffectual; it had also been more costly. And 
now the commissioners from the various colonies had to face the withering scorn 
of the Mohawk sachem, Hendrick Peters:'''* "You have neglected us for three 
years past. [Then taking a stick and throwing it behind his back.] You have thrown 
us behind your backs and disregarded us, whereas the French are a subtile and 
vigilent people, ever using their utmost endeavours to seduce and bring our people 
over to them. You ask if the French have built their forts and invaded our land 
with our permission. I tell you, no. The Governor of Virginia and the Governor 
of Canada are both quarreling about lands which belong to us, and such a quarrel 
as this may end in our destruction. They fight who shall have the land. The Gov- 
ernors of Virginia and Pennsylvania have made paths through our country to 
trade, and built houses without acquainting us with it. They should first have 
asked our consent to build there as when Oswego was built. For three years past 
your Council Fires have not burned for us. You have invited us to no treaties at 
Albany. You have not strengthened your cause by conquest. We would have 
gone and taken Crown Point, but you hindered us. We have concluded to go 
and take it, but we are told that it was too late, and that the ice would not bear us. 
Instead of this you burnt your own fort at Saraghtoga and ran away from it, which 
was a shame and a scandal to you. Look about your country and see, you have 
no fortifications about you; no, not even this city . . . Look at the French, they 
are men, they are fortifying everywhere. But we are ashamed to say it, you are all 
like women, bare and open without any fortifications." '°° Though this was 
addressed specifically to the governor of New York, the commissioners from 
Pennsylvania — John Penn, Richard Peters, Isaac Norris, and Benjamin Frankhn 
— knew that their province was included in Hendrick's scornful blast. Weiser 
made as able a reply to these charges as could be made, but the commissioners of 
the colonies represented at Albany concluded that the Six Nations had been 
neglected, that the Indians had been injured in land and trade enterprises, that 
the traffic in rum had caused much dissension among the natives, and that the 
French, ineffectually opposed by divided and jealous colonies, were determined 
to absorb all of the Indian trade. While this was being said, actions were proving 
the conclusions correct: on July 6 the Pennsylvania commissioners purchased, 
with the approval of Colonel William Johnson, a large tract of land west of the 
Susquehanna, and the commissioners from Connecticut were silendy sanctioning 
a purchase by Connecticut people, under the Connecticut charter, of an Indian 
claim to part of the same land, signed a few days later by some of the same Indians. 
The western Indians had for some time been dissatisfied because they received 
none of the goods for the lands purchased by Canasatego in 1749 and Scarouady 

"<A good sketch of Hendrick Peters is in O. J. Harvey, '"y^. Q- ^v VI, 80-81 ; ^^C. r. Q- »■, V. 853#. 

History of WUkes-Barre, I, 264. See also Lyddeker, The 
Faithful CMohatvksi O^. T. C- "D-, IV, 281, 345, 364, 462, 
47^. 533; V, Vl,fj,sim. 


Pennsylvania, l'/s6—lj62 

had in 1753 protested against the encroaching settlements west of Juniata. But 
with the frontier population crowding the limits of fonner purchases, the pro- 
prietors had for over four years been urging Weiser and Peters to conclude a new 
purchase. Now that it was done, the Susquehannah Company of Connecticut 
injected a new problem into the complicated maze of Indian aflFairs — a problem 
that was to continue for nearly half a century. Both purchases were made in private, 
both disturbed the Indians. Within a year two more land companies from Con- 
necticut had invaded the province and purchased, from a set of obscure Delawares, 
almost all of the lands in the northeastern part of the colony. Even before these 
events gave meaning to his words, Hendrick had admitted to Governor Morris 
in January, 1755, that the Six Nations could no longer control their tributaries: 
the strong hand of Canasatego was wanting, and the equally strong hand of 
Weiser — now restrained by Johnson — was faltering. Even Scarouady exhibited 
a personal demonstration of the confusion in Indian councils when, at the same 
meeting with Hendrick, he promised to do what he could to nullify the Albany 
purchase of the Susquehannah Company. Two months later, "Sober and Undis- 
guised" and to the astonishment of Thomas Penn, he signed the deed that he had 
promised to destroy.*** 

The storm broke in October of that year. Scarouady, who had served with 
Braddock and who had lost a son, made a final appeal to the Pennsylvania gov- 
ernment to support the western Indians against the French. He came not as a 
supplicant, but as a proud warrior, representing the Shawnee and the Delawares, 
and he demanded that the governor and the assembly hear him. His address was 
made in the State House, before the governor, the council, the assembly, and a 
large audience. His appearance was the most dramatic spectacle that the State 
House saw prior to the Revolution — indeed it was in a sense the Declaration of 
Independence of the Delawares. Through him the Indians he represented inquired 
whether "this Government . . . would give them the Hatchet and fight themselves. 
If they would, he had something further to say. If not, they would soon know what 
to do."'" To the assembly he said: "We do, therefore, once more invite and 
request you to act like men, and be no longer women, pursuing weak measures, 
that render your names despicable." To Governor Morris, he said: "One word 
of yours will bring the Delawares to join you."'^* That word was not given. 
For, only a short while before Scarouady spoke, the assembly had presented Gov- 
ernor Morris with a bill appropriating £60,000 — provided the proprietary estates 
were taxed, and the governor and the assembly were now at loggerheads over the 

'^"Walton, Of. cit., 283; Susquehannah Company Papers, ''^^Aug. 22, 1755, Ta. £■ R-, VI, 590; Richard Peters 

1, 115, 118, 101-21, 123/., 207, 217-18, 22!, 230-31, 293, to Thomas Penn, Nov. 12, 1755, Peters Letter Book, 1755- 

308-13; Weiser to Peters, Sept. 13, 1754, Provincial Council 1757. The governor and Council, on the advice of Weiser, 

Records, II, H. S. P.; Ta. £■ R; VI, 110-29, "93> 204, told the Delawares and Nanticokes to await the action of the 

216-17; Penn Manuscripts, Indian Affairs, II, 4-8; Peters Six Nations; Ta. £■ R-, VI, 591; [William Smith], JT "Brief 

Manuscripts, IV, 84. Minutes of Conferences with Scarouady, View of the Qondtict of Tennsylvania, for the year 1^55 

Dec. 20 and 24, 1754, Provincial Council Records, H. S. P. (London, 1756), 47^. 

'?a. C- R; VI, 685-6, Nov. 8, 1755. 


Indian Affairs in 

question of defense, debating endlessly over prerogative while doom impended. 
A few weeks later the blow fell: settlements at the Big and Little Coves were 
wiped out, all inhabitants north of the Blue Hills lay exposed before the toma- 
hawk and firebrand, and the frontiers of Northampton, Berks, and Cumberland 
rolled back on the setdements. Frantic appeals from the back inhabitants soon 
grew into threats against dilatory authorities, both proprietary and representa- 
tive. Franklin in the assembly and Peters in the proprietary circle each tried to 
accommodate the differences. Peters in October even went so far as to inform 
members of the assembly of the state of Indian affairs when Morris declined to 
do so: "This is a private letter," he wrote Weiser, "to tell you that we all blame 
the Governor very much for not laying before the Assembly all the Indian news 
. . . The lives of people are not to be played with, nor thrown away because tho 
two parts of the legislature differ, at least I am determined not to be accessory to such 
a step." '"" When at last the legislature passed a supply bill and a miHtia act, on the 
announcement that the proprietors had contributed £5000 for defense, it was 
Franklin who managed the compromise, who headed the legislative committee 
charged with spending the money appropriated, and who took the field to erect 
defenses in the vulnerable passes along the mountain barrier. 

It was while the Indian ravages were at their height that the assembly sought 
to throw the blame for the war on the proprietors. They passed a resolution calling 
for an investigation of the causes of the alienation of the Indians, specifically to 
inquire whether injustices had been done the Shawnee and other Indians "Prin- 
cipally in the late Proprietary Purchase." '"" This, the first hint that the proprietors 
had not treated the Indians with justice, met with Dr. William Smith's scornful 
comment in his 'Brief View of the Qonduct of Tennsylvania: "Suppose some of 
these Assembly-Men's Houses in Town be on Fire, and they come to you, in 
breathless Haste, calling for Buckets and Water: Then, instead of affording them 
what Help you can, suppose you should proceed leisurely and calmly to enquire 
of them, how the House catched Fire.? Was it by Design of any Malicious Person, 
&c." '" The assembly, after inspecting various treaties, declared "that they believe 
great care has generally been taken to do the Indians justice by the proprietaries 
in all their purchases and other public transactions; and that the proprietaries 
have done wisely, not only to purchase their Lands, but to purchase them more 
than once, for peace-sake, and that it appears the Shawonese could have but a 
slender foundation for any claim of satisfaction for lands in this Province." ^^^ But 
the charge had been hinted and it could not be killed by resolutions. 

""Peters to Weiser, Oct. i8, 1755, Weiser Manuscripts, ""2r«/ View, 60. 

I, 53. ^"'liiJ., 52; Ta. Jtrch., 8th ser., "Votes and Pro- 

'""Smith, Tiriej View, 51. "By this extraordinary Pro- ceedings." Smith did not quote the assembly's statement pre- 

posal," Smith wrote, "the Assembly hoped to throw the Odium ciscly, but he did not violate its meaning; however, the 

of the Indian 'Dejection upon the Proprietors, and not upon assembly did charge that the complaint of the Shawnee at 

their own continued Refusal to put the Hatchet into the Carlisle In 1753 regarding lands had not been attended to; 

Hands of the said Indium at their repeated Solicitations." Ta. C- R., Vll, 746; Tennsylvania Qazette, Dec. 11, 1755. 


Pennsylvania, 1236-IJ62 

But if this dark, hint was to plague the proprietors, it was also to harass the 
assembly, particularly the Friends [about thirty] who controlled it. Smith's "Bru] 
View was but one of several attacks, chiefly in the newspapers, but it was the most 
powerful and cogent one. As for injustice. Smith countered, "there is not perhaps 
a more flagrant Piece of Iniquity subsisting among any free People, than the 
Manner in which this Province is represented in Assembly. We have eight Counties, 
and out of thirty-six Members, the three old Counties where the Quakers are 
settled, return twenty-six of the Number . . . The Quakers are always a vast 
majority in the Assembly, altho' they are not near one fifth of the People in the 
Province ... If the Back Counties were but fairly represented, it would be impos- 
sible to tie up the Hands of the People." '''^ This, too, was a new grievance and it 
was to go unredressed long after the Friends had released control of the assembly. 
Smith argued cogently and persuasively but he argued as much against the Friends 
as for the back inhabitants. 

While these legislative disputes were going on, and even before the supply 
bill was passed, the assembly presented the governor with a bill to regulate the 
Indian trade. Its terms made it perfectly clear that the intention was to wrest 
Indian aflfairs out of the hands of the governor and put them under the control 
of the assembly: commissioners were to be set up, who would direct and control 
agents and interpreters, and all gains from Indian trade were to be laid out in 
presents to be distributed under the direction of the assembly. "In short," wrote 
Richard Peters, "it is a New England Plan, with the additional Amendment of 
Excluding the Governor out of all Transactions with the Indians." '"* It is probable 
that the governor's reliance in recent years on traders such as Croghan and Trent, 
together with Croghan's habit of exceeding his instructions and his appropria- 
tions, was part of the motive for this bill. On this point the assembly was on surer 
ground, for not only were Croghan and Trent deeply concerned in trade, but 
their connections with some of the governor's circle were commercial in nature. 
In a larger view, however, this move by the assembly was a part of its effort to 
increase its own power and to decrease that of the governor, a move that soon 
sought to embrace the judiciary as well. 

The attacks on the frontier had been led by the Shawnee and Delawares on 
the Ohio. Shingas, Pisquitomen, and three nephews of old Sassoonan had assumed 
leadership in these forays. The first had been chosen head of the Delawares on 
the Ohio at the Treaty of Carlisle in 1753 and, wrote Richard Peters, "he and all 
his Nation made the warmest Professions possible of their Love for us and received 

^"^liU., 53. Thomas Penn thought better of Smith's Agency of TetiKsyhmla, l^IJ-iy^y, lyi-y^). On May 14., 

'Brief Viea- than of his "Brief Stale. He felt that the latter 1757, Penn wrote to Peters about his ardent but embarrassing 

"exposed too much the nakedness of the Province to the young supporter in the province: "I thinii Mr. Smith does 

French," that it was too violent in expression, that it was too well to be persuaded not to write" (Penn Letter Book IV, 

severe on the Friends and the Germans, and that it would not 125). 

accomplish its object of bringing about imperial action (Penn '"Richard Peters to Thomas Penn, Nov. 13, 1755, Peters 

Letter Book, IV, 55, 66-67, 176; Mabel P. Wolff, Qolonial Letter Book, 1755-1757. 

Indian Affairs in 

. . . a large present. They repeated these Professions to Mr. Weiser the very last 
year [1754] at Aucquick, the place that all our friendly Indians from the Ohio 
were ordered to resort to after the taking of Trent's fort and the defeat of Col. 
Washington. The Delawares came there and said they would live and die with us. 
I assure you, Sir, there is not the least Reason in the World for the Assembly's 
Insinuation as if they had any just cause given them of complaint. They have 
none, they have made none, but are bad people & corrupted by the Shawonese, 
& took this base turn after the defeat of the General, tho it is said that some of them 
engaged for the French before and fought in the action against the General." "" 
Peters hoped that as the Delawares had declared war against Pennsylvania it 
would mean also that they had done so against the Six Nations. Scarouady and 
Montour were now sent to the Six Nations to inquire whether the Delawares had 
acted with their knowledge and direction and whether they would send the hatchet 
to the Indians on the Susquehanna to join Pennsylvania against the Ohio Dela- 
wares. Scarouady set out in high hopes on this second journey to Onondaga. 

But Shingas was not the only Delaware who could forget his covenant of 
friendship. For on April 23, 1755, Governor Morris had held a conference with 
several Indians from Wyoming — led by "Teetusenng or Honest John" — at 
which "the Indians for their Tribes and the Governor for the People of this 
Province did ratify and confirm all former Treaties of Amity, Peace and Friend- 
ship and did mutually promise the continuance of their aflection and Love for 
each other." *"** Tedyuscung, however, longing for the taste of battle, soon forgot 
his pledges and during the winter of 1755-1756 joined in the forays of their 
brethren from the Ohio. These renewed attacks caused Governor Morris in April, 
1756, to yield to popular demand and declare war against the Delawares, offering 
bounties of $130 for the scalp of every male Indian over ten years of age, and $50 
for the scalp of every Indian woman. "^ While this pitiless measure was urged by 

^''^Richard Peters to Thomas Penn, Nov. 15, 1755, ibid. they should have a Reward for every Indian which they kill. 

'""Certificate signed by Richard Peters, April 23, 1755, They demand such a Law of us, with their Guns cocked, 

that the Indians "Teetyusenng or Honest John, Packshincos, pointing it towards us." Nov. 24, 1755, Ta. Jlrch., II, 511, 

Mamalachteseeka or Abraham, Quelpatanaceza, or John 505. lUd., II, 619-20, 639, 641. Some scalps were brought 

Combus, Masseequa, Tepwicawagung, Gudtameek, or the Fish, in: "Last Monday . . . was brought to Town two Indian 

living at Wyomink and other Places on the River Basque- scalps, one of them taken in the Engagement wherein Mr. 

hannah, did this day hold a Treaty with the Honourable Thomas Cresap was killed, the other by a Party of Rangers 

Robert Hunter Morris." This significant document is in the under Colonel Cresap; for each of which the Comissioners 

possession of Mrs. Augusta Smith, of Martinsburg, Pennsyl- paid the Reward of One Hundred and thirty 'Dollars." 

vania, who kindly permitted me to use it. At this treaty the Tennsyhania Qazelte, June 24, 1756. After the expedition 

governor gave the Indians a belt left for them by Colonel against Kittanning, Colonel Armstrong and his officers gave 

William Johnson, who desired that they "would not stir from the money they received for scalps to the privates "as a 

home, but wait all together for a Message which would be Reward for their good Behaviour . . . and to encourage them 

them by their Uncles the Six Nations and him thro' to go out again against the Indians. An instance of Generosity 

this Government, as soon as they should in Council have this," concluded the Qazelle, "which shews that these Gentle- 
taken their Resolutions." Cf. Ta. £. R., VI, 370-71. Gov- men did not go against the enemy from a mercenary motive, 
ernor Morris said Johnson's message would reach them about but from a Regard for the Service of their King and bleeding 
the time they arrived at Wyoming and he "requested that Country." Ibid., Oct. 7, 1756. The scalp of Captain Jacobs, 
they would instantly comply with it." Presents were given to for which the province had offered a special rewahd, was sent 
the Indians and passports issued to them. by Colonel Armstrong to Thomas Penn, who acknowledged 
"'Pa. C- ^■, '^H. 88-90, April 14, 1756; Volwiler, the receipt of this "valuable trophy" on Jan. 14, 1758. "I 
Of. cil., 102; Walton, of. cit., iizff. Weiser's letters to have thought," he wrote, "of sending it to the British Museum 
Morris revealed the urgent pressure from the inhabitants for with a plate engraved giving an account of the action [at 
a scalp bounty: "They want to force us to make a Law, that Kittanning]." Peters Manuscripts, V, 15. 

T^ennsylvania, I/J6—I/62 

such leaders as James Hamilton and by many of the frontier inhabitants, the action 
aroused criticism in various quarters. 

The nature of this popular demand of the back inhabitants for a scalp 
bounty in 1756 was similar to that of 1763 when one Anglican clergyman near 
the frontier wrote to another: "The general cry and wish is for what they call a 
Scalp Act . . , Vast numbers of Young Fellows who would not chuse to enlist 
as Soldiers, would be prompted by Revenge, Duty, Ambition & the Prospect 
of the Reward, to carry Fire & Sword into the Heart of the Indian Country. 
And indeed, if this Method could be reconcil'd with Revelation and the Humanity 
of the EngHsh Nation, it is the only one that appears likely to put a final stop to 
those Barbarians."'"* But in the autumn of 1755 John Harris and others on the 
frontier, witnessing the murder of their wives and children, the destruction of 
their houses and barns, the ruining of their unharvested crops, did not stop to 
ponder the requirements of Revelation or of the British character. 

In the eastern part of the province, however, the Friends and others pro- 
tested vigorously against the scalp bounty, though, as Richard Peters said, "they 
did not interpose till the Hatchet was put into the Hands of the Indians." *"® Aside 
from protests made on humanitarian grounds the most pertinent criticism came 
from the governor's own council: WilHam Logan opposed the declaration of war 
and the scalp bounty as a Friend, but he also thought the measure hasty and pre- 
mature and would interfere with efTorts already under way to induce the Six 
Nations to interpose and bring the Delawares and Shawnee under control. For 
Sir William Johnson had held two conferences in December, 1755, with the Six 
Nations for this purpose and in February, 1756, he secured their promise to send 
a deputation to the Pennsylvania Indians to invite them to a conference at 
Onondaga the following summer. On March 21, Daniel Claus, Scarouady and 
Andrew Montour arrived in Philadelphia bringing a copy of this last treaty. The 
Pennsylvania authorities were therefore in full possession of this information and 
Logan, on April 12, called for a full meeting of the council, at which the petition 
of the Friends was presented. But the Friends' request that "full Time may be 
allowed for those Indians who still remain well affected to us, to use and report 
the Effect of their Endeavours to reconcile our Enemies" was denied. Scarouady 
was more influential than the Friends. In private conversations he and Montour 
informed the proprietary officials that they "did not Expect any good Effect 
would speedily arise from the Interposition of the Six Nations or that the Dela- 
wares would at Present be brought to desist and advised us to hasten the building 

"^Thomas Barton to Richard Peters, July 5, 1763, Peters Friends protested and Logan called for a full meeting of the 

Manuscripts, VI, 10. Council that evening, where the address was read; ibU., VII, 

"'Richard Peters to Thomas Penn, April 28, 1756, Peters 83-86; Minutes of the Friendly Association, April 12, 1756, 

Letter Book, 1755-1757. The hatchet was given to Scarouady H. S. P.; rough drafts of the Indian conferences of Feb. 26, 

and Montour by the governor on April 8, 1756 (Ta. £■ R-, March 27, 1756 (Ta. £■ R; VII, 46-50. 64-69) are in 

VII, 74-75). On April 10 (ibid., VII, 78-79) the com- Provincial Council Records, H. S. P. 
altered the terms of the bounty; on April 12 the 

Indian ^ffc 

a Fort at Shamokin and to issue a Proclamation for Scalps." ^^^ The declaration of 
war was first made in a speech by Governor Morris to Scarouady and Montour, 
enforced by a belt of wampum. A week later the proclamation was read in the 
court house before a large number of people.^'* 

Sir William Johnson had informed Governor Morris of his negotiations with 
the Six Nations and had sent his letter — a kind letter, Peters called it — by 
Scarouady. But Morris did not answer it until April 24, and by then he had learned 
from Sir Charles Hardy that the Onondaga deputation to the Pennsylvania Indians 
had returned and that the Delawares had not only agreed to meet Johnson in the 
summer, but that their young men who had joined the French had repented of their 
folly and rashness and that they would send Johnson's belt to the Indians on the 
Ohio "to prevail on those Indians to unite in the measures they had now agreed 
to." Morris went into a long explanation in his letter to Johnson to show that "the 
importunate demands of the enraged people" had caused him to adopt this measure. 
"Had I had the least notion that they could be stopped in the midst of their furious 
career," he wrote, "I would not have gratified the people." ''' 

Johnson was already "very angry" with Pennsylvania, according to Peters, 
and when he learned of the declaration of war he was furious. "What will the 
Delawares & Shawanese think of such Opposition & Contradiction in our Con- 
duct?" he wrote General Shirley. "How shall I behave at the approaching meet- 
ing at Onondaga, not only to those Indians, but to the Six Nations? These Hostile 
Measures which Mr. Morris has entered into, is throwing all our Schemes into 
Confusion, & must naturally give the Six Nations such Impressions & the French 
such advantages to work on against us, that I tremble for the Consequences. I 
think without consulting your Excellency, without the concurrence of the other 
neighboring Provinces, without my receiving previous notice of it, this is a very 
unadvised & unaccountable proceeding of Governor Morris."^" Moreover, as 
Johnson reported to the Board of Trade, Morris had recently sent a war belt to 
the Six Nations, asking that they join Pennsylvania in the war against the Dela- 
wares, and at the same time the Friends were allowed to send a peace belt by the 
same messenger. Even the Indians, wrote Johnson, "Could not conceal their sur- 
prise that one Province should produce such contradictions."^^* 

Shortly after the war belt was handed to Scarouady, the Friends had held 
several conferences with the Indians and Scarouady was informed of the proposal 

"Td. C- ■'?•. VH. 64#-, especially 70-72, 74-86, 98, and fresh Fish, of which the Indians are fond threw them 

106. The proclamation treated the Delawares as "Enemies into pleuritick disorders and they had like to have all dyed, 

and Rebels to his Majesty." IliiJ., Vll, 98; Parrish, History but by the favour of Providence only one dyed, a Warrior 

of the Friendly Jfssociation, lo-l I. of Note, Brother to Conrad Weiscr, who was buried with the 

Scarouady on his journey to Onondaga met Teedyuscung Honours of War." Richard Peters to Thomas Penn, April 28, 

and found that he had been made a king. Cf. also Ta. £■ R-, \Ti(>> Peters Letter Book, 1755-1757; Ta. £■ R->, Vll, 70. 
VII, 12-15; Richard Peters to Thomas Penn, April 28, 1756, "=M;V., VII, 98. 

Peters Letter Book, 1755-1757; Peters Manuscripts, IV, 49; "'Peters Manuscripts, IV, 52; Sir William Johnson 

Susijuehannah Qompany Tafers, II, vi, note 18. 'Papers, II, 447, 452-54, 455,465, 467-71. 

"^Ta. C- R; VII, 74-75, 88-90. Scarouady almost died "< Johnson to the Board of Trade, May 28, 1756; 

on this occasion when he brought "a kind Letter from Sir D^. T. Q- "D. VII, 88-89. 
William Johnson with a copy of the Treaty. . . . Fatigue 


^Pennsylvania, I/J6—I/62 

of the Friends to act as mediators between the Delawares and the government of 
Pennsylvania. "Scarouady was greatly pleased with this Proposal" and agreed to 
accept the message. This, the governor and council had agreed, was to be a private 
message from the Friends and in no way endorsed by the government. But 
Scarouady, who was fast becoming an expert muddler, now threw the governor 
and council into confusion. He had, so Weiser reminded him, often reproached 
the Pennsylvanians with "sitting with their Heads bent to their knees" before the 
onslaughts of the Delawares; he had urged the declaration of war as an absolute 
necessity and had said the Six Nations would not do anything effective. But when 
Morris acquainted him with the news in Sir Charles Hardy's letter, Scarouady 
immediately expressed a desire to hasten to Onondaga to assist Johnson in the 
approaching treaty. He had also agreed to send the Friends' message to the Dela- 
wares at Wyoming, but in putting the message in the hands of Jagrea and New- 
castle he had given them orders in such a peremptory fashion that they refused 
to go and instead laid their case before Morris. In communicating this new turn 
of events to the council, Morris admitted that "it was unfortunate to have pub- 
lished the Declaration of War." *^' After some deliberation the council authorized 
Morris to send a message by Jagrea and Newcastle to the Delawares at Wyoming, 
informing them that he had learned from Hardy the Six Nations had commanded 
them to lay down their arms and they had agreed; that the English were prepared 
to defend themselves but would accept honorable peace terms; that if prisoners 
were delivered up to the Six Nations and their commands obeyed it would be in 
the power of the Six Nations to persuade the English not to prosecute the war; 
and that if the Wyoming Indians cared to come within the frontier settlements, 
they would be met with welcome. Newcastle undertook the journey, conferred 
with Tedyuscung, and arrangements were completed for a treaty to be held in 
July at Easton.'"* 

Meanwhile Sir William Johnson had proceeded with plans for the treaty 
between the Six Nations and the Delawares. At this conference, held at Onondaga 
in June and July, 1756, Tedyuscung "confessed that some of his people had been 
deceived & deluded by the French and the Delawares who live near to Fort 
Duquesne to join them in their late Hostilities . . . He expressed sorrow & repent- 
ance for what had passed, and ... In the most solemn manner he renewed the 
Covenant Chain. Both he and the Shawanese King accepted the War Belt, sung 
and danced to the War Song, with extraordinary fervor," Johnson wrote to the 
Board of Trade."' This diplomatic victory in the face of the obstacles created by 
the confused counsels of Pennsylvania came appropriately at the time when 
Johnson received the patents of his baronetcy and of his office as Superintendent 
of Indian Affairs for the Northern Department. In announcing this, Johnson pre- 

""■Ta. C- R; VII, 103, 106. his companions is in Provincial Council Records, H. S. P. 

""/i/V., VII, 137-42, i44-48> 170. >7i, 175. 198-99. '"•5V:- r. C- O., VII, 88-89. 

223. The rough draft of a passport issued to Newcastle and 


Indian Affairs in 

sented a war belt to the Indians: "a Seneca Chief laid hold of it, sung the war song, 
and danced; the Shawanese King did so next, and then the Delaware King with 
remarkable warmth."'" The dance continued until morning and with it 
Tedyuscung concluded his first treaty with the English. Whether at war or at a 
peace treaty Tedyuscung entered into the spirit of it "with remarkable warmth" 
— as Governor Morris and the proprietaries were soon to discover. 

Another turning point in Pennsylvania Indian policy had been reached. 
The assembly was already reaching out to control Indian affairs by their bill to 
regulate trade, an effort which became law in 1758. Pennsylvania governors could 
continue for a time to hold conferences with local Indians but all relations with 
the Six Nations were now in the hands of Sir William Johnson. A few weeks before 
his appointment was announced at Onondaga, Peters had expressed the belief 
that Johnson would if possible "engross all Indian Business and direct all their 
Councils and Influence and when Master of them without a Rival . . . make his 
Terms with this and the other Colonies. But at Present it is not seasonable to 
Infuse Jealousies of him . . . We cannot do without the Six Nations." '^^ Before the 
year was out another agent suspected by Pennsylvania officials, George Croghan, 
would become Sir William's deputy — "that vile Rascal Croghan," Peters called 
him — and would soon have more power in Indian treaties than the governor of 
Pennsylvania. But Johnson and Croghan were only two British officials: nearer 
at home were the Friends, allied in general with the assembly, hostile always to 
the proprietarial officials and to Sir William Johnson and his deputy as well. So 
powerful an influence in Indian affairs did the Friends become in the next few 
years that at times their private and unofficial negotiations with the natives 
appeared to reduce the official proceedings to a place of secondary importance. 
The Friends had long been interested in Indian affairs and had, as individ- 
uals or as small groups, attended many of the treaties. But in 1755 they estab- 
lished the "Friendly Association for Regaining and Preserving Peace with the 
Indians by Pacific Measures," an organization which did much to implement the 
religious and philanthropic, as well as economic, desires of a considerable portion 
of the Society of Friends. The Friendly Association, under the leadership of 
Israel Pemberton, had worked quietly among the Indians, entertaining them and 
giving them small presents, until the war was declared against the Delawares. This 
action caused the Friends to come to the support of the Association with large 
sums of money and considerable influence. Pemberton informed Sir William 
Johnson and Sir Charles Hardy of their plans, and when a suspension of hostilities 
was obtained in the early summer of 1756, the Friends were encouraged by this 
"happy event of our endeavours ... to pursue the business we had begun, though 
many malicious aspersions were cast upon us by persons from whom we had a 

"SPeters Manuscripts, IV, 66; ^. T. £■ »•. VII, ""To Thomas Pcnn, April 28, 1756, Peters Letter Book, 

155-60. >755-i757; H^'-i; J""-: 26, 1756. 


^Pennsylvania, iyj6—l'/62 

right to expect encouragement and assistance."'*" On July ig, when Newcastle 
returned from Tioga with a message from Tedyuscung that the latter would meet 
the governor at Easton, he brought a message also for the Friends, desiring some 
of them to attend the treaty. The next day the Friendly Association met, decided 
to raise money by subscription "that in future occasions we may be able to pro- 
mote the interest, welfare, and peace of the country, by contributing towards 
the expenses of treaties with the Indians," and Jeremiah Warder, Abel James and 
Israel Pemberton — all leading merchants of Philadelphia — were directed to 
purchase goods for the coming treaty. A fund of £1200 was immediately sub- 
scribed and by July 25 a wagon load of goods and about twenty Friends arrived 
at Easton. The assembly had contributed £300 for the approaching treaty/** 

Both the Friends and the proprietary officials soon found that they were 
not dealing with dependable statesmen like Shikellamy and Canasatego. Tedyus- 
cung, leader of a tribe that had asserted its independence, was filled with pride 
and vanity as he found himself looked to by the Six Nations, by the Pennsylvania 
government, and by the Friends. Peters gave a picture of the King of the Dela- 
wares just after the Easton treaty: "He was born among the English somewhere 
near Trenton, is near 50 Years Old, a lusty, rawboned Man, haughty and very 
desirous of respect and Command. He can drink three quarts or a Gallon of Rum 
a day without being drunk. He was the Man that persuaded the Delawares [on 
the Susquehanna] to go over to the French and then to Attack the Frontiers. He 
Commanded the attacks at Gnadenhutten and he and these with him have been 
concerned in the Mischiefs done to the Inhabitants of Northampton County,""^ 
The outlook for the treaty was not bright, "The King and his wild Company 
having been perpetually drunk, very much on the Gascoon, and at times abusive 
to the Inhabitants . . . The King, Mr. Parsons told us, was full of himself, saying 
frequently that which side so ever he took must stand and the other fall, repeating 
with Insolence that he came from the French who had pressed him much to join 
them against the English, that now he was in the middle."**^ The proprietary 
officials learned also that a considerable body of western Indians had arrived at 
Tioga just before Tedyuscung departed for the treaty, asking him to lead them on 
the warpath, but that he had told them to await his return. They thought that the 
King "would insist on high Terms," but to their surprise they found it otherwise. 
The governor "invited him and all his company to dinner and mixed them, Indians 
and English, beside one another and gave them plenty of Meat and Drink, of which 
the Indians had the greatest and best part. This with pleasantry in Conversation and 
a few compliments to the King overcame him, he shed Tears in abundance, 
declared he expected a different treatment, he had been bad, but being convinced 

^^""Minutes of the Proceedings of the People Called i^^Rj^h^^j Y^isii to Thomas Penn, Aug. 4, 1756, Peters 

Quakers in Philadelphia towards Regaining and Preserving Letter Book, 1755-1757. 
Peace with the Indians by Pacific Measures," H. S. P., p. 16. ^^^IbU. 

^''Parrish, Friendly J!ssociation, 17, 18, 19. 


Indian ^Affairs in 

of the openness and goodness of the Governor and his People, he would return to 
his former Love for them and he would serve them faithfully and bring about 
Peace." *** When the conference opened, Governor Morris spoke to Tedyuscung 
about his answer to the second message by Newcastle, wherein he had agreed to 
treat about peace, but the King blandly ignored the speech and said that he had 
come only to hear what was said by the governor, that peace negotiations would 
have to be carried on at a larger conference. This he repeated in private conversa- 
tions and also informed the governor that the Six Nations, now grown to ten, had 
made men of the Delawares and had only two kings over the whole alliance, of 
whom he was one. This, he had said privately, was only a preparatory council, but 
the next would be of consequence and what he, Tedyuscung, agreed to would 
stand. The governor therefore confirmed the messages delivered by Newcastle and 
invited Tedyuscung to attend a Council Fire where "all might mutually be con- 
firmed, the Antient Leagues renewed, and Peace reestablished," but the governor 
insisted as a preliminary that all English prisoners should be brought to the next 
treaty and delivered up. Tedyuscung was made an agent and councilor of Penn- 
sylvania with instructions to acquaint the Six Nations of these proceedings. This 
ofiice he gladly accepted and said that the governor would see him again in two 
months "with a prodigious Collection of Indians.""'" Thereupon the presents 
were distributed. That of the province, wrote Peters, was "shamefully small." But 
the Friendly Association had provided about £120 worth of goods and while at 
first the Friends insisted on making a separate gift, at Governor Morris' insistence 
they allowed their goods to be presented with those of the province. "I assure you," 
wrote Peters to Thomas Penn, "if the Quakers had not been complying and added 
their large present to that Provided by the Assembly, we should have been ruined, 
the Indians would have gone away dissatisfied, and the matters made infinitely 
worse.""* While the Friends insisted that they had attended the treaty merely to 
be of assistance, the minutes of their association indicate that they were conducting 
a parallel treaty, chiefly in the nature of private conferences with Tedyuscung and 
others. Up to this point their negotiations were conducted with caution and they 
had not openly championed the Delawares against the government. But they had 
by their attentions gained a powerful influence over Tedyuscung. While these 
proceedings were carried on at Easton, Friends in Philadelphia were augmenting 
the list of subscriptions to the Friendly Association, now grown to £1800.* 

Before the treaty with Tedyuscung was resumed in November, Governor 
Denny received a letter from Lord Loudoun in response to Morris' letters inform- 
ing Loudoun of the treaty with Tedyuscung at Easton. Loudoun did not use 

>*"//«V., Deposition of Joe Pcbby, d.ilcd at Bethlehem, ^''Richard Peters to Thomas Penn, Aug. 4^ 1756, Peters 

July 11, 1756, stating that Tedyuscung and others had in- Letter Book, 1755-1757. 
formed him they had been for three or four weeks among '^^liiJ. 

the French at Niagara, where they were much courted; '"Parrish, 0/. cil., 23. 

Provincial Council Records, H. S. P. 


Pennsylvania, lJj6—l'/62 

equivocal language: "I must here answer in General and once for all: That His 
Majesty having entirely taken out of the Hands of the Governments and Governors 
all right to Treat with, Confer, or make War or Peace, with the Five Nations or 
any of their Allies or Dependents; and having reposed this Trust wholly and solely 
in the Hands of Sir William Johnson, his sole agent for these affairs under my 
direction; I do hereby for the future, forbid you or your Government from Con- 
fering or Treating with these Indians in any shape, or on any account whatso- 
ever." '^* Had Loudoun or Johnson realized that in the next few months not only 
the Pennsylvania government but also a large number of organized private persons 
would interfere in Indian affairs, the general's answer might have been even more 
positive. Early in 1757 when Denny still continued to plan treaties with the Indians, 
Loudoun said that if Pennsylvania "obstinately insisted in carrying on Negotia- 
tions with the Indians," she could stand the expenses involved; this, he hoped, 
would bring them to realize "that is their Interest, as well as their Duty, to pay 
Obedience to the King's Commands, and not to interfere with his Prerogative of 
making Peace and War."'*° Laudable though the Friends' motives might have 
been, they, as well as the government of Pennsylvania, came close to rebellious 
measures in the ensuing treaties. 

Richard Peters was furious over Loudoun's instructions, which he regarded 
as "strokes . . . which carry Death with it." Writing to Thomas Penn he said that 
this injunction "has something so unnatural, provoking, impolitical and death 
giving, that I cannot mention it with patience, especially as it is contrary to your 
Hereditary Right by Charter and to an uninterrupted usage. Nor can a single 
instance be assigned or produced of any thing ever having been done by this 
Province in their various Transactions with the Indians to the prejudice of the 
King or any of his Interests or the interest of the Colonies. On the other side, is it 
not notorious that at a very great Expence, with infinite care and Judgment and with 
equal success this Government has treated with the Indians? Nor has the Crown 
been put to one Shilling Expence on their Account, but large and numerous Tribes 
have been engaged to become and continue Friends of the English at the sole & 
great Expence of the Proprietors and Province. Is it not notorious that the Pro- 
prietors & Government of Pennsylvania have had more Interest with and influence 
upon the Six Nations than ever Sir William Johnson can have? And I am sure when 
the Six Nations or any other Nation of Indians come to be told the King has taken 
away from the Proprietors & Government of Pennsylvania . . . the Right of Treat- 
ing with Indians, even their own Indians, Natives of Pennsylvania and Subjects of 
the Crown, and born and bred among them, the Indians will quit the English as a 
set of impolitical and unreasonable and wayward people." ^^" Peters had spent years 
mastering the difficult art of forest diplomacy, he had worn out his health in the 

is^Sept. 22, 17561 Ta. C- R; VII, 269-71. 10; T.,. C- R; VII, 480, 481, 524. 

"'May 5, 1757; Penn Manuscripts, Indian Affairs, III, '""October 30, 1756; Peters Letter Book, 1755-1757. 


Indian .Affairs in 

arduous work involved, and now his knowledge and experience were to be of no 
avail at the time when they were most needed. But Peters forgot, in his anger, that 
both he and Thomas Penn had for years urged a unified system of management of 
Indian aflairs. This stroke of death was, in part, some of their own work. Yet, feeling 
as he did, and holding a sword over Sir William's deputy, George Croghan, whom 
he might have imprisoned for debt, Peters magnanimously withheld his hand — on 
the advice of Thomas Penn. 

Denny was unwilling to conclude the treaty begun by Morris without getting 
the approval of the council and the assembly. The resolution of the council bears 
evidence of Peters' influence: the proprietary officials had authority under the 
charter, which had passed the great seal, to conduct negotiations with the Indians 
and declare war if necessary, and as Loudoun had not furnished a copy of Johnson's 
credentials, it could not be known whether his commission bore the equal authority 
of the great seal. Moreover, as Morris had begun the treaty, and as the approaching 
conference was to conclude the peace arrangements, it would be "vastly injurious 
to His Majesty's interest to refuse now to treat with them." The assembly, however, 
regarded the new imperial policy as wise and judicious. "We think," they said, 
"the British Interest will now have more Weight with the Indians than if separate 
Treaties of Peace might be made by separate Colonies for themselves, without 
consulting the Interest or Safety of their Neighbors." Nevertheless, they advised 
Denny to conclude the treaty already begun, but to inform the Indians of the new 
policy and to state to them that such a treaty would have to receive the approval 
of Sir William Johnson to become effective. Peters thought, probably with reason, 
that the assembly's message arose "from a Spite to the Proprietors, who were much 
abused in the Debates on this Occasion." '" 

Denny, who succeeded in alienating almost everyone with whom he came in 
contact in Pennsylvania, sought to induce Tedyuscung to come to Philadelphia for 
the treaty. Tedyuscung refused. The governor thereupon determined not to go to 
Easton unless accompanied by a guard. As a result this treaty took on more than 
previous ones the aspect of martial negotiations: at Easton "the Governor marched 
from his Lodgings to the Place of Conference, guarded by a Party of the Royal 
^Americans in the Front, and on the Flanks, and a Detachment of Colonel Weiser^s 
Provincials, in Sub-divisions, in the Rear, with Colours flying, Drums beating, and 
Musick playing; which Order was always observed in going to the place of Con- 
ference." While Franklin, the Indian commissioners, and a large body of Friends 
attended the treaty — the latter, it was "generally said, with a particular View to 
get the Indians to complain of Injustices done them by the Proprietaries"^"' — 
none of the governor's officials attended save William Logan and Richard. Peters. 
James Hamilton declined "for a reason which should have induced him, viz., the 

">'/dU., Nov. 22, 1756; Ta. C- /?., VII, 305-308. Letter Book, 1755-1757. 

'"-Richard Peters to Thoinas Penn, Nov. 22, 1756, Peters 

'Pennsylvania, Ijj6—iy62 

Weakness and Pettishness of the Governor," wrote Peters, and, he added, "You 
may easily think of the pain of my Mind in such a forsaken condition." '''' The 
governor gave orders that no one should speak to or interfere with the Indians, but 
he could not stop the Indians from going where they pleased. Hence, according to 
Peters, the Friends "all had full Opportunity's of talking with them, and putting 
what notions they pleased into their Heads." Not more than forty Indians appeared 
at Easton, most of whom Peters described as Jersey Indians, "and you know what 
sort of People these are ... I dont mention this to take off the Necessity or Pro- 
prietary of making Peace with them, as they begun the Attack on this Province 
and were I am afraid but too much countenanced by some of the ill inclined Six 
Nations, but to shew you what chance the Proprietaries stood in case of any Notions 
about Land being put into their heads," '^* Tedyuscung behaved well at the treaty 
and agreed to influence the Indians gathered at Tioga toward peace if that could be 
done. The governor avoided the danger of concluding a separate peace and of run- 
ning counter to Loudoun's instructions, scrupulously following the assembly's 
directions on this point. The Indians were given £400 worth of goods, the larger 
part of which came from the Friendly Association. Nevertheless, it was at this con- 
ference that the Indians formally charged the proprietors with injustice in failing 
to compensate them for lands. 

"The only unhappiness attending this Treaty," wrote Peters to Thomas 
Penn, "is that the Indians have publickly complained of Injustice done them in 
their Sales of Lands by the Proprietors and tho they are not so assurant as to say this 
was the cause of the War, yet they in Express terms say that the uneasiness given to 
the Indians on this Account occasioned the Blow to come Quicker and harder on 
us. And the Quakers have by this Declaration gained great cause [for] Triumph 
thinking they have fairly shifted off the cause of the War and Bloodshed from 
themselves to whose principles and Influence in this Province it has been hitherto 
imputed, upon the Proprietors by cheating the Indians." '"^ Both Weiser and Peters 
thought that these charges had been suggested to the Indians by the Friends. "I can 
never agree," wrote Weiser, "that the Indians came to complain about their land, 
or some of it being fraudulently got from them, but they were pressed for reasons 
why they struck us, and gave that as one of their reasons, but I am satisfied it was 
put into their mouth some time before." Indeed, Tedyuscung himself told Sir 
William Johnson that this was the case.'"" 

During the next five years the numerous treaties held in Pennsylvania under 
the authority of Sir William Johnson — of which those in 1757, 1758 and in 1762 
were the most important — took their form and substance from the germ planted at 
the conference at Easton in 1756, being complicated also, of course, by the military 
situation within the colonies and especially by the success of the Forbes expedition 

"*«,V. Denny to Thomas Penn, April 8, 1757, in '""Po. C- :«■, VII, 354; ^a. .fr<://., Ill, 86; Sir !{'»//«;« 

Tennsyhmia €vUg. of Hist. mU 'Biog., XLIV, 109-19. Jo/mson Tafers, III, 847. 


Indian Affairs in 

against Fort DuQuesne in 1 759. It is a confused and involved story, the full import 
of which cannot be evaluated until the voluminous records of the Friendly Associa- 
tion, of the Commissioners for Indian Affairs, and of the provincial government 
itself, never adequately examined, have been studied/*^ Until then, such conclu- 
sions as are drawn must be acknowledged to be tentative. It seems clear, however, 
that the proprietarial Indian policy, which for so long a time had looked beyond 
the borders of the province to the general interests of the empire, now became, at 
the height of England's last struggle with France for the continent, bogged down 
in the morass of internal politics and became at times a stumbling block to the 
imperial plans being worked out by Johnson and other British officials. If the pro- 
prietors had treated the Indians unjustly — a charge which also must bear further 
study before it can be substantiated — they now showed themselves willing to 
redress any well-founded complaints. That they were opposed in their efforts to 
do this is a fact which argues that Indian affairs were now involved in the popular 
movement against the proprietarial government — a movement due in large part 
to what Peters referred to as "Mr. Franklin's Declaration of War against the Pro- 
prietaries." '"** The Indian negotiations of 1757-1762 seemed at times to be less 
concerned with promoting peace and the British interest than with the shifting of 
responsibility for causing the war. 

Of opinions on the causes of the war there were many and conflicting voices. 
Tedyuscung's statements cannot be regarded seriously, for his drunken nature and 
extreme vanity caused him to give conflicting opinions on the causes of his taking 
up the hatchet: at one time it was the proprietors' frauds, at another time it was the 
French flattery, at still another time it was the purchase of the Wyoming lands by 
the Connecticut people.*"" The proprietors and their officers sought to place the 
blame on the assembly, controlled by the Friends. The assembly and the Friends 
promptly reciprocated by laying the charges of fraud and injustice on the pro- 
prietors, the most weighty exposition of this charge being in Charles Thomson's 
Enquiry into the (pauses of the ^4lienation of the ^Delaware and Shawanese Indians, 
published in London in 1759.'"" Sir William Johnson gave one opinion in 1756 
and another in 1762 which did not altogether agree; his deputy, Croghan, was 
"Shurc the Conduct of the Assembly before the warr was a great mains of Driving 
the several Western Indians out of the British interest."'*" 

It appears certain, however, that the underlying cause of the loss of Indian 
support by the English was due to the French aggression in the Ohio Valley in the 

^'■•'The Historical Society of Pennsylvania has a large Johnson Vafen, II, 873-75. 

corpus of the minutes and records of the Friendly Association; -""Thomas Penn's copy of Thomson's able work is in the 

of account books and journals of the Commissioners for John Carter Brown Library and contains marginal nota 

Indian Affairs; and of the records of the provincial council, by him rebutting the charges made by Thomson. Penn, of 

a series paralleling the Provincial Papers in the Pennsylvania course, had access to all of the minutes and records of the 

State Library. provincial council, a source denied to Thomson, and he was 

'"'Richard Peters to Thomas IVnn, June 26, 1756, Peters therefore able to refute the latter on several points. 
Letter Book, 1755-1757. -"'7'<j. ^Jrch., Ill, 319-20; Pa. State Lib., Prov. Papers, 

^^'•'Susque/hiniia/i Qompaiiy 'Papers, II, ii, xv ; Sir Williani XXIV, 74. 


^Pennsylvania, I/J6—I/62 

years 1 747-1 754) ^n aggression which the Pennsylvania assembly failed to meet 
because of peaceable principles of a majority of its members. To this should be 
added the encroachments of thousands of squatters on the Indians' lands, a problem 
which proprietarial officials were never able to solve, and even when they adopted 
drastic measures to remove the settlers they were accused of driving the dispossessed 
inhabitants themselves over to the French.""' Land purchases from the Indians, even 
though conducted with the utmost regard for justice, produced dissatisfaction. 
The abuses in the Indian trade, intercolonial rivalries, jealousies and hatreds 
among the Indian nations themselves, particularly between the Delawares and the 
Mohawks — all these factors produced the defection of the western Indians and 
consequently that of their brethren on the Susquehanna. And in all of these factors, 
Indians, proprietors. Friends, the assembly and traders were involved in some 
responsible way. While the Friends included among their number many who were 
interested in the Indians from humanitarian views — such as Samuel Fothergill, 
John Hunt, and Daniel Stanton — it seems clear that their efforts to control Indian 
affairs in the peace negotiations did much to prolong hostilities, made the Indians 
contemptuous of the provincial government, and put a stumbling block in the 
path of royal officials who were charged with responsibility for such negotiations. 
Johnson himself called their efforts, with some reason, "flagrantly illegal."""^ It is 
doubtless true, too, that mercantile interests among the Friends influenced some of 
the leaders of the Friendly Association.'"* 

Finding himself courted by both proprietarial officials and Friends, 
Tedyuscung's vanity and insolence knew no bounds. When he claimed to represent 
all of the Indians from the sunrise to the sunset, Johnson commented: "The Indian 
manner of speaking is indeed sometimes strongly figurative, but this is rant beyond 
what I have ever met with." '" ' This not only offended the Six Nations, who had 
been forced to admit that Tedyuscung had led his people to independence, but it 
also added to the difficulties of negotiating peace. "The party spirit which has & 
continues so signally to display itself in Pennsylvania hath supported this man's 
consequence," wrote Johnson. "He has been courted by both sides & all their 
negotiations seem to have centered with him only." This, Johnson thought, would 
"give umbrage to the other Indians & build our Fabric upon too narrow & pre- 

^o^Volwiler, Of. cil., 55-82; W. T. Root, Relations of audience of the Duke [of Cumberland] . . . [and] informed 

Temiylvania tvith the. Urithh government, 293-300. "The him of the Cabals of the Quakers at the Treaty and the 

present encroachments of the French had its rise from a mand of their committee to inspect the Council Book. He 

flagrant piece of iniquity, in burning the houses of a great expressed great satisfaction in the method I had taken and 

number of families, who were settled on the Juniatta . . . much censured those people for their intrusion in the rights 

whose lands were not at the time purchased of the Indians. of government." Peters Manuscripts, IV, 87. 
. . . This unjustifiable proceeding, in the year 1750 or 51 -"^Ta. Arch., Ill, 263-64; Sir William Johnson Tafers, 

[1750], drove near three-score families over to the French 11, 769-71; 111, 301, 303; Volwiler, of. cit., 151-52. How- 

. . . where they have continued ever since, big with resent- ever, the activities of the Friends in the period from 1755 to 

ment and revenge for such cruel usage, which shocked those 1762 should not be judged apart from the long history of 

people whom we call savages" (Jinszver to Jtn Invidious their humanitarian, educational, and philanthropic efforts in 

Tamfhlet, intituled, Jt 'Brief State of the "Province of behalf of the Indians; for a general survey of this subje 

Tennsylvatiia, London, 1755, p. 6-7, 17; Ta. Q- ^■> V, R. W. Kelsey, Friends and the Indians. See also, Da; 

440-49). Stanton, yo//r«ij/ (Philadelphia, 1772), 106-Iog. 

•^^Sir William Johnson Tafers, II, 824-30, 849-50. On -"^Sir William Johnson Tafers, II, 824-30, 830-34. 

April 9, 1757, Penn wrote Peters that he had had "an 

Indian Affairs in 

carious a Foundation; besides, if I am not mistaken, the Quakers have fixt their 
hold so firmly on Teedyuscung, that he will do nothing without their concurrence, 
and whilst they interfere in Indian affairs, the Governor of Pennsylvania has found 
and will find insurmountable Impediments to his Negotiations." '"*' At the treaty of 
Easton in 1757, after the Friends had distributed their presents, Richard Peters 
and Jacob Duche perceived "a very remarkable distinction made by Indians 
between Quakers and Gentlemen of the Governor's Council . . . For when we us'd 
to meet Indians anywhere in the streets . . . they would generally accost us with 
this question in their broken English — Are you a Quaker? And if we answer'd no, 
they wou'd frown & look very stern & illnatur'd upon us, and say we were bad man 
— bad man — Governors Man. But if we answer'd in the affirmative (as we did 
sometimes to try them) . . . they would smile & carress us, & call us Brothers, and 
say we were good men — Quaker good men — Governors men bad men — good 
for nothing." ""^ 

Shortly before the treaty of 1756 at which Tedyuscung made his charge of 
fraudulent land dealings on the part of the proprietors, Johnson wrote to the Board 
of Trade that he thought the proprietors ought to yield a part of the land purchased 
at Albany in 1754 and fix new boundaries between their province and the 
Indians.'"' Upon this recommendation, the Board of Trade summoned Thomas 
Penn to a hearing on the matter, and by way of rebuttal the proprietors presented 
their "Observations" on Johnson's letter, denying that their land purchases were a 
cause of disaffection among the Six Nations and their tributaries on the Susque- 
hanna. They pointed out that no grievances of this nature had been exhibited by the 
Indians at the treaty held by Johnson at Onondaga in 1756 nor at the treaty at 
Easton in July of that year. The original draft of this reply contained a thinly- 
veiled thrust at Johnson because of "Private treatys held for the purchase of 
particular valuable Tracts of low land near the rivers" which were "much more 
likely to give uneasiness to them, than general purchases publickly made." This 
insinuation was omitted from the final draft, perhaps because it was at Halifax's 
hands that Johnson had received his recent patronage and Penn himself stood well 
with the powerful lord. The Penns asserted their willingness to give up the north- 
western lands purchased at Albany in 1754., which was said to have caused dissatis- 
faction among the Delawares on the Ohio. Johnson became angry at what he termed 
an "unprovoked challenge" of his statements on the part of the proprietors, and he 
replied in another letter to the Board of Trade in September, 1757, reiterated his 
belief that the Albany purchase had caused complaints by the Indians, and, with a 
prepared statement by Croghan, endeavored to prove "beyond dispute — what Sir 
William formerly only gave as his opinion." ""* 

^'^Loc. cil. 'o8j printed in part in Susquehmmah Qomfany Tafers, II, 

^"''Ta. Jtrch. Ill, 274-76. 5-9; Sir William Johnson Tafm, II, 736-38; ^. Y. £• "D, 

™»5*C. r. C- ®-. Vll, 127-30. VII, 329-33; "Ooc. Hist. CK.- T., II, 439-4»- 

^""Dec. II, 1756, Penn Manuscripts, Indian Affairs, II, 


'Pennsylvania, I/jd—I/d2 

Despite this temporary difference between Johnson and the proprietors, the 
latter moved that Tedyuscung's charges respecting land purchases be heard before 
Johnson. This decision was not one of inclination but of policy: first, the treaty 
would be "in an indifferent place . . . fairly and equally made"; secondly, Johnson, 
the proprietors felt, would discover that the Friends had instigated Tedyuscung's 
charges; finally, this discovery, being made by the king's representative in control 
of Indian affairs, would quickly and effectively settle the whole matter, whereas a 
treaty held in Pennsylvania would be a mere repetition of all that had gone before, 
with their clashing between the Friends and the proprietarial agents, Thomas Penn 
had already "agreed with my Lord Halifax" to make satisfaction with the Six 
Nations and to yield that part of the purchase west of the Allegheny Mountains, 
and he now asked that, for the advantage of the public interest in both England 
and America, orders be sent to Sir William to inquire into both affairs. Early in 
March, 1758, the Board of Trade sent Johnson the proprietors' recommendations 
concerning the Delawares' grievances and desired, in case Johnson agreed, that he 
summon the Delawares and the Six Nations to a treaty to settle all matters in 
dispute. Johnson, however, did not see fit to exercise this discretionary power him- 
self, but appointed Croghan to carry on the negotiations in Pennsylvania.'" 

The treaty held at Easton in October, 1758, in pursuance of these directions 
was one of the most difficult and one of the most important that had been held in 
Pennsylvania. The usual struggle continued between the governor and the Friends, 
and this bitter partisan conflict was intensified by the fact that Denny quarreled 
with everyone, even the Indians. All Pennsylvania governors under the proprietors 
expected to have difficulties with their assemblies; but Denny achieved the dis- 
tinction of alienating his own council. Richard Peters had been an exemplary 
secretary under four governors, but even that long-suffering gentleman had, the 
preceding April, been suspended from his office by Denny in one of his fits of 
temper. On the eve of this conference at Easton Denny quarreled with the attorney 
general, insulted Tedyuscung, and in general exhibited a moroseness that very 
probably was pathological. The diaries of Richard Peters and Benjamin Chew 
which are fortunately preserved throw a brilliant light on the disturbing back-of- 
the-scene caucuses and personalities of this treaty, factors which made it look at 
the outset as if no possible good could be accomplished. The success of the negotia- 
tions was achieved in spite of Denny and in spite of the activities of the Friends. 

^^"Thomas Penn to Richard Peters, December 10, 1757; tlon of the courses agreed upon, although neither the Dela- 
Peters Manuscripts, V, 6, 7; two days earlier the proprietors wares nor any other nation of Indians at any time before had 
had issued a power of attorney to Richard Peters, William so much as hinted to the proprietors or any of their agents 
Logan, Lynford Lardner, and Conrad Weiser, authorizing that they had been induced to commit hostilities against Penn- 
them to inquire into Tedyuscung's charges, since Sir William sylvania for revenging any injustice; iiij., V, 5. This corn- 
Johnson had declined to do so; this power of attorney, sworn mission Peters and the others were authorized to "execute in 
to by Ferdinand John Paris before Sir Charles Asgill, Lord the most public and speedy manner that ever you can"; iiiJ., 
Mayor of London, stated that at the late Treaty at Easton, V, 4. See also C{_. T. £■ ©•, VII, 221-222; Ta. £■ •/?•, VII, 
Tedyuscung for the very first time asserted that the pro- 434-36; Volwiler, of. cit., 121/. 
prietaries had forged the deed of 1686 and made an altera- 


Indian jtffairs in 

Conrad Weiser and Richard Peters deserve most of the credit for whatever was 

About five hundred Indians, chiefly Iroquois, Delawares, and Shawnee 
gathered at Easton for this conference which, including the informal sessions, 
lasted over a month. The presence of the Mohawk served to chasten Tedyuscung, 
and it was a humbled King of the Delawares who made a pathetic plea to have a 
place assigned to him to live, a plea which for beauty of imagery and for pathos 
deserves to live. Tedyuscung agreed to yield up the English captives, to renew the 
chain of friendship, and to urge the Ohio Indians to do likewise. The proprietarial 
agents agreed to cede back to the Indians the northwestern lands purchased at 
Albany. The treaty was approved and confirmed by the British ministry, a fact 
which caused it to be maintained later that the treaty applied not only to Pennsyl- 
vania but also forbade Maryland, Virginia, and other colonies to make settlements 
beyond the Alleghenies until the Indians consented. It also had an important effect 
upon the decline of French power in the Ohio region: this treaty, wrote Henry 
Bouquet, struck the blow that "has knocked the French in the head." Christian 
Frederick Post had already made his first heroic trip among the Indians on the Ohio 
in the summer of 1 75 8, and he was on his second journey during the progress of the 
treaty — missions which had a great influence upon the success of the Forbes 
expedition against Fort Duquesne. It is not improbable that news of the treaty 
reached the western woods in time to make Post's second and more important 
mission easier.''" 

In 1759 the Privy Council, acting on a petition presented by Benjamin 
Franklin, now in London as agent for the assembly, ordered Sir William Johnson 
to investigate the charges of the Delawares against the proprietors. This inves- 
tigation did not take place until June, 1762, again at Easton. There Johnson at last 
came face to face with the partisan difficulties that had so long obstructed his Indian 
policies. The Friends had received Halifax's statement that the activities of the 
Friendly Association were regarded as an outrageous invasion of the royal pre- 
rogative, but they continued to advise and instruct Tedyuscung. This activity was 
so pronounced that Johnson at one point in the proceedings threatened to adjourn 
the treaty if opposition to the execution of the royal orders did not cease. It was 
even rumored afterwards that Johnson had drawn his sword on Israel Pemberton. 
But it was Johnson's moderation, according to Croghan, that enabled him to turn 
a very difficult treaty into a successful one: he secured a complete retraction from 
Tedyuscung of the charges he had made against the proprietors respecting lands, 
except that concerning the fairness of the Walking Purchase of 1737. Johnson 
reported to the Board of Trade that he himself was convinced of the fair dealings 
of the proprietors in 1737, but, since Tedyuscung had waived even that part of his 

^"See the diary of Chew in the Appendix; Peters Manu- 
■ipts, V, 40. 


Pennsylvania, iyj6—iy62 

charge for the sake of peace, Johnson recommended that the proprietors give the 
Indians a present. He also gave a full account of the activities of the Friends at this 
treaty, and said that Tedyuscung had told him afterwards that "he never should 
have troubled the Proprietors about these Lands had he not been instigated to do 
so by the Quakers.""'^ Johnson also told the Board of Trade that "if Provincial 
Commissioners or any others continue to interfere in Indian affairs by calling 
Meetings and distributing the public money in presents amongst them, as they have 
done, it will be impossible for me or any other Superintendent of Indian affairs to 
preserve that weight with them necessary for his Majesty's interest." The proprie- 
tors, of course, were overjoyed with Johnson's success. "My opinion with regard to 
Sir William Johnson is quite changed," wrote Thomas Penn.'** 

Conrad Weiser died in 1 760, climaxing his long and useful career by the not- 
able treaty of 1 758. Richard Peters in 1 762 resumed orders at Christ Church. Ted- 
yuscung within the year was burned to death, in a drunken stupor, in his cabin in 
the lovely Wyoming Valley. That year also the Friendly Association declined and 
passed into history. With the fall of Fort Duquesne, Indian affairs in Pennsylvania 
ceased to be matters of paramount concern in the determination of policy. England 
was now possessed of all of Canada and the Iroquois with their tributaries had 
fallen from the position of power that they had so long occupied between the rival 
nations. Within a few months the so-called conspiracy of Pontiac brought Indian 
warfare again to the province, but this time there was decisive action. The murder 
of the Conestoga Indians rent the province, too, but this was murder — and politics 
— and did not concern Indian policy. Within another five years the agents of the 
proprietors, aided by the now friendly Sir William Johnson, purchased the Indian 
title to another large tract of land within the province, and traders and settlers 
moved forward to occupy the West. 

Julian P. Boyd 

'Bibliographical ^ote 

If the foregoing brief outline of the proprietarial Indian policy appears to emphasize 
the part played by Thomas Penn, it is because I have felt that his role has been neglected if not 
maligned. Even so scholarly an author as Kelsey writes of Thomas Penn's disgraceful treatment 
of the Indians, and in the sketch of Penn by Dr. H. J. Cadbury in the Dictionary of American 
'Biography is the statement that "the descendants of William Penn were very early contrasted 
unfavorably with their ancestor and failed to command the regard in which he was held by 
whites as well as by Indians." These expressions reflect the traditional view of historians 
regarding the contrast between the treatment of the Indians by William Penn and that by his 
sons, and it is my impression that this traditional interpretation must be modified in many 
particulars. True, there was a contrast, but not, I believe, so much between fair and unfair 
dealing as between a policy that was provincial in its reach and one that necessarily became 
identified with the interests of the empire. One of William Penn's chief problems was to 

-'^S»- William Johnson 'Faferi, 111, 847. -'^^ Susquehannah Qompany "Pafers, 11, xiv. 


Indian ^Affairs 

bring settlers to the province. One of Thomas Penn's chief problems — and one of the chief 
causes of difficulties with the Indians — was to restrain settlers from crowding upon the Indians' 

This, it must be emphasized, is a tentative conclusion. Its acceptance as a valid interpreta- 
tion must await a systematic examination of the voluminous records. Dr. Paul A. W. Wallace's 
forthcoming life of Conrad Weiser and Dr. Randolph C. Downes' Indian ^^jfairs in the Upper 
Ohio Valley (to be published in 1939) will undoubtedly do much to clarify the clouded atmos- 
phere surrounding Pennsylvania Indian affairs in this period. At present, however, no single 
study or series of studies gives an adequate and scholarly treatment. Shepherd's Troprietary 
Qovernment in Tennsylvania is one of the few studies based on Thomas Penn's own corre- 
spondence — a source which cannot be neglected for the proper treatment of Indian policy — 
and Shepherd deals only in incidental fashion with this tangled and important subject. 
Sectarian histories such as Sharpless' Quaker Sxperiment in Qovernment^ Buck's History of 
the Walking Tur chase, Kelsey's Friends and the Indians, 1655-1917, and Parrish's Friendly 
^Association follow too closely the partisan pattern of Charles Thomson's Qaiises of the <^liena- 
tioji of the Delaivares and Sh-aivanese or react too severely to the unsympathetic treatment of 
the Friends by Parkman and the hostile, embittered treatment of them from the Scots-Irish 
point of view in Hanna's Wilderness Trail — the last a valuable compilation of fact, but 
impaired to a large degree by its prejudice. The Friends' point of view is summarized and given 
renewed emphasis in the recent TcnnsylvaJiia, 1681-1756, The State without an <Jlrmy (Lon- 
don, 1937), by Dingwall and Heard, a monograph written from an avowed pacifist viewpoint 
and one which again makes use chiefly of secondary works and does not go to the sources; it is 
only fair to point out, however, that the authors recognized this limitation and were prevented 
by circumstances from pursuing their researches further. Biographies such as Walton's Qonrad 
Weiser and Volwiler's Qeorge Qroghan suffer the almost inevitable defect of biographical treat- 
ment: overemphasis of the role of the individual. Volwiler's study, however, comes nearest to 
giving a scholarly account of Indian affairs for the last two decades of this period, but even this 
study did not make adequate use of the proprietarial correspondence. Root's Relations of Tenn- 
sylvania with the "British Qoverttment, a scholarly performance, devotes two chapters to Indian 
affairs. Pennsylvania does not even have such a summary of Indian affairs and Indian policy as 
Charles H. Mcllwain gave for New York in his introduction to his edition of Wraxall's 
(Abridgment of Indian Jiff airs. What is needed is that the accepted view of Indian affairs in 
provincial Pennsylvania be subjected to the test of a painstaking and thorough examination of 
the original sources. This could not be attempted in the present work. 

J. P. B. 



'Printed by 
benjamin CjfrankUn 


O F 





I N 


'P H I LJ D B L'P H I J!. 

Printed and Sold by B. F R A N K L I N, at the New Printing-Officc 

near the Market. M,DCC,XXXVII. 



X^~■^<■ >CK 




September, 1736'. 

t.^^HE Chiefs of the Six Nations having been expeded at '^hi~ 
^ ^ bdelphia thefc four Years paft, to confirm the Treaty made 
^^ T ^^^ ^'"^^ Ibme of them, who eamc down in the Year 1731, 
^1 -^^^ Co«r<J^ ^^r our Interpreter, about the Beginning of this 
' ^' ' ^ Month, advifed from Tulpyhokin, that he had certain Intel- 
ligence from fome Indians fent before him, that there was a 
large Number of thofe People with their Chiefs, arrived at 
Shamokjn on Safquehannah ^ upon which he was direded to repair thither to 
attend them, and fupply them with Neceflaries in their Journey hither. 

On the Twenty-Jeventh of this Month, about a Hundred or more of them 
came with Conrad to the Prefident's Houfe, at Stenton, being near the Road, 
where fuitabk Entertainment was provided for them ; and the next Day 
the Honourable the Proprietor, and fome of the Council, with other Gen- 
tlemen coming thither from 'Philadelphia-^ after Dinner 

A Council was held at Stefiton, September a8. 173^. 


The Honourable THOMJS (P E N N, Efq; Proprietary. 

yjMES LOGJN, Efq; PrefidenL 

Samuel 'Trejlon, Ralph Asjheton, ? Ffn , 

Ckmint ^lumjied, Thomas Griffitts, \ ^ » 

And the following Indian Chiefs, to wit. 


or SINEKAS. Kahiskerowatie (Brother to 

Kanickhungo, Speaker. their former great Chief 

•offoorah at j4lbany} 


Sagoyatundachquai f 'Tagunhuntee. 

Jshotax, Kaxhaayn, 

Hetaquantegechty, Speaker. Kuchdachary, 



Saguchjauyunty Sarifagoa, Sawnutaga, 

Sumretchy, Takafhwangarorafor Tyeroi. 

Kanawatoe, Sheksllamy. 


Of the CANYINGOES or MOHOCKS none came. 

By the Interpreter's Advice, they were firft fpoke to in their own Way, 
with three fmall Strings of Wampum in Hand, one of which was delivered 
on each of the following Articles. 

Our Friends and Brethren, 

I. Ton are come a great way, and have dotibtlefs /offered many Ear dpi ps in Jo 
long a Journey ; but now you are with your Brethren and true Friends y who have 
long been in Friendpip and Jlliance with your Nations-, you muji therefore put a- 
way all Grief and Uneajtnefs, and brighten your Eyes, -that we may fee and he 
chearful with each other. 

II. fFe defire that as we are now met as Brethren and Friends, you will open 
your Hearts, as we pall open our Hearts, that we may fpeah with Freedom and 
Opennefs to each other. 

III. Tou are come to us as your true Friends, we receive you with Ghdnefs, you 
pallpoelter yourf elves under our Covering, and be entertained by us as ourfelveSj 
for you are our Brethren. 

The Indi.ins hereupon exprefllM their Satisfaftion with Sounds peculiar 
to themfclves on iuch Occafions ; and then their Speaker with three like 
StrinG;s in his Hand, repeated all thole three fevcral Articles more at large, 
returning their Thanks for each, delivering a String as each Article was 
fpoke to, and giving AiTurances of their Freedom and Opennefs, and deli- 
ring that we would ufe the fame ; but on the 3d they faid, They could not 'de- 
ceive and treat us as we did them, they are now with us, they give themfeives '^ 
to us, and depend on our 'TroteQion. 

Then with five more very fhort Strings in his Hand, the Speaker pro- 
ceeded to fay on the firft, That they had received mi the Road a Meffage from 
us delivered by Conrad Wyfer, welcoming them into the Country. On the ad, 
That they had at the fame time received from us an Jc count of our late Gover- 
nor's Death, hut that this would not occafon any Alteration, becaufe W. Penn's 
cwn Son is here, and alfo James Logan, with the Council. On the 3d They 
returned their Thanks, and yith the other two c6nfirm'd the whole. 

They faid. They were now come, after a full Confultation with all their Chiefs 
at their great 'Fire or 'Place of Counfel, to return an Jnfwer to the Treaty, that 
Jome of them had held with ns four Tears f nee, at Philadelphia.- That they 
intended to fay with their Friend James Logan two Nights to re/l thenfJves, 
and then proceed to the Fire kept for them at Philadelphia j where after two 
■Nights more, they would at that Fire give their full Jnjwer. 

They were told, We were willing to keep them here m the Country thelonger, 
becaufe many People in Philadelphia had been fjckly, and now the Small Pox are 
there, a Difeafe that has often proved fatal to the Indians ; that it would be a 


great Trcuhk to rts tufl'c anj of them taken with that Biflemper, after they had 
travelled fo jar to vifit us •,jtr we are very dejtrous they fjotild all return fafe^ and 
as healthy as they came to us : That it is proper they fljould give their Jnjiner at 
Philadelphia, in thefime publick Manner we had laji treated with them \ but it 
is advi/eable they flmddjpend no more of their time in ths Towriy than will be ah- 
Jblutely nece_ffary,jor many Inconveniences may attend it. 

They appeared concerned at this, thanked us, and faid they would go to- 
gether by themfelves to advile on it. 

September 2p. 

The Gentlemen of the Council having gone home laft night to (Philadel- 
phia, and only the Proprietor flaying, Mr ^re/ion with I'ome others came a- 
gain to day ; and the Indian Chiefs after they had conlulted this Morning a- 
mongft themfelves, meeting the Proprietor, &c. in Council, laid, 

That they were much obliged to us for the Care we took of them ; we f jewed by 
it our true Friendfjip for them. That as they are now with us, they put them- 
felves wholly under our Diretiion, andtho' Philadelphia is the 'Place where theif 
Fire is kept jar them, yet it may uponOccafion be brought out hither \ and they 
are free either to proceed to Philadelphia 7o treat at the Fire there, or to Jiay 
here, as weflmll think jit to order it. 

They were told, Js the laft Treaty with them was held in 'Publick at Phila- 
delphia, it would be neceffary theyfhould there give their Jnjwer , That we were 
not wholly againjl their going to Town, but thought our/elves obliged to acquaint 
them with the Danger -^ yet that this is not at prejent jo great that it Jhould 
wholly prevent their going. The Diftemper is as yet but young andjuji l-<;gun in 
the 'Tlace; that it is only in the Heart or near the Middle of the Town; that they 
will be accommodated at the Edge or Out-Skirts of the Town, where if they take 
Care, they may jor a jew Days be in but very little or no Danger. 

They then refolved to fet out for Philadelphia the next Day ; and accord- 
ingly having been entertained at Stenton three Nights, they went to Town 
on the laft of September \ and having refted the firft of OBober, on the fecond 
Day they met as follows. 

At a Council held in the Great Meeting-Houfe at Philadelphia, 
the md Day oi OBober 173^. 


The Honourable THOMJS'PENN, Eiq; Proprietary, 

yjMES LOGJN, Efqi Prefidcnt. 

Samuel Trejion, Ralph Jsfheton, -\ 

Jnthony 'T' aimer, Thomas Griffitts, /rjf 

Clement 'Plumjled, Charles Read. r^^V^i 
Thomas Lawrence, J 

B Prcfenf 

( <f) 

Prcfent alfo 

The MJ TO R and Recorder of the City, 

With dirers Gentlemen, and a very large Audience that filled the Houfe 

and its Galleries. 

The Itidian Chiefs being come and feated, 

The Ptefident, before proceeding to hear them, thought proper to inform 
the Audience, that in Jugu/} 1732, a great Treaty having been held in 
this Place with leveral Chiefs" of the Six Nations, they had made report 
thereof on their Return to their Great Council, where the feveral Propofi- 
tions that had been made to them on the Part of this Government, had been 
fully confidcred; and that thefe Chiefs now prefcnt, of whom there never 
at any time before had been fo great a Number met in this Province, were 
now come to retun their Anfwer. 

The Indians being made acquainted with what the Prefident had faid, 
were told, that we were ready to hear them. 

Whereupon Kanickhungo their Speaker, addreffing himfelf to their Bro- 
ther ONJS (which fignifies ^ENNJ to their Brother JAMES LO- 
GAN, and the Gentlemen of the Council, fpoke as follows by Conrad Wy- 
Jer the Interpreter ; 


« "T TT T E are now come down from the Towns of our feveral Nations 
" ^/\/ to give our Anfwer to the great Treaty, which we and you 
« T T held together, at this Place, about four Years fince : This An- 
" fwer has been agreed and concluded upon by our great Council, 

" who have carefully confidered all that pafled between you and us, and ex- 
" prclFed their great Satisfadion in the friendly and good Difpofitions of 
" you our Brethren, tovv-ards all the Indians of the Six Nations; and as you 
" received us kindly, and at that Treaty undertook to provide and keep 
<* for us a Fire in this great City, we are now come to warm ourfelves 
t' thereat, and we dcfire and hope it will ever continue bright and burning 
«' to the Erfd of the World. 

Hereupon he laid down a large Belt of white Wampum of eleven Rows, with 
four black St. George's Croffes in it j and proceeding, (aid 

" SOON after our Brother ONAS, who is now here, came into 
" this Country, he and wc treated together j he opened and cleared the 
" Road between this Place and our Nations, which was very much to our 
" good Liking, and it gave us great Pleafure. We now defire that this Road, 
" for the mutual Accommodation and Conveniency of you and us who 
" Travel therein to fee each other, may be kept clear and open, free from 
" all Stops or Incumbrances ; and if, fince the time that wc laft cleared it 
•' with you, any Tree has fallen acrofs it, or if it is any way ftopt up, of 
" which however we know nothing, we are now willing to open and clear 
*' the fame from every Interruption ; and it is our hearty Defire that it 
" may fo continue, while the Earth endureth. 

Hereupon he prefented a Bundle of Skins in the Hair, and went on; 




" O N E of the chief Articles of our late Treaty together, was the 
«' brightning of the Chain of Friendfhip between us, and the prefervina; 
♦» it free from all Ruft and Spots ■ and that this Chain was not only be- 
" tween this Government and us, but between all the Eng/i/b Govern- 
« ments and all the hn^ians. We now aflure you oui Brethren, that it is 
« our earncft Defue this Chain ihould continue, and be ftrengthned be- 
" tween all the E>!g/iJJj and all our Nations, and likewife the De/awares, 
" Catms, and the Ind/afjs living on Safquehannah, and all the other hidi- 
« ans who now are in League and Friendfhip with the Six Nations ; in Be- 
" half of all whom, and as a lafting Confirmation of this great Article, to 
" endure until this Earth paffcth away and is no more feen, we now de- 
" liver you this Beaver Coat. 

Here he hid down a large Beaver Coat. 

The 'Proprietor gave them Thanks in BehalJ of this Government for what they 
had Jpohe touching thefe three important Articles of the Fire, Road 
and Chain of Vriendfiif, and told them their Dijcoiirje thereon was vert 

The Speaker proceeded and faid-^ 

"TO conclude all that we have now faid, it is our Defirc that we and 
" you fhould be as of one Heart, one Mind, and one Body, thus be- 
" coming one People, entertaining a mutual Love and Regard for each 
" other, to be preferved firm and entire, not only between you and us, 
« but between your Children, and our Children, to all fucceeding Ge- 
*• nerations. 

" We who are now here, are old Men, who have thcDiredion of Affairs 
" in our own Nations ; and as we are old, it may be thought that the Me- 
" nwry of thefe things may be loft with us, who have not, like you, the 
" Art of prefer ving it by committing all Tranfadions to Writing : Wene- 
" verthelcfs have Methods of tranlmitting from Father to Son, an Ac- 
*' count of all thefe Things, whereby you will find the Remembrance of 
" them is faithfully preferved, and our i'ucceeding Generations are made 
" acquainted with what has paffed, that it may not be forgot as long as 
" the Earth remains. 

They were told. That it was very agreeable to us to know that they took fuch 
effeBual Care in this '^oint. 

Then proceeding he faid; 

"WE defire that this brightning of the Chain, and eftablifliingaftrong 
" and firm League of Friendfhip, may be underftood by you, as we 
" underftand it to be, not only between the Chiefs of our Nations, and the 
" Chiefs or Principal Men of this Government, but likewife between all 
" our People, and all your People, and between you and all oav .PFarriours 
" v/ho go abroad and fometimes pais near this Government, to all of whom 
" we have given the ftridcft Charge to behave themfclves agreeable to the 

" Fiicndfhip 


" Friendfhip which is eftablifhed between you and us, that fo we all may 
" continue to be one People for ever. 

" At the laft Treaty you advifed us to ftrengthen ourfelves by entring 
" into firm Leagues of Friendftiip and Alliance with feveral other Nations 
" of Indians around us ; this Advice was truly good, and we thank our 
" Brethren for it ^ we have accordingly treated with thefe Six following 
" 'STitions^to wit,theO»ickkar)uigoes, Sijpigheej, Tioumitihagas, Jttawantenis, 
" Twechtivefe^ and Oachtamtighs, and have engaged them lb heartily in out 
" Intereft, that they acknowledge us for their Elder Brethren, and have 
" promifcd to join with us as one People, and to ad altogether in Concert 
" with us. 

" You likewife then advifed us to call home all thofe of our Nations 
" who are at Canada, or live amongft the French, left if any Occafion of 
" Difference Ihould arife, they might then be prevented from returning. 
" We efteem this likewife as found good Advice, and we thank our 
" Brethren for it ; the French were formerly our cruel Enemies, and we are 
" taking I'uch Mealures as we hope will be effedual to bring back our 
" People, if any new Breach Ihould happen. 

7'he Speaker /aid, 
*' To confirm all that we have now faid, we would be glad if we had a 
*' large Preleiit of Skins to deliver, in Return to the confiderable one in 
" Goods which we had of you ; but we muft own to you that we are af 
" prefent but very ill provided and poor, and have only a very fmall 
" Quantity of Skins, which nevcrthelefs we hope our Brethren will accept. 

Here he laid down two fmall Bundles of Shins. 

" We have now nothing more to fay in Publicfc ; but having other 
" Matters to treat on with the Proprietor, we will enter upon them at 
" another time. 

They were told. That the Proprietor, Trefdent and Council thank' d them 
very kindly in Behalf of this Government, for all they had now faid; that they 
had returned full and difinB Jnjwers to all the Chief Jrticks or 4'ropoftions 
made at the laft great Treaty in ly yi, they had f poke to each of them like 
honeji Men and true Brethren ; and as they had confulted together before they 
delivered their Jnfmer, fo now the Council would meet and conjider together of 
all that had pajfed at prefent. 

Which being interpreted to them, they exprcfled their Satisfadion by a 
Sound peculiar to them, in which they all joined, and then withdrew. 

At a Council held at 'Philadelphia, Oiiober 4. I73<f. 


The Honourable JAMES LOGAN, Efqj Prefident. 

Anthony 'Palmer, Ralph Asfheton, ^ 

Clement 1?lumfed, Thomas Griffitts, >Efqrsj 

Thomas Lawrence, Charles Read. J 



The Prefidcnt rcprefenting to the Board the Neceffity of difpatching the 
Indiam of the Six Nations, who being very numerous remain here at a Ireat 
Charge, propofed that the Confideratlon of the Value of the Prefent to be 
given them, fhould be now proceeded upon ; and accordingly the Board enter- 
ing upon the fame, and obferving that for thcfe many Years there has not 
been lo great an Appearance here of Chiefs of thefc Nations as at this 
time, and that they have returned very full and diftiiift Anfwers to every 
Article of the Treaty with them in 173a, are of Opinion, that proper 
Goods for them to the Value of about Two Hundred ^Pounds, fhould be pro- 
vided and given them; and that to Conrad Weyfer, the Interpreter who is 
extremly ufeful on all fuch Occafions, and on the prefent one has been 
very ferviceable, there be given Twenty 'bounds. 

At a Council held at Philadelphia, OBoher 12. 1731?. 


The Honourable JAMES LOGAN, Efo; Prcfident. 

Samuel Trejon, Samuel Ha/ell, y 

Clement ^lumjied^ Thomas GrtJ^tts, >Efqrsj 

Thomas Lawrence, Charles Read. ) 

The Prefident informed the Board, that agreeable to the Minute of the 
4th, Care had been taken to provide Goods for the Indians: But next 
Day, after Council, confulting with Conrad JVeyfer, the Interpreter, he had 
advifed that the Delivery of the Prefent Ihould be delayed till the Indians 
had finifhed with the Proprietjrry, with whom they were then to treat 
about the Purchafe of Lands ; that moft of laft Week being fpent there- 
in, the Indians had Yeftcrday ended with the Proprietary, having figned 
Releafes to him for all the Lands lying between the Mouth oi Sajquehannah, 
and Kekachtaniniiis Hills, and that it now remained to conclude on the 
Quantity and Quality of the feveral Goods to be given them, and on the 
Subftance of what fhould be proper Jo be fpoke to them •■, The Board arc 
of Opinion, that confidering the large Quantity of Goods which they have 
had from the Proprietor on the Purchafe, it may not at this time be nc- 
ceflary to give them, in Behalf of this Government, fo great a Prefent as 
the Value ordered by the aforefaid Minute ; but that it may very well be 
confidcrably reduced; and accordingly, it is Ordered, that it be reduced to 
between Sixty and Seventy bounds. 

The Prefident likewife acquainting the Board, that the Indians, at a 
Meeting with the Proprietor and him, had taken Notice that Conrad fFey- 
fer, and Shehallamy, were by the Treaty of 1732, appointed as fit and pro- 
per Perfons to go between the Six Nations, and this Government, and to 
be employed in all Tranfadions with one another, whofe Bodies the 
Indians faid were to be equally divided between them and us, we to have 
one half, and they the other ; that they had found Conrad faithful and honeft, 
that he is a true good Man, and had fpoke their Words, and our Words, 
and not his own ; and the Indians having prelcnted him with a dreft Skin 
to make him Shoes, and two Deer Skins, to keep him warm, they laid, 
as they had thus taken Care of our Friend, they muft recommend their's 
{Sbekallamy) to our Notice, and the Board judging it neceilary that a parti- 
C cular 



eular Notice fliould be taken of him, acccordingly, it is, Ordered, That 
Six 'Pounds be laid out for him in fuch things as he may mod want. 

It was then recommended to the Prefident, and he undertook, to pre- 
pare a Draught of what might be proper to be faid to thefe hidutis at 
giving the Prefent from this Government, and to lay the fame before the 
Board to morrow Morning, at Ten a Clock, to which time the Council 

Ac a Council held zt Philadelphia, OBoher i^th, 17^6. 


The Honourable J'HOMJS'PENN, Efq; Proprietary, 

yjMES LOGAN, Efqj Prefident. 

Samuel Trejlon, Ralph Asfljeton^ 

Clement 'J'lumfted, Samuel Hafell, 
Thomas Lawrence, Thomas Griffitts, 

. ) 

The Prefident laid before the Board a draught of a concluding Speech 
to the Indians, which being read and approved, they were fent for, who 
being come and featcd, the faid Speech was delivered to them by the Inter- 
preter as follows. 

" T7 OUR Years fince at a great Treaty held here with your Chiefs, 
" ±. we confirmed all our former Treaties with you, we brightned the 
" Chain, kindled our Fire to be kept always burning here for you, opened 
" and cleared the Path between your Country and Ours, and made our- 
" fclves and you one Body and one People. 

" The Chiefs of all your Nations, being met at your great Fire or 
" Council in the Country of the Onondagoes, having heard of and confidered 
" that Treaty, were fo well pleafed with it, that it was agreed, as you 
" have told us, that you, who are the principal of all your Chiefs, Ihould 
" come down and vifit us, and more fully and abfolutely confirm that 
" Treaty, which you accordingly did a few Days fince at our great Houfe 
*' in Town, in the prefcnce and hearing of fome Thoufands of our People, 
" and it was done not only in Behalf of us ourielves and yourfelves, but 
" for our Children and Children's Children, to all Generations, as long as 
" the Sun, Moon, and Earth, endure. 

" Thus this Treaty, by which we are to become as one People, and one 
" Body, is in the ftrongeft Terms confirmed, never to be changed, but to 
*' be kept in everlafting Remembrance. 

" But, befides what we have already concluded, we ftiall now for 
" the further brightning the fame Chain, and that no Spot or Blemifh 
*' may be fixt on it, fpeak to forae Particulars for your more full Satis" 
" faaion. 

« It 


( ") 

" It has been agreed between us, that we fhould fuffer no Injury to be 
" done to one of your People more than to our own, nor without punifii- 
" ing the Offender in the fame manner as if it had been done to one 
" of our People ; and you alfo engaged on your parts that you would give 
" us the like Satisfadion for every Injury done by your People to any of 
*' ours, and whatever fliould happen of this kind, it fliould make no other 
" Difference, than as if the Injury were done by one Englijh or White Man 
" to another, and fo in the Cale of an Indian. Now fince yon came hi- 
" ther, we have heard that a White Man one of our People, and one of 
" yours, being both in Liquor, quarrelled at Jllegheny, that the Indian ftruck 
*' at the White Man with a Knife, and the white Man gave the Indian 
" fome Blows on the Head, of which he died in four or five Days after ; 
" that the White Man got out of the way, and hid, and when he heard 
" the Man was dead, he ran away to the Southward of Virginia : Who was 
" firft in the Fault in this matter we know not, but we have now iffued a 
«' Proclamation for apprehending the White Man, and propofed a Reward 
" oiTen -Pounds., to any one who will feize and deli ver him to fome Magiftratc 
" or Officer, that he may be put in Prifon and tried for his Life ; if then 
" it appears that he willfully kill'd the Man, he will be hanged by our 
" Law ; if it was in Defence of his own Life, he is not to die for it, but 
" after he is tried we {hall acquaint you how the matter appeared. The 
" firft Account we had of it was in a Letter, which the Interpreter Ihall 
" read and acquaint you with it; but that Story being told only on one 
*' fide, we do not depend on it for the Truth ; and thus we fhall a£t in all 
" fuch Cafes, as Brethren always ought whenever they unfortunately happen. 

" We are very fenfible Rum is the principal occafion of thefe Diforders, 
" and we heartily wifh any means could be poffibly found to prevent the 
*' Abufe of it : You have defired us in your Dilcourfe with the Proprietor to 
" recall all our Traders from Ohio or Alkgheny and the Branches of Safque- 
" hannah ; We dented at our Treaty four Years ago that all our Indians, the 
" Delawares, Shawanefe, and others, Ihould be recalled from Ohio, for wc 
" knew not then but there might be War with the French, and you know 
" the Strength of a People confifts in their being drawn clofe together as 
*' into one Body, and not to be fcattcfed ; but wc know not what you 
" mean by recalling our Traders ; for you are fenfible the Indians cannot 
" live without being fupplied with our Goods : They muft have Powder and 
" Lead to hunt, and Cloaths to keep them warm ; and if our People do 
" not carry them, others will, from Maryland, Virginia, Jirfeys, or other 
" Places; and we are lure you do not defire that Indians ftiould trade with 
" thofe People rather than with ours. The Traders of all Nations find 
*• the Indians ate fo univerfally fond of Rum, that they will not deal with- 
" out it: We have made many Laws againft carrying it; wc have ordered 
" the Indians to ftave the Caggsof all that is brought amongft them; but 
" the Woods have not Streets like 'Philadelphia, the Paths in them are 
" endlefs, and they cannot be ftopt, fo that it will be carried either from 
" one Country or another ; and on the other hand the Indians are fo very 
" fond of the Liquor, even the beft of them, that inftead of taking it from 
" thofe who bring it, and ftaving it, they take and drink it, which is both 
*' uniuft in it felf, and does more Mifchief ; for the Traders, if they kept 

« it. 


« It, would hand it out by ftealth in fmall Quantities, but the Indians when 

" they take it, drink it ofF by grci.t Cuantities ; fo that no Method w« 

" can find will prevent the Indiam having it, till they are fo wife as to 

" refrain it of thcmfelvcs ; and, Why are they not fo wife ? they (hew very 

" good ftrong Senfe in other things, and why cannot they aft like us? 

" All of us here, an^ all you fee ofany Credit in the Place, can every Day 

" have as much Rum of their own to drink as they pleafe, and yet fcarcc 

*' one of us will take a Dram, at leaft not one Man will on any Ac- 

" count be drunk, no not if he were hired to it with great Sums of 

" Moneys 

" And now to bind and confirm all thefc our Words, we have provided 
*' for you the following Goods, which will be delivered to you to morrow 
" at the Prefident's Lodgings, to wit. 

One Hundred Tounds ofl^owder, twenty fve Hatchets^ 
One Hundred & Fifty 'Pounds of Lead, One Hundred Knives, 

Twelve Strowd Matchcoats, Thirty one Yards and i. ofhalfThicksy 

Twelve Kettles, Two Hundred Flints, 

Twelve Blankets^ One dozen Loohing-Glajfes^ 

Twelve Duffels, Three dozen Sciffars. 

With fome Tobacco, ^ipes. Rum, and Sugar. 

The Council rifing, and the Prefident with the Proprietor flaying, the I«-» 
Sians entered into further Dilcourfe, and faid, They had received a Mejfage 
withfomc Wdmpum yrow the Governor of Maryland, informing them, he kjd 
received a Letter jrom the King o/'England, ordering him to fee that they fhould 
not he wronged of their Lands ; that he had underjlood this Government had 
wronged them, and if they would fend fome of their ^eofle to him, he would take 
care they fiouki be righted, he would write to the great King, who would give 
fuch Orders as that they fhould have Juftice done them. Being asked how they 
received that Mejfage, they faid, the Man who brought it was here now with 
them, they had the Wampum and would pew it to us; and they earnefily preffed 
that we would write to the Governors o/^ Maryland and Virginia to make them 
SatisfaSionfor the Lands belonging to them (the Indians) which the 'People of 
thofe Governments were poffeffed of, that had never hem pur chafed of them ; that 
all the Lands on Safquehannah and at Chanandowa were theirs, and they mufi 
bejatisfed for them ; that they had agreed with us for the Lands they now re- 
leafed to us, but they had never received any thing from the other Governments 
to the Southward, for theirs. 

They were told, That on their receiving the Prcfent to morrow, they 
ftiould be anfwered on thefe Heads j and after being entertained by the Pro- 
prietor, they withdrew. 

O^ober 14. 

The Honourable the Proprietor, the Prefident, with fome of the Council 
met this Forenoon, and the Indian Chiefs being come and feated. 

Their Speaker, having fome Parcels of Skins laid before him, rofe; and 
by the Interpreter faid ; 



That they were now tojpeak to the Proprietor and our Teopk for the la/t 
time this Vijit ; that we had /poke to them laji night, and recapitulated the Heads 
of all that had been agreed between them and us, as the Fire, the <Path, the 
Chain ; that we are now become one feople ; with every other Jrticle that had 
been mentioned between us : This they will remember on their Tarts through 
all Generations^ and they dejire that we may remember the fame as long as the 
Earth endures. 

That having now brightened the Chain, and confirmed all the Articles neceffary 
for eftablifhing perfeB Vriendfiip between them and us, and being thus become 
one People, they viufi defre that we would be more reajonahle in the Sale of cur 
Goods, which are much dearer {th^yjayj from our Traders than from thof of 
New-York; that the T'owder fold by the Traders ofSe^^-Yoxk, is generally 
found to be mixed with black Duft,fo that the Bullet falls ojtenport of the Mark 
thro' the Badnefs of the 'Towder; that if we would fell cheap, we might thereby 
draw a great Trade to this 'Province, far beyond that of any others, which would 
be to our Advantage. 

And hereupon he laid down a Bundle of Skins, and faid, 

That among f} them there is never any ViBuals fold, the Indians give to each o- 
ther jreely what they canfpare; but ip' they come amongfl our People, they can have 
none without faying ; they admire we (Ijoiild take Money on this Score. 

That having now fnified, and preparing to return home, as fever al oj them 
*re old Men, thy requeji that we would help them on their Journey, by affijiing 
them with Horjes andjome Carriages for their Goods ; that as we have tna'ny Hor- 
fes and Carriages, they defire we would fpare them fome for thiir UJe, who are our 

And hereupon he laid down two Bundles of Skins ; 

Then proceeding, he faid, 
That they muft defire us to write to the Governors of Virginia and Maryland, 
who are puffeffed of their Lands, without ever conjjdering the Indians for them, 
and requeji that we would take the Jnfwers of thoje Governors, which next 
Spring fome of their Nations will come to receive at the Fire kept for them in this 
^lace ; That they intend to apply to the great King on the other Side of the Wa- 
ter, and let him know what they expeB on this Head from his People. 

That //"Civility at Coneftogoe, fmild attempt to make a Sale of any Lands 
to us or any of our Neighbours, they mufi lei us know, that he hath no Tower to 
4ofo ; and if he does any thing of the kind, they the Indians will utterly difown him. 

That lajl night we told them- the Woods were very dark, and that it was impof- 
Jible to prevent Rum being carried to Allegheny ; that if the Caf- be thus, wt 
had better hinder any T'erfons from going thither at all, and confine our Traders to 
the River Safquehannah and its Branches; for as Jcveral Indian Warriours /i^/i 
by Allegheny, where Jo much Rum is confiantly to be had, they cannot but be ve- 
ry apprehenfive that fine Mifhiej may happen; this Confideration often troubles 

In Anf.ver to all which, the Indians were thus told by the Interpreter. 
" TTH AT as to all that had pafled relating to the Chain, Road and Fire, 
" we haye now firmly and fully eftablilhcd and confirmed all thefe 

D Articles, 


( 14) 

« Articles, to be kept in perpetual Remembrance by them and us, and by 
« our Children and their Children to all Generations. 

" That as to the Dcarncfs of Goods carried amongft them, the Goverri- 
" ment here has no Concern in the Trade, it is entirely carried on by pri- 
" vate People; thofe that go amongft the Indians purchafe the Goods they 
" carry with them at the ealieft Rale, and we are told, that confidering the 
" Length of V/ay they cat ry them, they are fold fo cheap, that thefe Tra- 
" ders can be but fmall Gainers ; but the Prices of Goods are not under any 
" Regulation, they get for them what they can, 

" That all the white People, tho' they live together as Brethren, have 
" each neverthelels diftind Properties and Interefts, and none of us can 
" demand from another Viftuals or any thing of the Kind without Pay- 
" ment. One Man raifes Corn and fells it, another raifes Horles and he 
*' fells them, and thus every Man lives by his own Labour and Induftry, 
" and no one has a Right to take away from another what he thus earns 
« for himfelf; and all Viduals coft Money. 

" That proper Care will be taken, as has formerly been done, to fupply 
" them with Horfes and Carriages to make their Journey home as caly as 
« poffible. 

" That we would be glad to do them any Service with the Neighbour- 
" ing Governments, but we do not clearly underftand this Matter : As to 
" what is faid of a Letter from the King of England, we do not believe there 
*' is any Truth in that Rcjjort; wc have indeed heard of a Letter fent up 
" to Sajqtcehanmh from the Governor oi Maryland \ if he mentions any thing 
" in it of Orders from the King of England^ they fhould fend fome Perfons 
«' to that Government to enquire into the Matter. As to the Claim they 
*' make on the Lands of Maryland and Virginia, we know not how this is 
" fupported ; the Lands on Sajquehannah, we believe, belong to the Siii 
" Nations, by the Conqueft of the Indians of that River ; but how their Pre- 
" tentions are made good to the Lands to the Southward, we know notj 
" and we ought to be better informed before we can write on this Head. 

" That we cannot prevent our Traders from going where they may bed 
** difpofe of their Goods ; we Ihall take the moft proper Meafuies in our 
*' Power to hinder their carrying Rum in inch Quantities, and wc hope the 
" Indians will give Itrift Charge to the Warriours to be cautious and 
" prudent, that all Kind of Mifchief may be prevented. 

The Indians appearing fatisfied with what had been fpokc to them, faid 
they had nothing further to offer. The Prefent was then delivered to them, 
which they received with great Thankfulnefs, thofe of each Nation alter- 
nately by themlelvcs, and then all of them together, joining in their ufual 
folemn Sound, when they exprefs their Satisfadicn. Having afterwards 
drank a friendly Glafs, and taking Leavs of the Proprietor, Prefident and 
Couiicil, they departed ; and thus the Treaty ended. 

Robert Charles, Seer. 








A T 


In XU LT, 1742. 


Printed and Sold by B. FRANKLIN, at the New-Printing- 
Office, near the Market. M,DCC,XLIII. 


(3 ) 

TREATY, &c. 

TH E Deputies of the Six Nations having, at their laft Vifit, 
agreed to releafe their Claim to all the Land on both Sides 
of the River Sajqueha/iab, as far South as this Province 
extends, and to the Northward to thofe called the Endlefs 
Mountains or Kittochtinm Hills ; in Confideration whereof, they 
then received a large Qoantity of valuable Indian Goods for the 
Lands fituate on the Eaftern Side of the faid River, but declined at 
that Time to receive any for thofe on the Weftern Side of the faid Ri -er, 
chufin ;; to defer the fame till another Vifit ; A large Number arrived from 
thefe Nations at Philadelphia, on Wednejday the 30//J of June, with Depu- 
ties duly impowered to receive the faid Goods ; and acquainted the Gover- 
nor, tliat being weary from the Fatigue of their long Journey, they fhould 
crave three or four Days to reft themfelvcs before they proceeded to their Bu- 
lyiefs : In the mean time they would wait on the Governor to difcourfe, ac- 
cording to ihjir ufual Method, abojt News and other Occurrences ; wliich 
the Governor readily a_^reed tn, and afk'd them when they would chufe to 
pay their firft Vifit ; which they defiring might be on Friday the zd of July 
in the Afternoon, the Council was accordingly fummon'd, and met at JVIr. 
Logan's Houfe, where were 


The Honourable GEORGE fHO MAS, Efq; Lieut. Governor. 

James Logan, Samuel Preflon, -^ 

Cletnent Plum/led, Thomas Lawrence, (j-.^ 

Samuel Ha/ell, Ralph Ajheton, (^^H'^ 

Abraham 'Taylor, Robert Strettell, J 

The Chiefs of the Six Nations, with the Chiefs of the Shaicanefe, 

CA NA SSATEEGO, the Onondago Chief, Speaker. 

CONRAD WEISER, Interpreter. 

The Governor opened the Conference zi follows. 


' The Proprietor having purchafed certain Lands from your Nations about 
Six Years ago, a Moiety of what was agreed to be given in Confideration 

• of 


( 4) 

' of that Purchafe was at that Time deHvered to them, and the other being 

• at their own Deiiix left iii the Proprietor's Hands, He preffed you by Sbi- 

• kalamy to fend \i.{\ Year for it, and would have been glad to have feen you 
' and taken you by the Hjnd before his Departure. But as the Defign of 
' this Meeting is to hear your News and converfe together in a free and friend- 
' ly Manner, I fhall lay no more about the Goods than that they lye ready at 

• the Proprietor's Houle, and will be delivered when you fhall have fuffici- 
' ently relied from the Fatig ae of your Journey. 

The Chief of the Omndagoes fpoke 

' We propofe to reft four Days, and then come to the main Bufinefs. At 
' prefent we are at a private Conference abo^t News, and have fomething of 
' this Sort 10 mention to our Bcoihev Onas." And on the Governor's lignity- 
ing they would be glad to know what it was, the Chief proceeded. 


' It is ourWay when we come to our Brethren, or any other Perfons, whom 

• we live in ftrid Friendlhip with, to remove all Obftrudions to a good Un- 

< derftanding; with this View we are to inform you of a Piece of difa_^i;reea- 
' ble News that happen'd in our Journey. Some White People living at 

• a Place called Conegocheegoe, whofe Names we cannot tell, nor whether 
' they belong to this or the neighbouring Government, but one of them, as 

< we heard, had his Houle burnt over his Head fome Years ago, and he was 
' brought down a Prifoner and committed to the Goal of this City : Thefc 

• People lighting of our young Warriours, as they were hunting, miide fomc 
« Propofals about the Purchafing of Land from them, and our young Mea 

• being indifcreet, and unacquainted withPublickBulinefs, were fooliih enough 

• to hearken to them, and to receive five Duffil Strowds for two Pl.mtutions 

• on the River Cohongoronto. A Conejlogoe Indian, and a French Indian, and 
' fome others that were in Company had three Duffil Strowds, and went a- 
« way with them ; and our young Men carried off the other two. As foon as 

• this came to our Knowledge, we fent for our Warriours, and afier cXuKiin- 
« ing and rebuking them feverely, we took away their two Strowds, and 
' puljlickly cenfurcd them for expofing us to our Brethren of Pe?jnj)'hcuiia 
' in doing a Thing lb inconfiftent with our Engagements to them ; "You aic, 
" faid we aloud, that all our People might hear and take Notice, to know and 
" remember, that the Six Nations have obliged themfelves to fell none of the 
" Land that falls within the Province of Pennfyhania to any other but our 
" Brother Onas, and that to fell Lands to any other is an high Breach of 
' the League of Friendlhip." Brethren, this rafh Proceeding of our young 
' Men makes us alhamed. We always mean well, and (hall perform faith- 
' fully what we have promifed : And we affure you, this Affair was tranfac- 
' ted in the Manner we have related, without our Privity or Confent. And 
' that you may be fully convinced of this, and of the Sincerity of our Intenti- 
' ons, we have brought you thefe Two Strowds [ here he preje?ited tivo Red 
' Strowds to the Governor ] they are the very Strowds our fooliO) young Men 
' received ; we took them from them, and we give them to you tq return, to 
« thofe \vhite People who made the Bargain, and defirc wheft the Strowds 

* arc 


(5 ) 

' arc returned to them, they may be told what we now fay, and that we fhall 
' not confirm luch Bargains nor any other that may interfere with our En- 
' gagements to our Brother Onas. 

The Governor then fpoke : 


' I thank you for this Piece of News ; you have taken this Matter perfedt- 

* ly right. All Bargaining for Land within this Province, is, to be fure, a 
' manifeft Breach of your Contrad: with the Proprietors, and what we know 
' you will not countenance. We have hitherto found the Six Nations taith- 

* ful to their Engagements, and this is a frefh Inftance of their Pi.ndtuality. 

* You could not help thefe Miftakes of your young Men ; they were not 
' done in your Prefence : But as leveral Inconveniences may arife from thefe 

* kindofclandeftine Sales, or from any fuch loofe Sales of Land by your 

* People, we defire you will, on your Return home, give publick Notice to all 
' your Warriours not to bargain for any Land ; or if they do, that you will 

* not confirm fuch Bargains ; and that this very Affair, together with what 

* you have done therein, may be particularly reported to all your Nation af- 

* fembled in Council, 

The Onondago Chief promifed to give fuch publick Notice ; and de- 
iiring Liberty to mend his former Speech, he proceeded : 


' I forgot one Circumftancc : Our People who pretended to fell the Land, 

* demanded a Belt of Wampum of the Buyers to carry to their Chiefs ; and 

* on their declaring they had no Wampum, our Warriours faid, they would 

* not anfwer that their Chiefs would confirm this Bargain, fmce they never 

* did any thing of this Nature without Wampum. 

The Governor, after a /hort Paufe, fpokc : 

' BRETHREN of ibe Six Nations, 
' I fhall take this Opportunity to relate to youaPieceof difagrecableNewsIrc- 
• ceived fome Days ago in a Letter from Le Tort the IndianTrader, at Allegheny, 

* who fays, " That in May laft fome Indians of the Taway Nation, fuppof- 
" ed by us to be the Tiiightwees, in their Return from War, called and ftay- 
*' ed fome Time with the Shawanefe ; who being alked, and denying they 
" had brought either Scalps or Prifoners, the Shawanefe fufpefting them, had 
*' the Curiofity to fearch their Bags, and finding two Scalps in them that by 
" the Softnefs of the Hair did not feel like Indian Scalps, they wafh'd them 
" clean and found them to be the Scalps of fome Chriitians. On this Difco- 
" very, the Twightivees were fo much afhamed, that they ftole away from 
** their Town in the Night-time; and coming, as they afterwards un- 
" derftood, to a little Village belonging to the Shawanefe, they told our Peo- 
" pie that their Hearts were full of Grief; for, as they came along the Read, 
*' they found it all bloody ; and having good Caufe to believe it was made 
" bloody with the Blood of fome of the White Brethren, they had very 
" forrowfully fwept the Road ; and defired them to inform the Governor of 
*' Penflvania of their (the Twightivees) Grief; and how they had fwept 

B "the 


(6 ) 

*' the Road clean. ' Le Tsrt adds, on Behalf of the Shavjanefe, " That 
•' they were much troubled and grieved at this unfortunate Accident ; and 
" prayed, as they had no Concern in it, more than by being Inftruments to 
" difcover it, their Brethren would not blame them, nor fuffer a Mifunder- 
" ftanding to arife between them cm this Account; They would fweep the 
" Road clean, and wipe all the Blood away ; and defired their Brethren 
" would be latislied with this, and not weep too much for a Misfortune 
" that might not happen again as long as the Sun and Moon Ihone." 

• The Perfon who delivered me Le Tort's Letter, brought this Bundle 

* of Skins as a Prefent to me ; but I told the Meffenger, I would not meddle 

* with it ; he might leave it if he pleafed -. The Affair appear'd to me in a 
' bad Light, and I would reprefent it to the Six Nations., who were expec- 

* ted in Town every Day. This is the Fadt as I have it from Le Tort : I 

* defire to be inform'd if you know any thing of this Matter ; and if you do 

* not, that you will make diligent Enquiry who committed the Murder, 

* and who are the unhappy Sufferers, and affift us to obtain Satisfaftion, if 

* it fhall appear to be any of our Fellow-Subjeds that have been treated ia 
' this Manner. 

To inforce this Requeji, I prefent you with this String of Wampum, 

The Onondago Chief, in Reply, faid ; 

' We take this Information kindly at your Hands ; we will take this 

* String of Wampum Home with us to our Lodgings, and there confult 

* about the moft regular and proper Steps to be takyi by us to anfwer your 

* Expeditions ; and when we have duly confidered the Matter, we will 

* return you an Anfwer. 

Upon this the Governor put an End to the Conference ; and calling for 
Wine and other Liquors, according to the Indian Cuflom, after a decent and 
chearful Entertainment, the Indians withdrew. 

AtaCOUNCIL held at the Proprietor's Houfe, July 5. 1742. 


The Honourable GEORGE THOMAS, Efq; Lieut. Govaoor. 

fames Logman, ? r?r 

Clement Pimfed, i^^^^''' 

With feveral Gentlemen of the Tows. 
The Chiefs of the Six Nations. 

h being judg'd proper, at this critical Time, when we are in daily Expec- 
tation of a French War, to found the Indians, and difcover what Depen- 
dance we might have on them, in cafe their Aid fhould be wanted ; an hund- 



( 7 ) 

fome Dinner was provided for their Chiefs ; and after they had made an 
hearty Meal, and drank, his Majefty's Health, the Proprietors, and the 
Health of the Six Nations, the Chiefs gave the folemn Cry, in Teiiimony of 
their Thanks, for the Honour done them. And foon afcer the Governor 
began, in a free Way, to enquire for what Reafon the Senccas were not come 
down, fince they had an equal Right to a Share of the Goods with the other 
.Nations. Canajfateego, their Speaker, faid, ' The Senecas were in great 

* Diftrefs, on Account of a Famine that raged in their Country, which hc.d 
« reduced them to llich Want, that a Father had been obliged to kill two of 
' his Children to preferve his own and the reft of his Family's Li -es; and 
' they could not now come down, but had given Diredions about their 

* Share of the Goods." The Governor exprefs'd his Concern tor the un- 
happy Circumfhinces of their Brethren of tht Seneca Nation j and, after a 
fhort Refpite, enquired if any of their Deputies were then at Canada, and 
■whether the French Governor was making any warlike Preparations. And 
on their anfwering, Tes ; the Governor faid, with a fmiling, pleafant Counte- 
nance, ' I luppofe if the French {hould go to War with us-, you will join 

* them." The Indians conferr'd together for fome Time, and then Canajja- 
teegOy in a chearful lively Manner, made Anfwer. — ' We affure you, "the 
' Governor of Canada pays our Nations great Court at this Time, well 

* knowing of what Coniequence we are to the French Intereft : He has al- 

* ready told us, he was uncovering the Hatchet and fliarpening it, and hoped, 

* if he fhould be obliged to lift it up againft the Engli/I:, their Nations 

* would remain neuter and affift neither Side. But we will now 

* fpeak plainly to our Brethren : Why fhould we, who are one 
' Flefh with you, refufe to help you, whenever you want our Affiftance ? — 

* We have continued a long Time in the ftrideft League of Airiiiy ..nd 
' Friendlhip with you, and we (hall always be faithful and true to you ojr 
« old and good Allies. — The Governor of €am-da talks a great deal, but ten 

* of his Words do not go fo far as one of yours. — We do not look towards 

* them ; We look towards you ; and yo:i may depend- on our Aifitlunce." 
Whilft the Onondago Chief made this open and hearty Declaration, all the 
other Indians made frequently that particular Kind of Nolle which is known 
to be a Mark of Approbation.— The Governor bid the Interpreter tell €a- 
najfateego, ' He did not fet on foot this Enquiry from any Sulpicion he h.-d 

* of the Six Nations wanting a due R<;gard for the EngliJ,'.\ — Our Expe-i- 
' ence of their Honour and Faith would not permit us to think any o.iicr 

* of them than that they would efteem our Friends their Fiitnd«, and^our 

* Enemies their Enemies, agreeable to the ftrid Union which had ever lub- 
' fifted between us. — As to the Governor of Canada, they need not mind 
' what he faid. — The Englijh, on equal Terms, had teat the French, and 
' could beat them again : And were they but to confider the Adv..nt.,ges 
' which the Englijh have, by pofTeiring fd many large and populous Co. ntries 
' and fo many good Ports on the Continent of America, they would foon 
' fee who had moft Reafon to- fear a War, the French- ot tlie Englijh . 

Here the Converfation drop'd ; and, after another Giafs of Wine, the 7«- 
dians refumed the Difcourfe, by afking whether their Brethren had not been 
for fome time engaged in^ a' War with the King oiS^atn, and what SuccefTcj 
they had met with. 


( 8 ) 

The Governor told them, the King oi Great Britain lived in an Ifland, 
and being f jrrounded with the Sea, his chief Strength lay in his Ships ; in 
which he was fo much fuperior to his Enemies, that they were feldom to be 
met with on the broad Ocean, but fculk'd and hid themfelves, only venturing 
out now and then ; and whenever they did they were almoft fure to be ta- 
ken J and that the King oi Great Britain had, with his Ships, beat down or 
taken feveral of the Spaniards Great Forts in Jbnerica. — The Indians faid, 
they were pleafed to hear their Brethren were an Over-match for theif Ene- 
mies, and wifh'd them good Succefs. 

The Governor then inquired into the State and Condition of the Nations 
to the Weftward of the Great Lakes, and whether they had any Warriourj 
then in thofe Countries? Whether they had concluded Peace with the 
Southern Indians ? And whether they had heard what their Deputies had 
done at Albany ? 

They made Anfwcr : That they had always Abundance of their Men out 
amongfl: the Nations fituate to the Weft of their Lakes. — That they had 
kindled a Fire with a vaft many Nations, fome whereof were Tributaries, 
and they had a good Underftanding with all. — They fet out from their own 
Country in Company with two Sets of Deputies, one going to hold a Treaty 
with the Southern Indians, and they believed a Peace would be concluded : 
The other going to meet the Governor of New-Tork, at Albany ; but they 
could not tell what had been done at either Place. — On their Return, they 
■were to hold a General Council, and would inform their Brethren of thefe 

Then the Governor put an End to the Conference, by telling the Indiam 
the Goods would be delivered to them at a Council to be held to morrow 
Afternoon at the Mecting-Houfe. 

At a Council held in the Mccting-Houfe, Philadelphia, July 6. 1742. 


The Honourable GEORGE fH OMAS, Efq; Lieut. Governor. 

yames Logan, Samuel Prejlon, p 

Clement Plumfled, Ralph Apeton, >Efqrs} 

Abraham Taylor, Robert Strettell. ) 

CA NA SSATEEGO, Chief of the Onondagoes, Speaker. 

ShicalamY} and a great Number of Indians, 
whofe Names are as follows, viz. 



(9 ) 


Sawegaty, ? Counfellors. 

Caxhayton, ^ 


Kayadoghratie aliai Slanaghjuafy, 









C A I Y O U QJJ O 8. 

^"Wr^- {chiefs. 
uobatgagbwus, ^ 





Sagu-iughwatha, alias Cadcaradafey, 





Hogh degh runtu, 

Rotehn Haghtyackon, Captain. 






Tuyanoegon . 


Sarijlaquob, ~\ 

JJngquaterughiatbe aliasC Chiefs. 
SbikelimOy ) 



Onughkallydawwy, a noted youngChief. 

Omighnaxqua, Chief. 





^tokan dadaroeyon, 





Karugh iagh Ragbquy, Captain. 

tahn beentus, 


And a great Number of the 


Sawontka, ^ 

Ti-ieroes, C Chiefs. 

Clogbfytowax, > 

Tokaryhoegon, Captain. 









Cberigb wdjibo, 


Tion ogb fcogbtba, 

Saligb wanagbjcn, 


T'ocar-eher [dicdfince at Tulpehokin,\ 



Wehweblaky, Chief. 
Afet teywa. 

Maya minickyfy, 
Waivyia Beefeny. 

Caneftogo Indians that fpeak fbfi 
Onayiut'i Language. 
Tior Haafery, Chief, 
I'amgh wackerau, 
Karha Cawyiat, 
Kayen quily quo. 
of Caneftogo. 
Icbqua que beck. 


DELA WARES of Shamokin. 
OlumapieSy XcW f 

Lingebanoah, » 
Kelly macquan, 
^itie-yquont y 
Nena cby baut. 

DELAWARES from the Forks, 

?'''''^'' / 1 ^7 ,• 1 Chiefs. 
Lawye quohwon al, Nuttmus, J 


Cornelius Spring, and others, 

Conrad Weiser, Cornelius 

Spring, Interpreters. 

Inhabitants of Philadelphia. 



( 'o) 

The Covcrnor, having commanded Silence, fpoke as follows : 

Friends and Brethren of the Six Nations, 
' Six Years ago a Number of your Chiefs obliged us with a Vifit, when 
' they agreed, on Behalf of your Nations, to the Releafe of certain Lands 
' on both Sides the River Sajquehannab, to the Southward of the Endlefs- 

* Mountains, and Within the Limits and Bounds of the King's Grant of this 
' Province. In Confideration of which, a certain Quantity of Goods was 
' agreed on and delivered as a full Satisfadion for the laid Lands lying on the 
' Eaftern Side of the faid River : And for the Lands on the Weilern Side of 

* the faid River, you defired the Payment fhould be deferr'd till another Op- 

* portunity. Thefe Goods, which are exactly the fame in Quantity as thofe 

* you received the laft Time the Chiefs of your Nations were here, have been 

* ready a confiderableTime,and kept inExpedlation of yourComing for them : 

* And now you are come down fully impowered by your refpe(5tive Council* 

* to receive them, we are well pleafed to delivec them : Leaving it to you 

* to make a fair and equal Divifion of them amongft yourfelves. We are 

* forry for the Abfence of our Brethren the Senecas, and much more (o 

* that it fhould be owing to their Diftrefs at Home by a Famine that rages 

* in their Country : — A Famine fo great that you tell us a Father has been 

* obliged to facrifice one Part of his Family, even his own Children, for the 

* Support and Prefervation of himfelf, and the other Part. — We heartily 

* commiferate their Condition, and do not doubt but you will do them fair 

* and ample Juftice in the Difpofal of their Part of the Goods in fuch Manner 

* as they have inftrudted you. You fhall now hear the Lift of the Goods 

* read to you. 

Htxe, by the Governor's Order, the Lift of the Goods was read over, viz, 

500 Pounds oj Powder. 60 Kettles. 

600 Pounds of Lead. 100 Tobacco-Tongs. 

45 Guns. 100 Sciffiirs. 

60 Strowd-Matchcoats. 500 Jicl-Blades. 

100 Blankets. 120 Combs. 

100 Duffil Mafchcoats. 2000 Needles, 

200 Yards Half -thick. 1000 Flints. 

100 Shirts. 24 Looking-GIaJfes. 

40 Hats. 2 poufids of Vermilion. 

40 Pair Shoes & Buckles. 100 Tin-Pots. 

40 Pair Stockings. 1000 Tobacco-Pipes. 

100 Hatchets. 200 Pounds of tobacco. 

500 Knives, 24 Dozen of Gartering, and 

100 Hoes. 25 Gallons of Rum. 

Then the Governor told them that the Goods, of which the Particukri 
had been juft read to them, were ih the Meeting-Houfe, and would be feot 
to whatever Place they would diredt. 

The Governor then proceeded : 

• You have often heard of the Care that your great and good Friend and 

* Brother JVilliam Penn took at all Times to cultivate a perfedt good Har- 
' mony with all the Indians : Of this your Nations have ever been fully fen- 
' fable ; but more efpecially a Number of your Chiefs, about ten Years ago, 

* when 


( " ) 

' when, on the Arrival ofaSon ofyourfaid great Friend William Perm, large 
» and valuable Prefents were exchanged by us with you ; a new Road was made 
' and clear'd ; a new Fire kindled ; and the Chain of Friendfhip made 

* ftronger fo as to laft while the Sun and Moon endure. 

' And now we cannot but congratulate ourfelves that your Coming fliould 

* happen at a Time when we are in daily Expediation c^ a War b;ing de- 
' clared between the King of England, and the French King, well knowing 

* that fhould fuch a War happen, it muft very ienfibly affeft you, conlidering 

* your Situation in the Neigbhourhood of Canada. Your Coming at this 

* Juncture is particularly fortunate, fince it gives us an Opportunity of 

* mentioning leveral Thii^gs Aat may be neceJary to be fettled between 
' People fo ftridJy and clofely united as we are.-— An Union not to be ex- 
' prefs'd by *ny thing lefs than tlie affedionate Regards which Children of 
' the fame Parents bear for each other, as conceiving ourfelves to be one 
' Flefh and one People. 

* The utmoft Care therefore ought mutually to be taken by us on both 

* Sides, that the Road between us be kept perfeftly clear and open, and no 
•' Lets nor the leaft Obftrudtion be fuffered to lie in the Way ; or if any 

* fliould by Accident be found, that may hinder our free Intercourfe and 

* Correfpondencc, it muft forthwith be removed. 

Tb inforce this. We lay down a String of Wampum. 

* In next Place, Wc, on our Part, fhall jnlai^p 0:1 r Fire that burns be- 

* twetn us. We ftiall provide more Fewel to increafe it and muke it bum 
' brighter and clearer, and give a ftronger and more lafting Light and 
' Warmth. 

In Evidence of our Jincere Intentions, We lay down this Belt 
of Wampum, 

' In the laft Place, confidering the Obligations we are mutually under by 

* our feveral Treaties, " That we (hould hear with our Ears for yoi,, iui»i 

* you hear with your Ears for us." We Ihall at all Times veiy Willini ly 

* giv£ you the earlieft and beft Intelligence of any Deiigns that may beibrini'd 

* to your Difadvantage. — And if you difcover any Preparations that can h'.r t 

* us, we defire you will immediately difpatch fome fuitable Perfon in wJiofti 
' we can place a Coniidence, to give us a proper Liformation. 

To inforce this Requejl, as well as to brighten the Chain, loe lay 
down this other Belt of Wampum. 

On the Governor's concluding the Speech, the folemn Cry by vvay of 
Approbation was repeated by the Indians as many Times as there were Na- 
tions prefent ; and then CanaJ'ateego rofe up and fpoke. 


* We thank you for your kind Speech : What you have faid is very agree- 
' able to us ; and to-morrow when we have deliberated on the feveral Mat- 
' ters recommended to us, we will give you our Anfwer. We defire, as 

* our Time will be wholly taken up in Council, you will order the Goods 

* to be carried back to the Proprietaries to prevent their being loft, and that 
' they may continue there till we call for them. 



( I- . 

ht a Council held in the Meetiiig-7Ioufe, July 7. 17^ ->. 


The Honourable GEORGE THO MAS, iifq; Ll-it. Governor. 

James Logan, ,, anes ,P<v.>A:."«» j 

Tbomas LawreHCft Samuel tiajeil, ^Efqrsj 

Abraham taykr, Robert StretUll. ) 

CAN AS SATEEGO's Sp-ech on Behalf of the Six Nations. 

BRETHREN, the Governor and Omcil, and dl prefenf, 
' According to our Promife we now propofe to return you an Aafwer to 

* the feveral Things mentioned to us Yefterday, and fhall beg Leave to 

* fpeak to Publick Affairs firft, tho' they were what you fpoke to laft. On 
' this Head you Yefterday put us in Mind, firft, " 0{ WilliamPenn's early and 
*' conftant Care to cultivate Friendfhip with all the Indians 5 of the Treaty 
" we held with one of his Sons, about ten Years ago ; and of the Neceffity 
" there is at this Time of keeping the Roads between us clear and free from 
** all Obftrudtions." We are all very fenfible of the kind Regard that good 

* Man William Penn had for all the Indians, and cannot but be pleafed to 

* find that his Children have the fame. We well remember the Treaty you 

* mention held with his Son on his Arrival here, by which we confirmed our 

* League of Friendfhip that is to laft as long as the Sun and A!oon endure : 

* In Confequence of this, We, on our Part, fhall preferve the Road free 

* from all Incumbrances j in Confirmation whereof we lay down this String 

* of Wampum. 

* You in the next Place faid you would inlarge the Fire and make it burn 

* brighter, which we are pleafed to hear you mention ; and afliire you, we 

* fhall do the fame, by adding to it more Fewel, that it may ftill flame out 

* more ftrongly than ever : In the laft Place, you were pleafed to fay that 

* we are bound, by the ftridteft Leagues, to watch for each others Preferva- 

* tion J that we fhould hear with our Ears for you, and you hear with your 

* Ears for us : This is equally agreeable to us ; and we fhall not fail to 

* give you early Intelligence whenever any thing of Confequence comes 

* to our Knowledge : And to encourage you to do the fame, and to 

* no^rifh in your Hearts what you have fpoke to us with your 
' Tongues, about the Renewal of our Amity and the Brightening of the 
' Chain of Friendfhip ; we confirm what we have faid with another Belt 

* of Wampum. 


* We received from the Proprietors, yefterday, fome Goods in Confidera- 

* tion of our Releafe of the Lands on the Weft-Side of Safquehannah, It is 

* true we have the full Quantity according to Agreement ; but if the Pro- 

* prietor had been here himfelf, we think, in Regard of our Numbers and 

* Poverty, he would have made an Addition to them.— If the Goods were 

* only to be divided amongft the Indians prefent, a fingle Perfon would have 

* but a fmall Portion ; but if you confider what Numbers are left behind, 

* equally entitled with us to a Share, there will be extremely httle. Wc 

* therefore defire, if you have the Keys of the Proprietor's Cheft, you will 

* open it, and take out a little more for us. 



(13 ) 

' We know our Lands are now become more valuable . The white People 

* think we do not know their Value ; but we are fenfible that the Land is 
« eyerlafting, and the few Goods we receive for it are foon worn out and 
« gone. For the Future we will fell no Lands but when Brother Onai is in 

* the Country j and we will know beforehand the Quantity of the Goods 
' we are to receive. Befides, we are not well ufed with refpe<5t to the 

* Lands ftill unfold by us. Your People daily fettle on thefe Lands, and 

* fpoil oar Hunting. — We muft infift on your Removing them, as yon know 

* they have no Right to fettle to the Northward of Kittochtinny-Hilh. — In 

* particular, we renew our Complaints againft fome People who are fettled 

* at Juniata^ a Branch of Sajquahannah, and all along the Banks of that 

* River, as far as Mahaniay ; and defire they may be forthwith made to go 

* off the Land ; for they do great Damage to our Coufins the Delaware!. 

' We have further to obferve, with refpeft to the Lands lying on the Weft 

* Side of Safquahannah, that tho' Brother Onas (meaning the Proprietor) 

* has paid us for what his People poffefs, yet fome Parts of that Country 

* have been taken up by Perfons whofe Place of Refidence is to the South 

* of this Province, from whom we have never received any Confideration. 
' This Affair was recommended to you by our Chiefs at our laft Treaty ; and 

* you then, at our earned Deiire, promiied to write a Letter to that Perfon 

* who has the Authority over thofe People, and to procure us his Anfwer i 

* As we have never heard from you on this Head, we want to know what 
' you have done in it. If you have not done any thing, we now renew our 
' Reqieft, and defire you will inform the Perfon whofe People are feated 

* on our Lands, that that Country belongs to us, in Right of Conqueft ; we 

* having bought it with our Blood, and taken it from our Enemies in fair 
' War ; and we expeft, as Owners of that Land, to receive fuch a Confi- 
' deration for it as the Land is worth. We deiire you will prefs him to 

* fend us a pofitive Anfwer : Let him fay Yes or No : If he fays Yes, we 
' we will treat with him ; if No, we are able to do ourfelves Juftice ; and 
' we will do it, by going to take Payment ourfelves. 

« It is cuftomary with us to make a Prefent of Skins whenever we renew our 

* Treaties. We are afhamed to offer our Brethren fo few ; but your Horfes 

* and Cows have eat the Grafs our Deer ufed to feed on. This has made 

* them fcarce, and will, we hope, plead in Excufe for our not bringing 2 

* larger Quantity : If we could have fpared more we would have given more j 

* but we are really poor ; and defire you'll not confider the Quantity, but, 
< few as they are, accept them in Teftimony of our Regard. 

Here they gave the Governor a Bundle of Skins, 
The Governor immediately replied : 

' We thank you for the many Declarations of Refpeft you have given U9 

* in this folemn Renewal of our Treaties : We receive, and fhall keep your 

* String and Belts of Wampum, as Pledges of your Sincerity, and defire thofe 
' we gave you may be carefully preferved, as Teftimonies of ours. 

* In Anfwer to what you fay about the Proprietaries. — They are all ab- 

* fent, and have taken the Keys of their Cbeft with them ; io that we can- 

D notj 


( H) 

' not, on their Behalf, enlarge the Quantity of Goods : Were, they here, 
< they might, perhaps, be more generous j but we cannot be hberal for- 

* them. — The Government will, however, take your Requeft into Confider- 

* ation, and, in Regard to your Poverty, may perhaps make you a Prefent^ 

* I but juft mention this now, intending to refer this Part of your Speech to 

* be anfwered at our next Meeting. 

• The Number of Guns, as well as every thing elfe, anfwers exadtly with the 

* Particulars fpecified in your Deed of Ccmveyance, which is more than was 

* agreed to be given you. It was your own Sentiments, that the Lands on 

* the Weft Side of Safquahannab were not fo valuable as thofe on the Eaft j 

* and an Abatement was to be made, proportionable to the Difference in. 

* Value : But the Proprietor overlooked this, and ordered the full Quantity 

* to be delivered, which you will look on as a Favour. 

• It is very true, that Lands are of late become more valuable ; but 

* what raifes their Value ? Is it not entirely owing to the Induftry and La- 

* hour ufed by the white People in their Cultivation and Improvement? 

* Had not they come amongft you, thefe Lands would have been of no 
^ Ufe to you, any further than to maintain you. And is there not, now 

* you have fold fo much, enough left for all the Purpofes of Living ?-— ■ 

* What you fay of the Goods, that they are foon worn out, is applicable to 

* every thing j but you know very well, that they coft a great deal Money ) 

* and the Value of Land is no more than it is worth in Money. 

• On your former Complaints againft People's Setllng the Lands on Ju- 

* niata, and from thence all along on the River Sajquahannah as far as Ma- 

* haniahy, fome Magiftrates were fent exprefsly to remove them ; and wa 

* thought no Perfons would prefume to flay after that. 

Here they Interrupted the Governor, and faid : — " Thefe Perfons who 
" were fent did not do their Duty : So far from removing the People, they 
" made Surveys for themfelves, and they are in League with the TrefpafTers. 
'' We defire more effe<aual Methods may be ufed, and honefter Perfons 
" imploy'd. 

Which the Governor promifed, and then proceeded : 


' According to the Promife made at our lafl Treaty with you, Mr. Logaff, 

* who was at that Time Prefident, did write to the Governor oi Maryland, 
' that he might make you Satisfaction for fuch of your Lands as his People 

* had taken up ; but did not receive one Word from him upon that Head. 

* I will write to him again, and endeavour to procure you a fatisfadtory 

* Anfwer. We do not doubt but he will do you Juftice : But we exhort 

* you to be careful not to exercife any Adts of^ Violence towards his People, 

* as they hkewife are our Brethren, and Subjects of the fame Great King ; 

* and therefore Violence towards them muft be productive of very evji 

* Confequences, 

*" I fhall conclude what I have to fay at this Time with Acknowledgment? 
' for your Prefent ; which is very agreeable to us, from the Exprefiions of 

* Reg^d ufed by you in prefenting it ; Gifts of this Nature receiving their 


( 'S) 

Value from the AiFection of the Gilmer, and not from the Quundiy or Piicc 
of the Thing given. 

At a CooNCiL held at Philadelphia, July 8. 1742. 


The Honourable GEORGE THO MAS, Efq; Lieut. Governor. 

yames Logan, Samuel Prejlon, 

Clement Plumjied, Thomas Lateirence, 

Samuel Ha/ell, Ralph AJheton, 

Abraham Taylor, Robert Strettell. 


The Board taking into Confideration, whether it be proper or not at 
this Time to make a Prefent to the Indians of the Six Nations now in Town, 
in Return for their Prefent to this Government at Yefterday's Treaty : 

That it is highly fit and proper that a Prefent be made to the faid Indians 
at this Time. 

And it is the Opinion of this Board, that the faid Prefent fhould be of the 
Value of jT. 500, or at leaft jT. 300. 

And it is recommended to Mr. Logan, Mr. Prejlon, and Mr. Lawrence, 
to acquaint Mr. Kinfey-, the Speaker of the AfTembly, with the Opinion of 
this Board ; and that they requeft him to confer with fuch other Members 
of Alfembly as are in Town^ and report thdr Sentiments thereupon. 

The Board taking into Confideration the Threats exprefs'd by the Indians, 
at the Treaty yefterday, againft the Inhabitants of Maryland, fettled on cer- 
tain Lands on the Weft Side of Safquahannah, which the Indians claim, and 
for which they require Satisfadtion ; and confidering, that fliould thole 
Threats, in any fort, be put in Execution, not only the Inhabitants of Mary- 
land, but of this Government, and all His Majefty's Subjects on the Northern 
Continent of America, may thereby be involved in much Trouble : It is the 
Opinion of this Board, that the Governor write to the Governor of Maryland 
without Delay, to inform him of the Indians Complaints and Threats, and 
to requeft a fatisfaftory Anfwer ; and that his Letter be ftnt by a fpeci^ 
Meffenger, at the Publick Expence. 

At a COUNCIL held July 9. 1742. 

The Honourable GEORGE THOMAS, Efqj Lieut. Governor, 
James Logan, Samuel Prejlon, 

james L,ogan, aamuei rrejron, -v 

Clement Plumjied^ Ralph AJheton, ( 

Samuel Hafell, — - 

Robert Strettell, 

Sjamuel Hafell, Thomas Lawrence. ^^^^^^' 

And Mr. Peters. 

The Governor informed the Board, that the Indian Chiefs dining with 
him Yefterday, after Dinaer delivered their Anfwer to wo Afiairs of 
Confequence ; 



( i6) 

The firft related to the Violent Battery committed on Wtlliam Webb, in the 
f'orks of Delaware, whereby his Jaw-Bone was broke, and his Life greatly 
endangered, by an unknown Indian. CanaJJ'atego repeating the Meflage de- 
livered to the Six Nations by ShickcaJamy, in the Year 1740, with a String 
of WampiuTi, faid in Anfwer : * The Six Nations had made diligent Enquiry 
' into the Affair, and had found out the Indian who had committed the 

• Faft ; he lived near Afopus, and had been examined and feverely reprov'd : 

• And they hoped, as Williant Webb was recovered, the Governor would not 

• expedt any further Punifliment ; and therefore they returned the String of 

• Wampum received from their Brethren, by the Hand of Shickcalamy, in 

• Token that they had fully comply'd with their Requeft. 

I thank'd them for their Care ; but reminded them, that, tho' the Man 
did not die, yet he lay a long Time in extreme Mifery, and would never re- 
cover the free Ufe of his Speech, and was rendered lefs able to get his Live- 
lihood, and in fuch Cafes the Englijh Laws obliged the Allailant to make 
good all Damages, befides paying for the Pain endured. — But as the Indian 
was, in all Probability, poor and unable to make Satisfaftion, I told them, 
that for their Sake I would forgive him } adding, had Webb died I make no 
Doubt but you would have put the Indian to Death, juft as we did two of 
our People who had killed an Indian ; we caufed them to be hung on a Gal- 
lows, in the Prefence of many Hundreds of our People, to deter all others 
from doing the like. CanaJJ'atego made me this Reply : ' The Indians know 

• no Punifhment but Death ; they have no fuch Thing as pecuniary Muldts } 

• if a Man be guilty of a Crime, he is either put to Death, or the Fault is 
« overlook'd. We have often heard of your Hanging-up thofe two Perfons j 

• but as none of our Indians faw the Men die, many believe they were not 

• hanged, but tranfported to feme other Colony : And it would be fatisfaAory 
« to the Indians, if, for the Future, fome of them be fent for, to be Wit- 
« neffes of fuch Executions.' I affured them, that whoever g;ave them that 
Information, abufed them ; for the Perfons certainly fuftered Death, and in 
the Prefence of all the People. 

Canajfatego'ih&n proceeded to give an Anfwer to what was faid to them thfi 
fid Inftant relating to Le Tort's Letter : ' That they had, in Council, confi- 

• dered in what Manner the Matter recommended to them ought to be con- 

• ducted; and they were of Opinion, that as the Shawanefe, not the T-wightwya 
i (for they knew fo much of it that the People were of the Twightwy Na- 

• tion in whofe Bags the Scalps were found) had fent me a Prefent of Skins, 

• I Ihould, in return, fend them a Blanket or a Kettle, and with it a very 

• {harp Meflage, that tho' they had done well in fweeping the Road from 

• Blood, yet that was but a fmall Part of their Duty ; they ought not to have 

• fuffered the Twightivys, after their Lie and the Difcovery of the Scalps, to 

• have left them, 'til they had given a full and true Account how they came 

• by them, whofe Scalps they were, and in what Place, and for what Rea- 

• fon the Men were kill'd ; and when they had been fully fatisfied of all thefe 

• Particulars, then it was their Duty to have given Information to the Go- 

• vernment where the white People lived, that the Murderers might be 

• complained againft, and punifhed by the Nation they belong'd to : And as 

• the Shawanefe had omitted to perform the Part of Brethren, that I fhould 

• reprove them for it, and charge them to make Amends for their Negledt, 

• by ufing all poflible Expedition to come at the Knowledge of thefe Things^ 
2 aad to aid their Brethren the white People in obtaining Juftice. 



( '7 ) 

The Minutes of the preceding Council being read, Mr. Logan, in PurAi- 
ance of the Board's Diredtion of Yefterday, reported, on Behalf of himfLif 
and the other Gentlemen to whom it was recommended, that they had coii- 
fcr'd with Mr. Kinfey, and requefted him to confult the other Members of 
the Aflembly concerning the making a Prelent to the Indians -, and that Mr. 
Kinfey having coUefted the Sentiments of feveral Members of the Affembly 
in Town, whom he had confer'd with on that Subjedt, found them generally 
of Opinion, that a Prefent fhould at this Time be made ; bat that they had 
declined nominating any Sum : However, that Mr. Kinfey had given it as his 
own Opinion, that the Governor and Council might go as far as Thrcg 
Hundred Pounds. 

And accordingly it is refer'd to Mr. Logan, Mr. Pre/ion and Mr. Lawrence, 
to confider of and prepare a proper Lift of the Goods whereof the Prefent 
fhould be compofed, to the Value of 'Three Hundred Pounds as aforefaid ; ad- 
vifing with the Interpreter as to the Quantity and Quality. 

At a COUNCIL held at the Proprietor's the 9th of July, P. M. 1742. 


The Honourable GEORGE THOMAS, Efq; Lieut. Governor, 

James Logan, Robert St ret tell, 7 „ - 

Samuel Pre/ion, Abraham Taylor. ^ " 1 ' 

The CHIEFS of the Six Nations. 

SASSOONAN, and Delawares. 

NUTIMUS, and the Fork-Indians. 

CONRAD W E I S E R, Interpreter. 

The Governor fpoke to the Chiefs of the Six Nations as follows : 

' The laft Time the Chiefs of the Six Nations were here, they were 

• informed, that your Coufins, a Branch of the Delawares, gave this 
' Province fome Difturbance about the Lands the Proprietor purcha- 
' fed from them, and for which their Anceftors had received a valuable 
' Confideration above Fifty-Jive Years ago, as appears by a Deed 'now lying 
' on the Table. — Sometime after thK,-Conrad Weifer delivered to your Bro- 
' ther Thomas Penn your Letter, wherein you requcft of him and "James 
' Logan that they would not buy Land, (Sc — This has been Ihewn to them 
' and interpreted ; notwithftanding which they have continued their former 
' Difturbanccs, and have had l\\^ Infolence to write Letters to fome of the 
' Magiftrates of this Government, wherein they have abufed your good 
' Brethren our worthy. Proprietaries, and treated them with the utmofl: 

• Rudenefs and Ill-Manners. Being loth, from our Regard to you, to punifh 
' them as they deferve, I fent two Meflengers to inform them that you were 
' expected here, and fhould be acquainted with llieir Behaviour. — As you, 

E ' on 


( i8 ) 

* on all Occafions, apply to us to remove all white People that are fettled on 

* Lands before they are purchafed from you, and we do our our Endeavours 
' to turn fuch People off ; we now expeft from you^ that you will caufe 

• thefe Indians to remove from the Lands in the Forks oi Delaware, and not 

• give any further Difturbance to the Perfons who are now in Pofleffion. 

To inforce This' we lay down a String of Wampum. 

Then were read the feveral Conveyances, the Paragraph of the Lettet 
wrote by the Chiefs of the Six Nations relating to the Delawares ; the Let- 
ters of the Fork-Indians to the Governor and Mr. Lan?horne, and a Draught 
of the Land ; and then delivered to Conrad Weifer, who was defired to m- 
terpret them to the Chiefs when they (hould take this Affair into their 

At a COUNCIL held >/y lo. 174a, 


The Honourable GEORGE THOMAS, Efq; Lieut. Governor^ 

fames Logan, Samuel Prejlon, -v 

Clement I'lumjied, Samuel Hafell, /p^ 

Thomas Lawrence. Robert Strettell, )^^°if^' 

Graham Taylor. j 

The Governor laid before the Board an Extraft from the Treaty held 
here the vth Inftant with the Indians of the Six Nations, fo far as it related 
to the Inhabitants of Maryland ; as alio a Letter he had prepared for the Go- 
vernor oi Maryland upon that Subjedt ; both of which being approved were 
ordered to be tranfcribed fair, in order to be difpatch'd to morrow Morning ; 
The Letter is as follows : 

SIR, Thiladelphia, July 10. 1742. 

rHE inclofed ExtraB of the Speech made by the Chiefs of the Six Nations, 
before a very numerous Audience, in this Place, with my Anfuer to it, is 
cf fo great Importance to all his Maje/iy's Colonies in this Part of his Domin- 
ions, and to your Government in particular, that I have imploy'd a fpecial 
Mefenger to deliver it you. I hope you will enable me tojend them ajatisfaSlory 
Anfwer. It would be impertinent in me to fay more to one jo well informed 
as you are of thefe Nations, and of their abjolute Authority over all the 
Indians bordering upon us, or of the Advantages of maintaining a Jlrigf 
triendjhip with them at all Times, but more ejpecially at this critical funSiurc. 

I am, Yours, Gfr. 

An Account exhibited by Conrad Weifer of his Expences upon the Indians 
and Indian Affairs, from February laft to July i. 1742, amounting to ^.3'6 
18 *. id. was laid before the Board, and examined, and allow'd to be a jufl 
and very moderate Account. 


( '9 > 

And the Board taking into Confidcration the many fignal Services per- 
formed by the faid Conrad fVeifer to this Government, his Diiig .ncc and 
Labour in the Service thereof, and his Skill in the Indian Langu.:ges ^nd 
Methods of Bufinefs, are of Opinion that the faid Conrad fhould be allowed, 
as a Reward from the Province at this Time, the Sum of Thirty Pounds, at 
leaft, befides Payment of his faid Account. 

At a COUNCIL held at the Great Meeting-Houfe, July lo. P. M. 1743. 


The Honourable GEORGE THOMAS, Efq; Lieut. Covanor. 

James Logan, Samuel P reft on, y 

Thomas Lawrence^ Samuel Hafell, v Efqrsj 
Mraham Taylor, Robert Strettell ) 



And other Indian Chiefs, 

CONRAD W E I S E R, Interpreter. 
And a great Number of the Inhabitants of PbilaJelfhia^ 
The Governor fpoke to the Indians as follows : 


• This Meeting will be fliort : It is in order to make you a Prefent from 

• the Governor, the Council, the Affembly, and all our People. William 

• Penn was known to you to be a good and faithful Friend to all the In- 

• dians : He made a League of Friendfhip with you, by which we became 

• one People. This League has often fince been renew'd by friendly Trea- 

• ties ; and as you have declared that the Friendfhip (hall always laft on your 

• Parts, fo we would have you belieVe that it (hall remain inviolable on ours 

• while Sun and Moon endure. 

' I gave you fome Expectation of a Prefent, and we have it now ready to 

• deliver to you. This Prefent is made yo'i by the Governor, Council, Af- 

• fembly, and all oar People, in Confidcration of the great Miferies and Dif- 

• trefles which you our good Friends have lately fuffered. This will be 

• fome Relief to you for the prefent, and it's to be hoped your own Indullry 

• will foon retrieve your Circumftances. 

• It has fometimes happened, and may happen again, that idle a^id untrue 
' Stories are carried to you concerning us your Brethren ; but our Dcfire is, 

• and we expedt it from you, that you will give no Credit to ihem ; for we 

• are, and always will be, your fleady and fincere Friends. 

' It is a Cuftom when we renew our Treaties with our good Friends the 
' Indians, to clear the Road and make our Fire burn bright : We have don« 

• fo upon this Occaiion ; and, in Token of oar Sincerity, we deliver yon, as 

' a Pre 


(*o ) 

' a Prefent from the Governor, the Council^ the Aflembly, and all the 
' People of Pennfyhania, the following Goods, -viz. 

24 Guns. 50 Hoes. 
600 Pounds of Lead. 50 Hatchets. 

600 Pounds of Powder. 5 Pounds of Vermilion. 

25 Strowdes } ^^,,^.c,^,,^ 10 Dozen of Knives. 
go Dujel ^ 8 Dozen of Gimblets. 

30 Blankets. 2 Dozen of Tobacco-I'onrs 

62 Tar ds of Half-Thicks. 2$ Pair of Shoes. 

60 Ruffled Shirts, 25 Pair of Stockings. 

2$ Hats. 2S Pair of Buckles. 
1000 i%»/j. 

Whereupon the Chiefs, and all the Indians, returned their folemn Thanks ; 
and Canafatego faid, ' They had no more to fay as to Publick Bjfinefs at 

• prefent ; but they had fomewhat under Deliberation, which when they 

• had duly confidered they would communicate. 

At a COUNCIL held at the Proprietor's, July 12. 1742. 


The Honourable GEORGE THOMAS, Efq; Lieut, Governor, 

yames Logan, Clement Plumjled, -y 

Thomas Lawrence, Abraham Taylor, Cfifqrs. 

Robert Strettell, ) 
Mr. Richard Peters. 



SASSOONAN, and Delawares. 

NUTTIMUS, and Fork-Indians. 

CONRAD W E I S E R, Interpreter, 

Pifquetoman, ) 

Cornelius Spring, > Interpreters to the Fork Indians. 

Nicholas Scull. ) 


• BRETHREN the Governor and Council, 
* The other Day vou informed us of the Miftehaviour of our Coufins 

• the Delawares, with refpeft to their continuing to claim, and refufmg to 

• remove from fome Land on the River Delaware, notwithftanding tlieir 
I Anceftors had fold it by a Deed under their Hands and Seals to the Pro- 

' prietaries. 

C And fundry Chiefs of the Six Nations. 


( " ) 

* prietarics, for a valuable Confideration, upwards of F///V Years ago ; and 
« notwithftanding that they themfelves had about Years ago, after a 

* a long and full Examination, ratified that Deed of their Anceftors, and 
« given a frefh one under their Hands and Seals ; and then you requefted us 

* to remove them, inforcing your Requeft with a String of Wampum. — Af- 
' terwards you laid on the Table our own Letters by Conrad Weifer , fome 

* of our Coufins Letters, and the feveral Writings, to prove the Charge 

* againft our Coufins, with a Draught of the Land in Difpute. — We now 

* tell you, we have perufed all thefe feveral Papers : We fee with our own 

* Eyes, that they have been a very unruly People, and are altogether in the 

* Wrong in their Dealings with you. — We have concluded to remove them, 

* and oblige them to go over the River Delaware, and quit all Claim to any 

* Lands on this Side tor the Future, fince they have received Pay for them, 

* and it is gone thro' their Guts long ago. — To confirm to you that we will 

* fee your Requeft executed, we lay down this String of Wampum in return 

* for yours. 

Then turning to the Delaware!, holding a Belt of Wampum in his Hand, 
he fpoke to them as follows : 

C V S I N S, 
' Let this Belt of Wampum ferve to chaftife you. You ought to be taken 

* by the Hair of the Head and /haked feverely, till you recover your Senfes 

* and become fober. You don't know what Ground you ftand on, nor 

* what you are doing. Oir Brother Onas's Caufe is very juft and plain, and 
' his Intentions to preferve Friendihip. On the other Hand, Your Caufe is 

* bad ; your Heart far from being upright ; and you are malicioufly bent to 
» breik the Chain of Friendfhip with our Brother Onas and his People. 
' We have feen with our Eyes a Deed fign'd by nine of your Anceftors above 

* Fifty Years ago for this very Land, and a Releafe fign'd, not many Years 

* fuice, by fome of yourfelves and Chiefs now living, to the Number of 

* fifteen or upwards. — But how came you to take upon you to fell Land at 

* all : We conquered you ; we made Women of you ; you know you are 

* Women, and can no more fell Land than Women ; nor is it fit you fhould 

* have the Power of felling Lands, fmce you would abufe it. 'This Land 

* that you claim is gone through your Guts ; you have been fiirnifh'd with 
« Cloaths, Meat and Drink, by the Goods paid you for it, and now you 

* want it acrain, like Children as you are. — But what makes you fell Land 

* in the Dak. Did you ever tell us that you had fold this Land. Did we 

* ever receive any Part, even the Value of a Pipe-Shank, from you for it. 

* You h.ive told us a blind Story, that you fent a MefTenger to us to inform 

* us of the Sale, but he never came amongft us, nor we never heard any 

* thing about it. — This is afting in the Dark, and very different from the 

* Condud: our Six Nations obferve in their Sales of Land ; on fuch Oc- 

* cafions they give publick Notice, and invite all the Indians of their united 

* Nations, and give them all a Share of the Prefent they receive for their 

* Lands. — This is the Behaviour of the wife united Nations. — But we find 
« you are none of our Blood : You ad: a diflioneft Part, not only in this but 

* in other Matters : Your Ears are ever open to flanderous Reports about 

F 'our 


( ^2. ) 

* our Brethren ; you receive them with as much Greedinefs a$ lewd Women 

* receive the Embraces of bad Men. And for all thele Reafons we charge 

* you to remove inftantly ; we don't give you the Liberty to think about it. 
' You are Women. Take the Advice of a wife Man, and remove immedi- 

* ately. You may return to the other Side of Delaware where you came 

* from : But we do not know whetlier, confidering how you have demean'd 

* yourfelves, you will be permitted to live there ; or whether you have not 

* fwallowed that Land down your Throats as well as the Land on this Side. 

* We therefore affign you two Places to go, either to Wyomen or Shamokin. 
' You may go to either of ihefe Places, and tlien we fhall have you more 

* under oup- Eye, and /hall fee how you behave. Don't deliberate j but re- 

* move away, and take this Belt of Wampum. 

This being interpreted by Conrad Weifer into Etiglijh, and by Ccrneliu$ 
Spring into the Delaware Language, Canajatcgo taking a String of Wtimp^m, 
added further. 

• After our juft Reproof, and abfolute Order to depart from the Land, you 

* are now to take Notice of what we have further to fay to you. This 

* String of Wampum ferves to forbid you, your Children and Grand-Chil- 

* dren, to the latefl Pofterity forever, medling in Land- Affairs ; neither you 

* nor any who fhall defcend from you, are ever hereafter to prefume to fell 

* any Land : For which Purpofe, you are to prefcrve this String, in Memory 

* of what your Uncles have this Day given you in Charge. We have fome 

« other Bufmefs to tranfadt with our Brethren, and therefore depart the 

* Council, and cenfider what has been faid to you. 

Canajfatego then fpoke to the Governor and Council : 

* We called at our old Friend James Logan'i, in our Way to this City, 

* and to our Grief we found him hid in the Buii es, and retired, thro' InHr- 

* mities, from Publick Bufmefs. We prefs'd him to leave his Retirement, and 

* prevailed with him to affift once more on our Accovnt at your Councils. 

* We hope, notwithftanding his Age, and the Effefts of a Fit of Sicknefs, 

* which we underfl^nd has hurt his Conftitution, that he may yet continue a 

* long Time to aflift this Province with his Counfels. He is a wife Man, 

* and a faft Friend to the Indians. And we dcfire, when his Soul :;oes to 

* GOD, you may chufe in his Room juft fuch another Perfon, of the fame 

* Prudence and Ability in Counfelling, and of the Lme tender Difpofition 

* and AfFedtion for the Indians. In Teftimony of our Gratit de for all his 
' Services, and becaufe he was fo good as to leave his Country-Houfe, and 

* follow us to Town, and be at the Trouble, in this his advanced Age, to 

* attend the Council j we prefent him with this Bundle of Skins. 


• It is always our Way, at the Conclufion of a Treaty, to defire yon will 

* ufe your Endeavours with the.Traders, that they may fell their Goods cheaper 

' and 


( ^3 ) 

* and give us a better Price for our Deer-Skins. Whenever any particular Sort 
< of Indian Goods is fcarce, they conftantly make us pay the dearer on that 
« Account. We muft now ufe the fame Argument with them : Our Deer 

* are killed in fuch Quantities, and our Hunting-Countries grown lefs every 

* Day, by the Settlement of virhite People, that Game is now ditHcult to 

* find, and we muft go a great Way in Queft of it ; they therefore ought to 

* give us a better Price for our Skins ; and we defire you would fpeak to 

* them to do fo. We have been ftinted in the Article of Rum in Town. 
« We defire you will open the Rum-Bottle, and give it to us in greater 

* Abundance on the Road. 

To inforce our Requejl, about the Indian 'traders, -we prejent you 
with this Buftdle of Ski>is. 


' When we firft came to your Houfes, we found them clean and in Order : 

* But we have ftaid fo long as to dirty them ; which is to be imputed to our 

* different Way of Living from the white People : And therefore, as we 
' cannot but have been difagreeable to you on this Account, we prefent you 

* with fome Skins to make your Houfes clean, and put them into the fame 
« Condition they were in when we came amongft you. 


• The Bufinefs the FZ-uf Nations tranfad with you isof greatConfequence, 

* and requires a {kilful and honeft Perfon to go between us ; one in whom 

* both you and we can place a Confidence. — We efteem our prefent Inter- 

* preter to be fuch a Perfon, equfUy faithful in the Interpretation of what- 

* ever is faid to him by either of us, equally allied to both ; he is of our 

* Nation, and a Member of our Council as well as of yours. When we 
« adopted him, we divided him into Two equal Parts : One we kept for 
« our felves, and one we left for you. He has had a great deal of Trouble 

* with us, wore out his Shoes in our Meffages, and dirty'd his Cloaths by 

* being amongft us, fo that he is become as nafty as an Indian. 

♦ In Return for thefe Services, we recommend him to your Generofity ; 

* and on our own Behalf, we give him Five Skins to buy him Clothes and 

* Shoes with. 


« We have ftill one more Favour to aflc. Our Treaty, and all we have 

* to fay about Publick Bufinefs, is now over, and to morrow we defign to 

* leave you. We hope, as you have given us plenty of good Provifion 

* whilft in Town, that you will continue your Goodnefs fo fir as to fupply 

* us with a little more to ferve us on the Road. And we likewife defire 

* you will provide us with Waggons, to carry our Goods to the Place where 

* they are to be conveyed by Water. 



To thefe feveral Points the Governor made the following Reply. 
BRETHREN of the Six Nations, 

* The Judgment you have juft now pafs'd on your Coufins the Dela- 

• wares , confirms the high Opinion we have ever entertained of the 
' Juftice of the Six Nations. This Part of your Character, for which 

• you are defervedly famed , made us waive doing our felves Juftice, 

• in order to give you another Opportunity of convincing the World 

• of your inviolable Attachment to your Engagements. Thefe unhappy 

• People might have always liv'd eafy, having never receiv'd the leafi: 

• Injury from us ; but we beUeve fome of our own People were bad 

• enough to impofe on -their Credulity , and em^age them in thefe 

• wrong Meafures , which we wifh , for their Sakes , they had avoi- 
: ded. 

* We hoped, from what we have conftantly given in Charge to 

• the Indi:;n Traders , that they would have adminillred no jufl Caufc 

• of Complaint : If they do you Wrong, it is againft our Inclinations, 

• and contrary to our exprefs Diredions. As you have exhibited no 

• particular Charge againft them , we fhull ufe our beft Endeavours 
■ to perfuade them to 2;ive you as much for your Skins as they Coft 

• poffibly ufFord ; and to take Care that their Goods which ttey give 

• in Exchange for Skins, be of the bcft Sort. We will like wife or- 

• der you fome Rum to ferve you on your Journey home , fince you 
J defire it. 

* We with there had been more Room and better Houfes pro- 

• vided for your Entertainment ; but not expefting fo many of you, 

• we did the beft we co. Id. 'Tis true there are a great many Hou- 

• fes in Town , but as they arc the Property of other People, who 

• have their own Families to take Care of, it is difficult to procure 

• Lodgings for a large Number of People, efpecially if they come un- 

• cxpeftedly. 

' We entertain the fame Sentiments of the Abilities and Probity of 
« the Interpreter as you have exprefs'd. We were induc'd at firft to 

• make ufe of him in this important Truft, from his being known to 

• be agreeable to you, and one who had lived amongft you for fome 
« Years, in good Credit and Efteem with all your Nations ; and have 

• ever found him equally faithfiil to both. We are pleas'd with the 

• Notice you have taken of him, and think he richly deferves it at 

• your Hands. We (hall not be wanting to make him a fuitable Gra- 

• tification, for the many good and faithful Services he hath done this 

• Govenunent. 

' We have already given Orders for Waggons to carry your Goods, 

• and for a Supply of Provifions to ferve you on the Road in your 

• Return home, where we heartily wilh you may arrive in good 



(^5 ) 

After the Governor had concluded, Mr. Logan retum'd an Anfwer to that 
Part of Canajateego's Speech which related to him, and faid, ' That not 

* only upon the Account of his Lamenefs, of which the Indians themfelvcs 

* were Witneffes ; but on Account of another Indifpofition which about three 
' Years fince had laid him under an Incapacity of exprefling himlclf with 

* his former ufual Freedom, he had been obliged to live retired in the 
' Country. But that our firft Proprietor, the Honourable William Penn, 

* who bad ever been a Father and true Friend to all the Indians, having 

* above Forty Years fincc recommended them to his particular Care, he h..d 

* always, from his own Inclination as well as from that ftridl Charge, en- 

* deavoured to convince all the Indians, that He was their true Fi iend ; and 

* was now well pleafed, that after a Trad of fo many Years, they were not 

* infenfibie of it. He thanked them kindly for their Prefent, and heartily 

* joined with them in their Defires, that this Government may alw. ys be 

* fiirnilhed with Perfons of equally good Inclinations, and not only with fuch, 

* but alfo with better Abilities to ferve them. 

And then CanaJJ'atego {aid, he had forgot to mention, that Shickcalamy 
and Caxhayn had^ been einploy'd on feveral Meffages to this Government, 
and defir'd they might be conlider'd on that Account. 

AtaCOUNCIL held the 12th of >/y, P. M. 1742. 
The Honourable GEORGE THOMAS, Efq; Lieut. Governor, 
Jamet Logan, Samuel Prefton, 

Clement Plumjied, 'Thomas Lawrence, p, 
Samuel Hafell, Abraham Taylor, ^*1"* 

Rsbert Strettell, 

Mr. Richard Peters. 
The Board taking into Confideration the Regulation of the neceflary 
Expences of the Indians Travelling down hither, and Returning ; and up- 
on an Eftimate made by Conrad fVeifer, amounting to about One Hundred 
Pounds, it appearing that the laid Sum of y^ioo. will be nectlLry to be ad- 
vanced to Conrad IVeifer to defray thofe Expences, Mr. Logan on the P o- 
erietaries Behalf, propofes to advance 40 /. and the Treaf rer declaring he 
ad no Publick Money in his Hands, and that if he had, he wo Id not ad- 
vance Money without the Affembly's Order ; it is recommended to Mr. 
Trejlon and Mr. Lawrence, to confer wi:h Mr. Kinfey, and know whether 
he, as Speaker of the Affembly, and Truftee of the Loan-Oifice, will ad- 
vance the other 60 /. 

And the Indians having requefted that they might have a fmall Quantity 
of Rum, to be added to their Provifions, to comfort them on the Road : 
The Board is of Opinion, that there be added to the faid Eftimate 
for Twenty Gallons of Rum for the aforefaid Ufe. And in Return for 
their Prefent of Skins, at Requefting that the Indian Traders be cnjoyn'd 
to fell their Goods cheaper, the Board direfts that two Strouds be prefented. 
And that Five Pounds be given to Caxhayn on the Account of the Province, 
for his Services ; and to Sbickalamy the like Sum. 

Ajuft Co^, nmperfd by PATRICK BAIRD, Secry. 




Held at the Town of 

Lancajier^ in Pennsylvania, 

By the Honourable the 

Lieutenant-Governor of the PROVINCE, 

And the Honourable the 

Commlffioners for the PROVINCES 

Virginia and Maryland, 





In JUNE,. 1744. 


Printed and Sold by B. FRANKLIN, at the New-Printing-Office, 
near the Market. M,DCC,XLIV. 


(3 ) 




O F T H E 


In the CouRT-HousE in the Town of Lancajier, on Friday^ 
the Twenty Second of "June, i744i 


The Honourable GEOiJGE I'HOMAS^ Efo; Lieut, Governor of the 
Province of Pennfyhania, and Counties of Newcajtle, Kent and Sujex, 
on Delaware. 

ThzVLononvdhXc 'Thomas Lee, Efq;?^ -n- r jr- • • 

Colonel William Beverly, I'^Commiffioners of Vtrgtma. 

The Hon""" Edmund Jennings, Efq; ") 

Slmerl ISi, ^Commiffioners of Maryland. 

Colonel Thomas Colville, J 

The Deputies of the Onandagoes, Senecas, Cayogoes, Oneidas and Tufcaroraes. 

Conrad Weifer, Interpreter. 

TH E Governor and the Commiflioners took fome of the Indian Chiefs 
by the Hand, and, after they had feated themfelves, the Governor 
bid them welcome into the Government ; and there being Wine and 
Punch prepared for them, the Governor and the feveral Commiflioners drank 
Health to the Six Nations ; and Canajfatego, Tachanoontia, and fome other 
Chiefs, returned the Compliments, drinking the Healths of * Onas, -|- Af~ 
faragoa, and the Governor of Maryland. 

After they were all ferved with Wine, Punch, Pipes and Tobacco, the 
Governor told the Indians, that as it was cufl:omary, and indeed neceflary, 

• Onas, the Governor of Pcmfylvanie. f Afferagoa, th« Governor of rir-inia. 




they flioulJ have fome Time' to reft after fo long a Journey, and as h6 
thought -three Bays- wonld-bc-ncrmore than fiifficient for that Purpofe, he 
propofed to fpeak to them on Monday next ; after which, the honourable 
Commiffioners would take their own Time to deliver what they had to fay. 

CANASSAl'EGO anfwered the Governor : We thank you for giving 
us Time to reft ; we are come to you, and fhall leave it intirely to you to 
appoint the Time when we fliall meet you again. We likewife leave it to 
the Governor of Maryland, by whofe Invitation we came here, to appoint a 
Time when he will pleafe to mention the Reafon of his inviting us. As to 
our Brother Afjaragna, we have at this prefent Time nothing to fay to him ; 
not but we have a great deal to fay to Aff'aragM, which mull be faid at one 
Time or another ; but not being fatisfied whether he or we fhould begin 
firft, we (hall leave it wholly to our Brother Onas to adjuft this between us, 
and to fay. which Ihall begin firft. 

In the CouRT-HousE z\. Lancajier, June 25, 1744. A. M. 


The Honourable GEORGE THOMAS, Efqj Governor, &c. 

The Honourable the Commiffioners of Virginia. 

The Honourable the Commiffioners of Maryland. 

The Deputies of the. Six Nations. 

Conrad Weifer, Interpreter. 

The Governor fpoke as follows : 

Honourable Gentlemen, Commijidners for the Governments of Virginia and 
Maryland, and Brethren^ Sachims, or Chiefs of the Indians of the Six 
Nations : 

AT a Treaty, held by me two Years ago, in Behalf of the Government of 
Pennfylvania, with a Number of the Chiefs of the Indians of the Six 
Nations, I was defired by them to write to the Governor of Maryland con- 
cerning fome Lands in the back Parts of that Province, which they claim a 
Right to from their Conquefts over the ancient PoffefTors, and which have been 
fettled by fome of the Inhabitants of that Government, without their Con- 
fent, or any Purchafe made from them. It was at that time underftood that 
the Claim was upon Maryland only ; but it has fince appeared, by fome 
Letters formerly wrote by Mr. Prefident Logan to the late Governor of Ma- 
ryland, that it related likewife to fome Lands in the back Parts of Virginia. 
The Governors of thofe Colonies foon manifefted a truly equitable Difpofition 
to come to any reafonable Terms with the Six Nations on account of thofe 
Lands, and defired, th^t for that End a Time and Place might be fixed for 
a Treaty with them ; but before this could be effected, an unfortunate Skir- 



(S ) 

mllh happened In the back Parts of Virginia, bctw^ecn fome of the Militii 
there, and a Party of the Indiati Warriors of the Six Nations^ with fomc 
Lofs on both Sides. Who were the Aggreffors is not at this time to be dif- 
cuffed, both Parties having agreed to bury that Affair in Oblivion, and the 
Government of Virginia havings in Token of the Continuance of their, 
Friendfliip, prefented the Six Nations^ through my Hands, with Goods to 
the Value of One Hundred Pounds Sterling. To prevent further Hoftilities, 
and to heal this Breach, -I had, before the Prefent was given, made a Ten- 
der of my good Offices ; which both Parties accepted, and confented, on 
my Inftances, to lay down their Arms ; Since which the Faith pledged ta 
me has been mutually prelervcd, and a Time and Place has been agreed^ipon, 
through my Intervention,-for accommodating all Differences, and for fettUng 
a firm Peace, Union and Friendihip, as well between the Government of 
Virginia as that of Maryland, and the Indians of the Six Nations *. Tlic 
honourable the Commiffioners for thefe two Governments, and the Deputies 
of the Six Nations^ are now met zi the Place appointed for the Treaty. It 
only remains therefore for me to fay, That if my further good Offices (hall 
be thought ufeful for the Accomplilhment of this Work, you may rely mod 
afliiredly upon them. 

But I hope, honourable Gentlemen Cbmmiffioners, it will not betaken 
:amifs if I go a little further, and briefly reprefent to you, how elpecially ne- 
-ceffary it is at this jundlure, for his Majelty's Service, and the Good of all 
his Colonies in this Part of his Dominions, that Peace and Fricndlhip b« 
■eftablifhed between your Governments and the Indians ni the Six Nations. 

These Indians, by their Situation, are a Frontier to fome of them; and, 
from thence, if Friends, are capable of defending their Settlements ; if Ene- 
mies, oi-making cruel Ravages upon them ; if Neuters, they may deny the 
French a Paffige through their Country, and give bs timely Notice of their 
Defigns. Thclb are but fome of the Motives for cultivating a good Under- 
ftanding with them; but from hence the Diladvant.\ges of a Rupture arc- 
abundantly evident. Every Advantage you gain over them in War will be a 
weakening of the Barrier of thofe Colonies, and confequently be, in effedt, 
Viftories over yourfelves and your Fellow Subjedls. Some Allowances for 
their Prejudices and Paffions, and a Prefent now and then for the Relief of 
their Neceffities, which have, in fome Meafure, been brought upon them 
by their Intercourfe with us, and by our yearly extending our Settlements, 
will probably tie them more clofely to the Britifi Intereft. This has been 
the Method of New-York and Pennfyhania, and will not put you to fo 
much Expence in twenty Years, as the carrying on a War againft them will 
do in one. The French very well know the Importance of thefe Nations 
to us, and will not fail by Prefents, and their other ufual Arts, to take Ad- 
vantage of any Mifunderflandings we may have with them -j-. But I will 
detain you, Gentlemen, no longer. Your own fuperior Knowledge will fug- 
geft to you more than I can fay on this Subjeft. 

• This was allowed, at a Conference had by the Governor with the Commiffioners, to be a juft 
State of the Tranfaftions preceding the Treaty. 

f The two preceding Paragraphs were allowed by the Commiffioners of firgima, whild they wei« 
.0.1 Philndjpl.i", to be very proper to be fpoken by (he Governor of P«;n^/u<7OTa at the Opening of 
the Trea'y ; but taking up an Opinion, from what palfed at the firfl: friendly Interview with the Indians, 
ithat they would not make any Claim upon hands within the Government of Virginin, the Governt» 
jconfented to decline I'peaking in the I'refence of the Indians. 

JB Frimii 


( 6) 

Triends and Brethren, Sachims, or Chiefs of the Indians of the Six Nations : 

These, your Brethren oi Virginia and Maryland, are come to enlarge 
^the Fire, which was almofl: , gone out, and to make it burn clearer ; to 
brighten the Chain which had contraded fome Ruft, and to renew their 
Friendfhip with you ; which it is their Defire may laft fo long as the Sun, 
the Moon and the Stars, fhall give Light. Their Powers are derived from 
the Great King o/" England, your Father; and whatever Conclufions they 
fliaJl come to -with you, will be as firm and binding as if the Governors of 
thefe Provinces were themfelves here. I am your Brother, and, which is 
more, I am your true Priend. As you know, from Experience, that I am 
fo, I will now give you a few Words of Advice. Receive thefe your Bre- 
thren with open Arms ; unite yourfelvcs to them in the Covenant Chain, 
and be you with them as one Body, and one Soul. I make no doubt but the 
Governor of Canada has been taking Pains to widen the Breach between thefe 
your Brethren of Virginia and you ; but as you cannot have forgot the Ha- 
tred the French have always borne to your Nations, and how kindly, on the 
contrary, you have been treated, and how faithfully you have been prot«- 
<n:ed by the Great King of England and his Subjefti, you will not be at 
a Lofs to fee into the Defigns of that Governor. He wsnts to divide you 
from us, in order the more eafily to deftroy you, which he will moft cer- 
tainly do, if you fuffer yourfelves to be deluded by him. 

. As to what relates to the Friendfhip eftablidied between the Government 
of Pennfyhania and your Nations, I will take another Day to fpeak to you 
upon it. 

To enforce nvhat had been [aid, //5? Governor laid down a Belt 
of Wampum ; upon which the Indians gave thet\* Yo-hah. 

After a fhort Paufe, the Governor ordered the .Interpreter to tell the 
Indians, that as they had greatly exceeded their appointed Time for^meeting 
the Commiffioners, he recommended to them to iife all the Expedition pof- 
fible in giving their Anfwer to what had been faid, that they might forth- 
with proceed to treat with the refpeaivcCommiffioncrs on the Bufinefs they 
came about. 

Then Canajatego repeated to the Interpreter the Subftance of what the 
Governor had fpokc, in order to know if he had underftood him right (a 
Method generally made ufe of by the Indians) and when the Interpreter 
told him he had taken the true Senfe, Canaffat^ego proceeded to return the 
Thanks of the Six Nations for the Governor'i kind Advice, promifing to 
follow it as far as lay in their Power ; but as it was their Cuftom when a 
Belt was given to return another, they would take. Time till the Afternoon 
to provide one, and v^ould then give their Anfwer. 

* The Yo-hah denotes Apptobation, being a loud Shout or Cry, confflling of a few Notes pronounced 
.^by all the bidianiin a very jnufical Manner, in the Nature of our Huzza's. 



( 7 

In the CouRT-HousE 2.1 Lane after, June 25, 1744. P. M. 
The Honourable GEORG£. THOMJS, Efq;- Governor, Gff. 
The Honourable the Comntiffioners of Virginia. 
The Honourable the Cotnmiflioners of Maryland. 
The Deputies of the Six Natjom. 
Conrad Weifer, Interpreter. 
Canaffatego'^ Anfwer to the Governor's Speech delivered in the Morning. 
Brother Onas, 

•V^OU fpoke in the ?Kknct.oi Jffaragea and the Governor of Maryland 
■■• to us, advifing us to receive them as our Brethren, and to unite with 
them in the Covenant Chain as one Body, and one Soul. We have always 
confidered them as our Brethren, and, as fuch, (hall be willing to brighten 
the Chain of Frlendiliip with them ; but fince there are fome Difputes be- 
tween us refpedl-ing the Lanrk png-fTpH hy them, which fQc merly_belonged to 
us, we, according to our Cuftom, propofe to have thofc Differences firft ad- 
jufted, and then we llialJ proceed to confirm the Friendship fubfi/ling be- 
tween us, which will meet with no Obftruftion after thefe Matters are fettled. 

Here they prefented the Governor with a Belt of Wampum, ia. 
return for the Belt given them in the Morning by the Gover- 
nor ; and the. Interpreter was ordered to return- the Yo-hah. 

7'/&^w //jf Governor, in Reply, fpoke as follows : 

I receive your Belt with great Kindnefs and Affeftion ; and as to what re- 
lates to the Governments of Virginia and Maryland, the honourable Com- 
miflioners, now prefent, are ready to treat with you. I (hall only add, that 
the Goods for the Hundred Pounds Sterling, put into my Hands by the Go- 
vernor of Virginia, as a Token of his good Difpolitions to preferve Friend- 
ship with you, are now in Town, and ready to be delivered, in confequcncc 
of what was told you by Conrad fVeifer when he was laft at Onandago. 

Then the Governor, turning to the Commi(rioners of Virginia and Ma- 
ryland, faid. Gentlemen, I have now fini(hed what was incumbent upon me 
to fay by way of Introduction to the Indians ; and as you have a full Au- 
thority from your refpeftive Governments to treat with them, I (hall leave 
the reft intirely to you, and either ftay or withdravy, as yoii ^U think mod 
for your Service. ' " 




The Commiffioncrs fald, They were all of Opinion, it would be for their 
Advantage that the Governor fhould ftay with them ; and therefore they 
unanimoufly defired he would favour them with the Continuance of his Pre- 
fence whilft they fhould be in Treaty with the Indians : Which his Honour 
faid he would at their Inftance very readily do, believing it might expedite 
their Bufinefs, and prevent any Jealoufy the Indians might conceive at his 

^be Commi]Jioners of Maryland ordered the Interpreter to acquaint the Indians 
that the Governor of Maryland was going to fpeak to them., and then /poke 
xis follows.: 

Friends and Brtthren vf the vnited Six Nations, 

We, who are deputed from the Government ol Maryland 'by a Commif- 
fion under the Great Seal of that Province, now in our Hands (and which 
will be interpreted to you) bid you welcome ; and in Token that we are very 
glad to fee you here as Brethren, we give you this String of Wampum. 

Vpon which the Indians gave the Yo-hah. 

When the Governor of Maryland received the firft Notice, about izveii. 
Years ago, of your Cljiim to fome Lands in that Province, he thought our 
good Friends and Brethren of the Six Nations had little Reafon to complain 
of any Injury from Maryland., and that they would be fo well convinced 
thereof, on farther Deliberation, as he fliould hear no more of it ; but you 
fpoke of that Matter again to the Governor oi Pennfyhania, about two Years 

iince, as if you defigned to rerrify lit;. 

It was very inconfiderately faid by you, that you would do yourfelves 
Juftice, by going to take Payment yourfelves : Such an Attempt would have 
intirely diflblved the Chain of Fridndfhip fubfifting, not only between us, 
but perhaps the other Englifh and you. 

We alTure you, our People, who are numerous, courageous, and have 
Arms ready in their Hands, will not fuffer thcmfelves to be hurt in their 
Lives and Eftates. 

But, however, the old and wife People of A/^r)'/^«i immediately met 
in Council, and upon confidering very coolly your raih Expreflions, agreed 
to invite their Brethren, the Six Nations, to this Place, that they might 
learn of them what Right they have to the Land in Maryland, and, if they 
had any, to make them fome reafonablc Compenfation for it ; therefore the 
Governor of Maryland has fent us to meet and treat with you about this Af- 
fair, and the brightening and ftrengthening the Chain which hath long fub- 
fifted between us. And as an Earnefl; of our Sincerity and Good-will tOr 
wards you, .we prefent you with this Belt of Wampum. 

Onivhich the Indians ^^w the Yo-hah. 

Our Great King of England, and his Subjeds, have always poffelTed 
■the Province of Maryland free and undiiluibed from any Claim of the Six 
JS'ations for above one hundred Years pad, and your not faying any thing 



(9 ) 

to us before, convinces us you thought you had no Pretence to any Lands in 
Maryland ; nor can we yet find out to what Lands, or under what Title, 
you make your Claim : For the Sajquahannah Indians, by a Treaty above 
ninety Years fince (which is on the Table, and will be interpreted to you) 
give, and yield to the EngUjh Nation, their Heirs and AlFigns for ever, the 
greateft Part (if not all) of the Lands we poflefs, from Patuxent River, on 
the Weftern, as well as from Chptank River, on the Eaflern Side of the 
Great Bay of Chejj'apeak. And, near Sixty Years ago, you acknowledged to 
the Governor oiNew-Tork at Albatiy, " That you had given your Lands, and 
" fubmitted yourfelves to the King oi England." 

We are that Great King's Subjeds, and we poffefs and enjoy the Province 
of Maryland by virtue of his Right and Sovereignty thereto ; why, then, 
will you ftir up any Quarrel between you and ourfelvcs, who are as one Man, 
under the Protedion of that Great King ? 

We need not put you in mind of the Treaty (which we fuppofe you have 
had from your Fathers) made with the Province of Maryland near Seventy 
Years ago, and renewed and confirmed twice fince that time. 

By thefe Treaties we became .Brethren ; we have always lived as fuch, 
and hope always to continue fo. 

We have this further to fay, that altho' we are not fatlsfied of the Juftice 
of your Claim to any Lands in Maryland, yet we are defirous of (hew- 
ing our Brotherly Kindnefs and Affedtion, and to prevent (by any reafonable 
Way) every Mifunderflanding between the Province oi Maryland dindyoM 
our Brethren of the Six Nattom. 

For this Purpole we have brought hither a Quantity of Goods for our 
Brethren the Six Nations, and which will be delivered you as foon as we fhall 
have received your Anfwer, and made fo bright and large a Fire as may burn 
pure and clear whilft the Sun and Moon fhall (hine. 

We have now freely and openly laid our Bofoms bare to you ; and that you 
may be the better confirmed of the Truth of our Hearts, we give you this 
Belt of Wampum. 

Which was received with the Yo-hah. 

After a little 'Time Canaflatego fpoke as follcfws : 

Brother, the Governor of Maryland, 

We have heard what you have faid to us ; and, as you have gone back t® 
old Times, we cannot give you an Anfwer now, but fhall take what you have 
faid into Confideration, and return you our Anfwer fome Time to Morrow. 
He then fat down, and after fome Time he fpoke again. 

Brother, the Governor of Maryland, 

If you have made any Enquiry into Indian Affairs, you will know, that 

we have always had our Guns, Hatchets and Kettles, mended when we came 

to fee our Brethren. Brother Onas, and the Governor of Tor,^' always do 

this for us ; and we give you this early Notice, that we may not thereby be 

C delayed 


( 10 ) 

delayed, being dcfirous, as well as you, to give all polBble Dlfpatch to the 
Bufinefs to be tranladted between us. 

The Commiflioners of Virginia and Maryland faid, fince it was cuilo- 
mary, they would give Orders toJiave every Thing belonging to them mended 
that (hould want it. 

In the CouRT-HousE at Lancajier, June 26, 1744, P.M. 


The Honourable GEORGE THOMAS, Efq; Governor, &c. 

The Honourable the Commiflioners of Virginia. 

The Honourable the Commiflioners of Maryland, 

The Deputies of the Six Nations. 

Conrad JVeifer, Interpreter. 

CANASSATEGO [poke as folhwsr : 

Brother, the Governor of Maryland, 
■fl/HEN you invited us to kindle a Council Fire with you, Conedogwaimf 

' ' was the Place agreed upon ; bui afici waido you, by Brother Onas, upon 
iecond Thoughts, confidering that it would be difficult to get Provifions and 
other Accommodations where there were but few Houfes or Inhabitants, 
defired we would meet our Brethren at Lancajier, and at his Inftances we 
very readily agreed .to meet you here, and are glad of the Change ; for we 
have found Plenty of every thing ; and as Yefl^erday you bid us welcome, 
and told us you were glad to fee us, we likewife afliire you we are as glad 
to fee you ; and, in Token of our Satisfadtion, we prefent you widi this 
String of Wampum. 

Which was received with the ufual. Ceremony. 

Brother, the Governor of Maryland, 
You tell us, that when about Seven Years ago you heard, by our Brother 
Onas, of our Claim to fome Lands in your Province, you took no Notice 
of it, believing, as you fay, that when we fl'.ould come to reconfider that 
Matter, we fhould find that we had no Right to make any Complaint of the 
Governor of Maryland, and would drop our Demand. And that when about 
two Years ago we mentioned it again to our Brother Onas, you fiy we did it 
in fuch Terms as looked like a Defign to terrify you ; and you tell us fur- 
ther, that we muft be befide ourfelvcs, in ufing fuch a rafli Expreflion as to 
tell you, We know how to do ourfelves Juftice if you ftiU refufe. It is true 
we did fay fo, but without any ill Defign ; for we muft inform you, that 
whencwe firft defired our Brother Onss to ufe his Influence with you to pro- 
cure us Satisfa^lion for our Lands, we, at the fame time, defired him, in 
cafe you fliould difregard our Demand, to write to the Great King beyond 
the S.eaSj who would own us for his Children as well asyoif, to compel you 


( Ji ) 

to do us Jufllce : And, two Years ago, when we found that yo i had paid 
no Regard to our juft Demand, nor that Brother Onas had convey'd our Com- 
plaint to the Great King over the Sea?, we were refolved to ufe fuch Ex- 
preffions as would make the greateft Impreffions on your Minds, and we find 
it had its EfFedt ; for you tell us, " That your wife Men held a Council to- 
" gether, and agreed to invite us, and to enquire of our Right to any of 
" your Lands, and if it fhould be found that we had a Right, we were to 
*' have a Compenfation made for them : And likewife you tell us, that cur 
" Brother, the Governor of Maryland, by the Advice of thefe wife Men, 
" has fent you to brighten the Chain, and to affure us of his Willingncfs to 
" remcH'e whatever impedes a good Uunderftanding between us." This 
fhews that your wife Men underfttjod our ExprefTions in their true Senfe. 
We had no Defign to terrify you, but to put you on doing us the Juftice you 
had fo long delayed. Your wife Men have done well ; and as there is no Ob- 
flacle to a good Underflanding between us, except this Affair of our Land, 
we, on our Parts, do give you the ftrongefl: AfTurances of our good Difpofi- 
tions towards you, and we are as defirous as you to brighten the Chain, and 
to put away all Hindrances to a perfedt good Underftanding ; and, in Token 
of our Sincerity, we give you this Belt of Wampum. 

Which was received, and the Interpreter ordered to ghe- the Yo-hah. 

Brother, the Gcveriier of Maryland, 
When you mentioned the Affair of the Land Yefterday, you went- back 
to old Times, and told us, you had been in PoffefTion of the Province of 
Maryland above One Hundred Years ; but what is One Hundred Years in 
Comparifon of the Length of Time fince our Claim began f fince we came 
out of this Oround ? For we muft tell you, tlwt long^ before One Hundred 
Years our Anceftors came out of this very Ground, and their Children have 
remained here ever fince. You came out of the Ground in a Country that 
lies beyond the Seas, there you may have a juft Claim, but here you muft 
allow us to be your elder Brethren, and the Lands to belong to us long before 
you knew any thing of them. It is true, that above One Hundred Years 
ago the Dutch came here in a Ship, and brought with them feveral Goods ; 
fuch as Awls, Knives, Hatchets, Guns, and many other Particulars, which, 
they gave us ; and when they had taught us how to ufe their Things, and 
we faw what fort of People they were, we were fb well plcafed with them, 
that we tied their Ship to.the Buflies on the Shore ; and afterwards, liking 
them flill better the longer they ftaid with us, and thinking the Buflies too 
xlender, we removed the Rope, and lied it to the Trees ; and as the Trees 
were liable to be blown down by high Winds, or to decay of themfelves, 
we, from the Affedion we bore them, again removed the Rope, and tied it 
to a ftrong and big Rock [^herfe the Interpreter [aid. They mean the Oneido 
Country~\ and not content with this, for its further Security we removed the 
Rope to the big Mountain [here the Interpreter fays they mean the Onandago 
Ountry] and there we tied it very faft, and rowll'd Wampum about it ; 
and, to make it ftill more fecure, we flood upon the Wampum, and fat 
down upon it, to defend it, and to prevent any Hurt coming to it, and did 
our beft Endeavours that it might remain uninjured for ever. During all this 
Time the New-comers, the Dutch, acknowledged our Right to the Lands, 
and follicited us, from Time to Time, to grant them Parts of our Country, 
and to enter into League and Covenant with us, and to become one People 
v'ith us. 



( i^ ) 

After this the 'Englifi came into the Country, and, as we were told, 
became one People with the Dutch. About two Years after the Arrival of* 
the Englifi, an Engli/J} Governor came to Albany, and finding what great 
Friendlhip fubfifted between us and the Dutch, he approved it mightily, 
and defired to make as ftrong a League, and to be upon as good Terms witli 
us as the Dutch were, with whom he was united, and to become one Peo- 
ple with us : And by his further Care in looking into what had pafTed be- 
tween us, he found that the Rope which tied the Ship to the great Moun- 
tain was only faftened with Wampum, which was liable to break and rot, 
and to peri'fh in a Courfe of Years ; he therefore told us, he would give us 
a Silver Chain, which would be much ftronger, and would laft for ever. 
This we accepted, and faftened the Ship with it, and it has lafted ever fince. 
Indeed we have had fome fmall Differences with the Englijh, and, during 
thefe Mifunderflanding, fome of their young Men would, by way of Re- 
proach, be every now and then telling us, that we fliould have periflied if 
they had not come into the Country and furniflied us with Strowds and 
Hatchets, and Guns, and other Things neceflar^' for the Support of Life ; 
but we always gave them to underftand that they were miftaken, that we 
lived before they came amongft us, and as well, or better, if we may be- 
lieve what our Forefathers have told us. We had then Room enough, and 
Plenty of Deer, which was eafily caught ; and tho' we had not Knives, 
Hatchets, or Guns, fuch as we have now, yet we had Knives of Stone, 
and Hatchets of Stone, and Bows and Arrows, and thofe ferved our Ufes 
as well then as the Englijh ones do now. We are now ftraitened, and fome- 
times in want of Deer, and liable to many other Inconveniencies fince the 
Englijh came among us, and particularly from that Pen-and-ink Work that 
is going on at the Table {pointing to the Secretary) and we will give you an 
Inftance of this. Our Brother Onat, a great while ago, came to Albany to 
buy the Safquahannah Lands of us, but our Brother, the Governor of N^iv- 
Tork, who, as we fuppofc, had not a good Underftanding with our Brother 
Onas, advifed us not to fell him any Land, for he would make an ill Ufe of 
it ; and, pretending to be our good Friend, he advifed us, in order to pre- 
vent Onas's, or any other Perfon's impofing upon us, and that we might al- 
ways have our Land when we Ihould want it, to put it into his Hands ; and 
told us, he would keep it for our Ufe, and never open his Hands, but keep 
them clofe fhut, and not part with any of it, but at our Requeft. Accord- 
ingly we trufted him, and put cur Land into his Hands, and charged him 
to keep it fafe for our Ufe ; but, fome Time after, he went, to England, and 
carried our Land with him, and there fold it to our Brother Onas for a large 
Sum of Money ; and when, at the Inftance of our Brother Onas, we were 
minded to fell him fome Lands, he told us, we had fold the Sajquahannah 
Lands already to the Governor of NtW-Tork, and that he had bought them 
from him in Englajid ; tho', when he came to underftand how the Gover- 
nor of Neiv-TorL had deceived us, he very gcneroufly paid us for our Lands 
over again. 

Tiio' we mention this Inftance of an Impofition put upon us by the Go- 
vernor of Nc-iV-Tork, yet we muft do the Englijh the Juftice to fay, we 
hav-e had their hearty AiHftances in our V/ars with the French, who were no 
fooner arrived amongft us than they began to render us uneafy, and 
to provoke us to War, >nd we have h;id ieveral Wars with them ; dur- 
.ijig all which v, e conftaiitlv ifccived Alnfiuiice from the Englijh, and, 



( 13 ) 

by their' Means, we have always been able to keep up our Heads againft 
their Attacks. 

We now come nearer home. We have had your Deeds interpreted to us, 
and we acknowledge them to be good and valid, and that the Conejlogoe or 
Safquahannah Indians had a Right to fell thofe Lands to you, for they were 
then theirs ; but fince that Time we have conquered them, and their Coun- 
try now belongs to us, and the Lands we demanded -Satisfadion for are no 
Part of the Lands comprized in thofe Deeds ; they are the * Cohongorontas 
Lands ; thofe, we are fure, you have not poffeffed One Hundred Years, no, 
nor above Ten Year5, and we made our Demands fo foon as we knew your 
People w^re fettled in thofe Parts. Thefe have never been fold, but remain 
llill to be difpofed of ; and we are well pleafed to hear you are provided with 
Goods, and do affure you of our Willingnefs to treat with you for thofe un- 
purchafed Lands ; in Confirmation whereof, we prefent you with this Belt 
of Wampum. 

Which was received with theufual Ceremonies. 

CANASSATEGO added, that as the three Governors of Virginia^ 
Maryland, and Pennfylvama, had divided the Lands among them, they 
could not, for this Reafon, tell how much each had got, nor were they con- 
cerned about it, fo that they were paid by all the Governors for the ieveral 
Parts each poflcffcd, and this they left to their Honour and Juftice. 

In the Co«ET-Haufic at Latu-Mjiefj ^une ay, 1744, A. M. 


The Honourable GEORGE THOMAS, Efq; Governor, &c: 

The Honourable the Commiffioners of Virginia. 

The Honourable the Commiffioners of Maryland. 

The Deputies of the Six Nations. 

Conrad Weifer, Interpreter. 

'The Commiffioners of Virginia ordered the Interpreter to let the Indians knov 
the Governor of Virginia was going to fpeak to them, and then they fpoke 
as follows : 

Sachims and Warriors of the Six United Nations, our Friends and Brethren, 

AT our Defire the Governor of Pennfylvania invited you to this Conn- 
cil Fire ; we have waited a long Time for you, but now you are come, 
you are heartily welcome ; wc are very glad to fee you > we give you this 
String of Wampum. 

Which was received with their ufual Approbationl 

* CQhsninnntas, i. e. Polimack. 

D 'Brethren, 


( H) 

In the Year 1736, four of your Sachims wrote a Letter to James Le^an, 
Efqj then Prefident of Pennfyhania, to let the Governor of f^irginia know 
that you expeded fome Confideration for Lands in the Occupation of fomt 
of the People of VirgiHta. Upon feeing a Copy of this Letter, the Gover- 
nor, with the Council of Virginia, took fome Time to confider of it. They 
found, on looking into the old Treaties, that you had given up your Lands 
to the Great King, who has had Pofleffion of Virginia above One Hundred 
and Sixty Years, and under that Great King the Inhabitants of Virginia hold 
their Land, fo they thought there might be fome Miftake. 

Wherefore they defired the Governor of New-York to enquire of you 
about it. He fent his Interpreter to you in May, 1743, who laid this be- 
fore you at a Council held at Onandago, to which you anfwer, " That if 
•' you had any Demand or Pretenfions on the Governor of Virginia aay 
" way, you would have made it known to the Governor of New^Tork," 
This correfponds with what you have faid to Governed: Thomas, in the Trea- 
ty made with him at Philadelphia in July, 1742 ; for then you only make 
your Claim to Lands in the Government of Maryland. 

We are fo Well pleafed with this good Faith of you our Brethren of the 
Six Nations, and your Regard to the Treaties made with Virginia, that we 
are ready to hear you on the Subjedl of your Meflage efght Years fince. 

Tell us what Nations of Indians you conquered any Lands from in Vir- 
ginia, how long it is fince, and what Pofleffion you have had ; and if It 
does appear, that there is any Land on the Borders of Virginia that the Svx 
Nations have a Right to^ wo arp willing tr> make you Satisfa(n:ion. 

1'hen laid down a String of Wantpwn, vjbichnDas accepted with 
the ufual Ceremony, and then added. 

We have a Cheft of new Goods, and the Key is in our Pockets. You arc 
our Brethren ; the Great King is our common Father, and we will live with 
you, as Children ought to do, in Peace and Love. 

We will brighten the Chain, and ftrengthen the Union between us ; fo 
that we fhall never be divided, but remain Friends and Brethren as long as 
the Sun gives Light ; in Confirmation whereof, we give you this Belt of 

Which was received with the ufual Ceremony. 

rACHANOONriA replied : 

Brother Aflaragoa, 
You have made a good Speech to us, which is very agreeable, and for 
which we return you our Thanks. We ftialj be able to give you an Anfwer 
to every Part of it fome Time this Afternoon, and we will let you know 
when we are ready. 


( '5 ) 

In ihe CouRT-HousE at Lanca/ler, 'June 27, 1744, P. M. 


The Honourable GEORGE THOMAS, Efq; Governor, &c. 

The Honourable the Commiflioners of Virginia. 

The Honourable the Conamiffioners of Maryl/ind. 

The Deputies of the Six Natiom. 

Conrad Weifer, Interpreter. 

TACHANOONTIA /poke ai follow i : 

Brother Affaragoa, 
QINCE you have joined with the Governor of Maryland and Brother 
'^ Onas in kindling this Fire, we gladly acknowledge the Pleafure we have 
in feeing you here, and obferving your good Difpofitions as well to confirm 
the Treaties of Friendihip, as to enter into further Contradts about Land 
with us ; and, in Token of our Satisfadtion, we prefent you with this String 
of Wampum. 

Which was receiver! with the ufual Ceremonies. 

Brother Aifaragoa, 
In your Sp'^'rh this Mnrninr y"'i were plfafr^ to fay w ^^^ wr^Lr n Tiftin- 
to James Logan, about feven Years ago, to demand a Confidcration for our 
Lands in the Poffeffion of fome of the Virginians ; that you held them under 
the Great King for upwards of One Hundred and Sixty Years, and that we had 
already given up our Right ; and that therefore you had defired the Governor 
of Neio-Tork to fend his Interpreter to us kft Year to Onandago, which he 
did ; and, as you fay, we in Council at Onandago did declare, that we had 
no Demand upon you for Lands, and that if we had any 'I^stenfions, we 
fliould have made them known to the Governor of New-Tork ; and likewifc 
you defire to know if we have any Right to the Virginia Lands, and that 
we will make fuch Right appear, and tell you what Nations of Indians yfc 
conquered thofe Lands from. 

Now we anfwer, We have the Right of Conqueft, a Right too dearly 

{mrchafed, and which coft us too much Blood, to give up without any Rea- 
bn at all, as you fay we have done at Albany ; but we fhould be obliged to 
you, if you would let us fee the Letter, and inform us who was the Inter- 
preter, and whofe Names are put to that Letter ; for as the whole Tranfac- 
tion cannot be above a Year's ftanding, it muft be frefh in every Body's Me- 
mory, and fome of our Council would eafily remember it ; but we affure 
you, and are well able to prove, that neither we, nor any Part of us, have 
ever relinquilhed our Right, or ever gave fuch an Anfwer as you fay is men- 
tioned in your Letter. Could we, fo few Years ago, make a formal De- 
mand, by James Logan, and fenfible of our Right ? And hath any 
thing happened fince that Time to make us lefs fenfible ? No ; and as this 
Matter can be eafily cleared up, we are anxious it fhould ht done -, for wc 


( i6 ) 

are pofitive no fuch thing was ever mentioned to us at Onandago, nor any 
where elfe. All the World knows we conquered the feveral Nations living 
on Safquahantia, Cohongorojita, and on the Back of the Great Mountains in 
Virginia ; the Conoy^uch-Juch-roona, Coch-now-was-roonan, Tohoa-irough- 
roonan, and ConnutJkin-ough-roona"Jii , feel the EfFedls of our. Conquefts, be- 
ing now a Part of our Nations, and their Lands at our Difpofal. We know 
very well, it hath often been faid by the Virginians, that the Great King of 
England, and the People of that Colony, conquered the Indians who lived 
there, but it is not true. We will allow they have conquered the Sachda- 
gughroonaw, and drove back the Tufcarroraws, and that they have, on that 
Account, a Right to fome Part of Virginia ; but as to what lies beyond the 
Mountains, we conquered the Nations refiding there, and ihat Land, if the 
Virginians ever get a good Right to it, it muft be by us ; and in Teftimony 
of the Truth of our Anfwer to this Part of your Speech, we give you this 
String of Wampum. 

Which vias recei-vedc^ith the ufual Ceremony. 

Brother Afiaragoa, 
We have given you a full Anfwer to the firft Part of your Speech, which 
we hope will be fatisfadory. We are glad to hear you have brought with 
you a big Chefl: of new Goods, and that you have the Key in your Pockets. 
We do not doubt but we fhall have a good. Underflanding in all Points, and 
come to an Agreement with you. 

We ftall open all -our Hearts to you, that you may know every thing in 
ihem ; we will hide nothing from you ; and we hope, if there be any thing 
ilill remaining in your Breaft that may occafion any Difpute between us, yeu 
v/ill take the Opportunity tnmhnfom your Hearts, and lay them open to us, 
that henceforth there may be no Dirt, nor any other Obftacle in the Road 
between us ; and in Token of our hearty Wifhes to bring about fo good an 
Harmony, we prefent you with this Belt of Wampum. 

Which-was received with the ufual Ceremony. 

Brother !\<raragoa. 
We muft now tell you what Mountains we mean that we fay are the 
Boundaries between you and us. You may remember, that about twenty 
Years ago you had a Treaty with us at Albany, when you took a Belt of 
Wampum, and made a Fence with it on the Middle of the Hill, and told 
lis, that if any of the Warriors of the Six Nations came on your Side of the 
Middle of the Hill, you would hang them ; and you gave us Liberty to do 
the fame with any of your People who ihould be found on our Side of the 
Middle of the Hill. This is the Hill we mean, and we defire that Treaty 
may be now confirmed. After we left Albany, we brought our Road a great 
deal more to the Weft, that we might comply with your Propofal ; but, tho* 
it was of your own making, your People never obferved it, but came and 
lived on ouf Side of the Hill, which we don't blame you for, as you live at 
a great Diftance, near the Seas, and cannot be thought to know what your 
People do in the- Back-parts : And on their fettling, contrary to your own 
Propofal, on our new Road, it fell out that our Warriors did fome Hurt to 
your People's Cattle, of which a Complaint was made, and tranfmitted to 
us by our Brother Onas ; and we, at his Requeft, altered the Road again, 
and brought it to the Foot of the Great Mountain, where it now is j and it 



( 17 ) 

is impofljble for us to remove It any further to the Weil:, thofe Parts of the 
Country being abfolutcly impallable by cither Man or BeaR. 

We had not been long in the Ufe of this new Tload before your People 
came, -like Flocks of Birds, and fat down on both Sides of it, and yet we 
never made a Complaint to you, tho' you mud befenfible thofe Things mud 
have been done by your People in manifeft Breach of your own Propofal 
made at Albany ; and therefore, as we are now opening our Hearts to you, 
we cannot avoid complaining, and defi-re all thefe Affairs may be fettled, and 
that you may be ftronger induced to do us Juftice for what is pali, and to 
come to a thorough Settlement for the future, we, in the Prefence of the 
Governor of Maryland, and Brother Qnas, prefent you with this Belt of 

Which -was r£ceheJ wUh the ufual Ceremony. 

Then Tachanoontia added: 

He forgot to fiy, that the Affair of the Road mufl: be looked upon as a 
Preliminary to be fettled before the Grant of Lands ; and that either the Vir- 
ginia People mult be obliged to remove more Eafterly, or, if they are per- 
mitted to flay, that our Warriors, marching that Way to the Southward, 
iliall go Sharers with them in what tliey plant. 

In the CoURT-HousE ztLancaJier, June 28, J744. A. M. 

P R E S E 'N T, 

The Honourable GEORGE THOMAS, Efq; Governor, &c: 
The Honourable the Commiffioners of Firgifiia. 
The Honourable the Commiffioners of Mary/and, 
The Deputies of the Six Nations. 
Conrad fFeifer, Interpreter. 

The Governor /poke as follo-ws : 
Friends and Brethren of the Six Nations, 

T Am always forry when any thing happens that may create the Icaft Uneaii- 
-'■ nefs bet\Veen us j but as we are mutually engaged to keep the Road be- 
tween us clear and open, and to remove every Obftradtion that may lie in 
the Wiiy, I muft inform you, that three of the Delaware Indians lately mur- 
dered John Armjlrong, an Indian Trader, and his two Men, in a moft barba- 
rous Manner, as he was travelling to Allegheny, and dole his Goods of a. 
conliderable Value. Shick Calami, and the Indians fettled at Skamokin, did 
well ; they feized two of the Murderers, and fent them down to our Settle- 
ments ; but the Indians, who had the Charge of them, afterwards fuffered 
one of tl'.em to efcape, on a Pretence that he was not concerned in the bloody 
Deed ; the other is now in Philadelphia Goal. By our Law all the AcceiTi- 
E net 


( i8 ) 

lies to a Murder are to be tried, and put to Death, as well as the Perfon 
who gave the deadly Wound. If they confented to it, encouraged it, or any 
ways affifted in it, they are to be put to Death, and it is jult it fliould be fo. 
Jf, upon Trial, the Perfons prefent at the Murder are found not to have done 
any of thefe Things, they are fet at Liberty. Two of our People were, 
not many Years ago, pubiickly put to Death for killing two Indians -, we 
therefore exped: you will take the moll cfFedtual Meal'ures to feize and de- 
liver up to us the other two Indians prefent at thefe Murders, to be tried 
with the Principal now in Cuftody. If it fhall appear, upon their Trial, 
that they were not advifing, or any way affifting in this horrid Fa6t, they 
will be acquitted, and fent home to their Towns. And that you may be fa- 
tisfied no Injuftice will be done to them, I do now invite youto depute three 
or four Indians to be prefent at their Trials. I do likewife expedl tliat you 
■will order Arid Search to be made for the Remainder of the ftolen Goods, 
that they may be reftored to the Wife and Children of the Deceafed. That 
-what I have faid may have its due Weight with you, I give you this String 
of Wampum. 

Which was accepted with the Yo-hah. 

The Governor afterwards ordered the Interpreter to tell them, he expect- 
ed a very full Anfwer from them, and that they might take their own Time 
to give it ; for he did not defire to interfere with the Bufinefs of Virginia 
and Maryland. 

They faid they would take it into Confideratlon, arid give a full Anfwer. 

Then the Commiffioners of Virginia let them know, by the Interpreter, 
that they would fpeak to them in the Afternoon. 

In the CouRT-HousE Chamber at Z-i2«Ci7y?fr, June 2Z, 1744, P.M. 


*rhe Honourable the Commiffioners of Maryland. 
The Deputies of the Six Nations. 
Conrad Weifer, Interpreter. 

I'he Commiffioners dejired the Interpreter to tell- the Indians they 'were going t$ 
/peak to them. Mr. Weifer acquainted them herewith. After which the 
faid Commijponers Jpoke as follows : 

Our good Friends and Brethren, the Six united Nations, 

"1X7 E have confidered what you faid concerning your Tide to fome Lands 
now in our Province, and alfo of the Place where they lie. Altho' 
we cannot admit your Right, yet we are fo refolved to live in Brotherly 
Love and Affedion with the Six Nations, that upon your giving us a Rcleafe 
in Writing of all your Claim to any Lands in Maryland, we fljall make you 
a Compenlation to the Value of Three Hundred Pounds Currency, for rije 



( '9 ) 

Payment of Part whereof we have brought fome Goods, and (liall make uis 
■the reft in what Manner you think fit. 

As we intend to fay fome'thing to you about our Chain of Friendaiip 
after this Affiir of the Land is fettled, we defire you will now examine the 
Goods, and make an End of this Matter. 

We will not omit acquainting our good Friends the Six Nations, thatnot- 
withflanding we are likely to come to an Agreement about your Claim of 
Lands, yet your Brethren of Maryland look on you to be as one Soul and 
one Body with themfelvesj and as a broad Road will be made between u?, 
we ihall always be defirous of keeping it clear, that we may, from Time to 
Time, take care that the Links of our Friendfhip be not lufted. In Telli- 
mony that our Words and our Hearts agree, we give you this Belt of 

On prefenting af 'which the Indians gave the ufual Cry of Approbation, 

Mr. Weifer acquainted the Indians, they might now look over the fevcral 
Goods placed on a Table in the Chamber for that Purpofe; and the honou- 
rable Comrailfioners bid him tell them, if they difliked any of the Goods, 
or, if they v/ere damaged, the Commillioners would put a lefs Price onfuch 
as were either diiliked or damni.^ed. 

The Indians ha"in^ viewed an<l examined the Goods, and feeming difTa- 
lisfied at the Price and Worth of them, required Time to go down into the 
CourtrHoufe, in order for a Confultation to be had by the Chiefs of them 
concerning the \a'k\ Goods, and likewife that the Interpreter might retire 
with them, v/liich he did. Accordingly they went down into the Conrt- 
Houfe, and fcon after returned again into the Chamber. 

Mr. Weifer fat down among the Indians, and difcourfed them about 
the Goods, and in fome fhort Time after they chofe the following from 
among the others, and the Price agreed to be given for them by the Six 
Nations was, viz. 

L. s. d. 
Four Pieces of Strowds, at 7 L, - - - 28 co 00 

Two Pieces Ditto, 5 L. 

Two Hundred Shirts, _ _ - . 

Three Pieces Half-Thicks, 
Three Pieces Duffle Blankets, at 7 L. 
One Piece Ditto, _ _ - - 

Torty Seven Guns, at i L. 6 J. 

One Pound Vermillion, _ _ _ . 

One Thoufand Flints, _ _ - - 

Four Dozen Jews Harps, . _ _ 

One Dozen Boxes, _ _ _ _ 

One Hundred Two Quarters Bar-Lead, 
Two Quarters Shot, _ _ _ - 

Two Half-Barrels of Gun-Powder, 

L. 220 15 oa 

Fennfylvania Currency. 







































( io ) 

When the Indians had agreed to take thefe. Goods at the Rates above ff)e- 
cified, they informed the Interpreter, that they would give an Anfwer to the 
Speech made to them this Morning by the honourable the CommiiSoners of 
Maryland, but did not exprefs the Time when fuch Anfwer fheuld be made. 
At 120' Clock the Commiffioners departed the Chamber. 

In the CouRT-HousE at L«;zci7/?fr, "June 2%, 1744, P.M. 

The Honourable GEORGE THOMAS, Efq; Governor, &£. 

The Honourable the Commiffioners of Virginia. 

The Honourable the Commiffioners of Maryland. 

The Deputies of the Six Nations. 

Conrad Weifer, Interpreter. 

uhe Commiffioners of Virginia defired the Interpreter to let the Indians know, 
that their Brother Aflaragoa 'was new going to give his Reply to their An- 
Jwer to his Jirji Speech, delivered them the Day bejore in the Forenoon. 

^achims and Warriors of the united Six Nations, 

■\X 7 E are now coinc to anfwer what you faid to ns Yefterday, fincc what 
^' v/e laid to you before on the Part of the Great King, our Father, 
has not been fatisfadiory. You have gone into old Times, and fo muft we. 
It is true that the Great King holds Virginia by Right of Conoueft, and the 
Bounds of that Conquefl to the Weftward is the Great Sea. 

If the Six Nations have made any Conquefl ovef Indians that may at any 
Time have lived on the Wefl-fide of the Great Mountains of Virginia, yet 
they never pofleffed any Lands there that we have ever heard of. That Part 
was altogether deferted, and free for any People to enter upon, as the People 
of Virginia have done, by Order of the Great King, very juftly, as well by 
an ancient Right; as by its being freed from the Pofleffion of any other, and 
from any Claim even of "you the Six Nations, our Brethren, until within 
tBefe eight Years. The firTr Treaty between the Great King, in Behalf of 
his Sub'jedts of Virginia, and you, that we can find, was made at Albany, 
by Colonel Henry Courfey, Seventy Years fince ; this was a Treaty of Friend- 
ship, wh6n the firil Covenant Chain was made, when we and you became 

The next Treaty was ^\i6 zt. Albaiiy , above Fifty-eight Years ago, by the 
Lord Honvard, Governor of Virginia ; then you declare yourfelves Subjeds to 
the Great Kii;g, our Father, and gave up to liim all yo.;r Lands for his Protec- 
tion. This yon o\vn in a Treaty made by the Governor of New-Tbrk with 
yoi! at'the fame- Place in the Vear 1687, and you cxprcfs yourfelves in thcfo 
vVords, " Brethren, you tell us the King of England is a very great Kinj, 
*' and why fKould not you join with, us in a very jiill Caufe, wh;ii the French 
" join with oar Enemies in an uniiiil Caifc ? d B.ethreii, wc fee the Rca- 

" Ibii 


( II ) 

" fon of this ; for the Trench would fain kill us all, and when tliat is done, 
" they would carryall the Beaver Trade to Canada, and the Great King of 
" England would lofe the Land likewife ; and therefore, O Great Sachim, 
" beyond the Great Lakes, awake, and buffer not thofe pooi' iW/a«^, that 
" have given themfelves and their Lands under your Protedion, to be de- 
" Ilroyed by the French without a Caufe." 

'The laft Treaty we fhall fpeak to you about is -that <made at yilbany bj! 
Governor Spotfivood, which you have not recited as it is : For the white 
People, your Brethren of Virginia, are, in no Article of that Treaty, pro- 
hibited to pafs, and fettle to the Weftward of the Great Mountains. It i« 
the Indians, tributary to Virginia, that are reftrained, as you and your tri- 
butary Indians are from paffing to the Eaftward of the fame Mountains, or 
to the Southward of Cobongorotton, and you agree to this Article in theic 
Words;- " That the Great River of P(j^i3i£(/«i?(ri, and the high Ridge of 
" Mountains, which extend all along the Frontiers of Virginia to the Weft- 
" ward of the prefent Settlements of that Colony, fhall be for ever the efh^ 
" blifhed .Boundaries between the Indians fubjeft to the Dominions of Vir- 
" gijiiff, and the, Indians belonging and depending on the Five Nations ; fo 
" that neither our Indians fhall not, oa any Pretence whatfoever, pafs to 
" Northward or Weftward of the faid Boundaries, without having t<J pro- 
" duce a Paffport under the Hand and Seal of the Governor or Commandef 
" in Chief of Virginia ; nor your Indfans to pafs to the Southward or Eaft- 
*^ ward of the iaid boundaries, without a Paffport in like Manner from the 
*' Governor or Commander in Chief o£ New-Tor k'-" 

And what Right can you "have- to Lands that you have no Right to walk 
upon, but upon certain Conditions ? It is true, you have not obfcrved this 
Part of the Treaty, and your Brethren of Virginia have not infiftcd upon it 
with a due Stridtnefs, which has occafioned fome Mifchief. 

T«is Treaty has been lent -to the Governor of Virginia by Order of die 
Great King, and is what we muft rely on, and, being in Writing, is more 
certain than your Memory. That is the Way the white People have of pre-i 
ferving Tranfadlions of every Kind, and tranfmitting them down to their 
•Childrens Children for ever, and all Difputes among them are fettled by thi^ 
faithful kind of Evidence, and muft be the Rule between the Great King 
and you. This Treaty your Sachims and Warriors figned fome Years after 
the fame Governor Spot/wood, in the Right of the Great King, had been, 
with fome People of Virginia, io Poffe^on of tbefe very Lands, which you 
have fet up your late Claim to. 

The Commiffionersfor'7«(//a« Affairs 2X Albany gave the Account wc 
mentioned to you Yefterday to the Governor of New-Tork, and he fent it 
to the Governor of Virginia ; their Names^ will be given you by the^ laj 

This Difpute is not between Virginia ^nd you; it is fettjng up yout 
Right againft the Great King, under whofe Grants the People you complaii* 
of are fettled. Nothing but a Command from the Great King can remove 
them ; they are too powerful to be removed by any Force of you, our Bre- 
thren ; and tlie Great -King, as our common Father, will do equal Juftice 
F » 


( 11 

to all his Chilaren j wherefore we do believe they will be confirmed in their 

As to the Road you mention, we intended to prevent any Occafion for 
it, by making a Peace between you and the Southern Indians, a few Years 
fince, at a confiderable Expence to our Great King, which you confirmed at 
Albany. It feems, by your being at War with the Catawbas, that it has not 
been long kept between you. 

However, if you defire a Road, we will agree to one on the Terms of 
the Treaty you made with Colonel Spot/wood, and your People, behaving 
themfelves orderly like Friends and Brethren, Ihallbe ufed in their Paflage 
through Virginia with the fame Kindnefs as they are when they pafs through 
the Lands of your Brother Onas. This, we hope, will be agreed to by 
you our brethren, and we will abide by the Promife made to you Yefterday. 

We may proceed to fettle what we are to give you for any Right you 
may have, or have had to all the Lands to the Southward and Wefiward of 
the Lands of your Brother the Governor of Maryland, and of your Brother 
Onas ; tho' we are informed that the Southern Indians claim thefe very 
Lands that you do. 

We are dcfirous to live with you, our Brethren, according to the old 
Chain of Friendihip, to fettle all thefe Matters fairly and honeftly ; and, as 
a Pledge of our Sincerity, wc give you this Belt of Wampum. 

Which was received with the ufual Ceremony. 

In the CovRT-HousE Chamber at Lancafter, "June 29; 1744, A. M. 


The Honourable the Commiffioners of Maryland. 

The Deputies of the Six Nations. 

Conrad Weifer, Interpreter. 

Mr. Weifer informed the honourable Commiffioners, the Indians were ready to 
give their Jbifwer to the Speech made to them here Tejierday Morning by the 
Ccmmijjioners ; whereupon Canaflatego fpoke as follows, looking en a Deai- 
hoard, where were fome. black Lines, defcril>ing the Couifes of Potowmack 
and Safquahanna : 


'yESTERDAY you fpokc to us concerning the Lands on this Side Po- 
-*- towmack River, and as we have deliberately confidered what you faid 
to us on that Matter, we are now very ready to fettle the Bounds of fucli 
Lands, and releafe our Right and Claim thereto. 



( ^3 ) 

We arc willing to renounce all Right to Lord Baltimore of all thofe Land* 
lying two Miles above the uppermoft Fork' of Fotummack or Gohongaruten 
Kiver, near which "Thomas Creffap has a hunting or trading Cabin, by a North- 
line, to the Bounds of Pemifylvania. But in cafe fuch Limits (hall not include 
every Settlement or Inhabitant of Maryland, then fudi other Lines and Cour- 
fes, from the faid two Miles above the Forks, to the outermolt Inhabitants 
or Settlements, .as ihall include every Settlement and Inhabitant in Ma^ylafiJ, 
and from thence, by a North-Hne, to the Bounds of Pmnjylvania, tliall be 
the Limits. And further, If any People already have, or fhall fettle beyond 
the Lands now defcribed and bouTided, they fhall enjoy the fame free from 
any Difturbance whatever, and we do, and thall accept thefe People for our 
Brethreu, and as fuch always treat them. 

We earneftly defire to live with you as Brethren, and hope you will flievr 
us all Brotherly Kindnefs ; in Token whereof, we prcfent you with a B^ It 
of Wampum. 

Which "was received with the ufual Ceremony. 

Soon after the Cortuniffioners and Jndiaiis departed from the Court- 
Houfe Chamber, 

In the CouRT-Hou&E Chamber at Lancafter, June 30, 1744, >^. M% 


The Honourable the Commiflioncrs of Virginia. 

The Deputies of the Six Nations. 

Conrad Weifer, Interpreter. 

Gachradodow, Speaker for the Indians, in Anfmer to the CommiJJieners 
Speech at the loft Meeting, with a ftrovg Voice, and proper ASlion, fpoke 

as Jollows : 

Brother Aflaragoa, 
'X' H E World at the firfl: was made on the other Side of the Great Water 
*- different from what it is on this Side, as may be known from the dif- 
ferent Colours of our Skin, and of our Flefh, and that which you call Ju- 
ftice may not be fo amongft us ; you have your Laws and Cuftoms, and (o 
have we. The Great King might fend you over to conquer the Indians, 
but it looks to us that God did not approve of it ; if he had, he would not' 
have placed the Sea where it is, as the Limits between us and you. 

Brother Affaragoa, 
Tho' great Things are well remembered among us, yet we don't remem- 
ber that we were ever conquered by the Great King, or that we have been 
employed by that Great King to conquer others j if it was fo, it ii beyond 
our Memory. We do remember we were employed by Maryland to conquer 
the Conejlogoes, and that the fecond time we were at War with them, we 
carried diem all off. ^ 



( H) 

Brother Aflkragoa, 
You charge bs with not acting agreeable to our Peace with the Catawbas^ 
wc will repeat to you truly what was done. The Governor of Niw-Terk, 
at Albany, in £ehalf of AJfaragoa, gave us feveral Belts of Wampum from 
the Cherikees and Catawhas, and we agreed to a Peace, if thofe Nations 
would fend fome of their great Men to us to confirm it Face to Face, and 
that they would trade with us j and defired that they .would appoint a Time 
to meet at Albany for that Purpofe, but they never came. 

Brother Aflkragoa, 

We then defired a Letter might be fent to the Cstawbas and Cherikees, to 

defire them to come and confirm the Peace. It was long before an Anfwer 

came ; but we met the Cherikees, and confirmed the Peace, and fent fome 

of our People to take care of them, until they returned to their own Country. 

The Catawbas refufed to come, and fent us word. That we were but 

Women, that they were Men, and double Men, for they had two P sj 

that they could make Women of us, and would be alA^aysat War with us. 
They are a deceitful People. Our Brother Afaragoa is deceived by them i 
vre don't blame him for it, but are forry he is io deceived. 

Brother Aflaragoa, 
We have confirmed the Peace with the Cherikees, but not with the Ca- 
fantibas. They have been treacherous, and know it ; fo that the War muft 
continue till one of us is deftroyed. This we think proper to tell you, that 
you may not be troubled at what we do to the Catawbas. 

Brother Aflaragoa, 
We will now fpcak to the Point between us. You fay you will agree 
with us as to the Road ; we defire that may be the Road which was laft 
made (the Waggon-Road.) It is always a Cuftom among Brethren or Stran- 
gers to ufe each other kindly ; you have fome very ill-natured People living 
up there ; fo that we defire the Perfons in Power may know that we are to 
have reafonable Victuals when we are in want. 

You know very well, when the white People came firfl: here they were 
poor ; but now they have got our Lands, and are by them become rich, and 
we are now poor ; what little we have had for the Land goes foon away, 
but the Land lafts for ever. You told us you had brought with you a Cheft 
of Goods, and that you haye the Key in your Pockets ; but v/e have never 
feen the Chefl:, nor the Goods that are faid to be in it ; it may be fmall, and 
the Goods few -, wc want to fee them, and are defirous to come to fome 
CoHclufion. We have been fleeping here thefe ten Days part, and have aot 
done any tiling to the Purpofe. 

Tms Commiffioners told them they fbould fee the Goods on 




In the CoURT-HousE at Lancajter, June 30, 1744, P. M. 


The Honourable GEORGE THOMAS, Efq; Gorernor, ^e. 

The Honourable the Commiffioners of Virginia. 

The Honourable the Commiffioners of Maryland. 

The Deputies of tiie Six Nations. 

Conrad Weifer, Interpreter. 

'THE three Governments entertained the Indians, and all the Gentlemen 
-■- in Town, with a handfome Dinner. The Six Nations, in their Order, 
having returned Thanks with the ulual Solemnity of To-ha-han, the Inter- 
preter, informed the 'Governor and the Commiffioners, that as the Lord Pro^* 
prietor and Governor of Mar^ land vf^^i not known to the Indians by any par- 
ticular Name, they had agreed, in Council, to take the firft Opportunity of a 
large Company to prefcnt hira with one ; and as this with them is deemed a 
Matter of great Confequence, and attended with Abundance of Form, the 
feveral Nations had drawn Lots for the Performance of the Ceremony, and 
the Lot falling on the Cayogo Nation, they had chofen Gachradodow, one of 
their Chiefs, to be their Speaker, and he defired Leave to begin ; which be- 
ing given, he^, on an elevated Part of the Court-Houfe, with all the Dignity 
of a Warrior, the Gefture of an Orator, and in a very graceful Poiturc, 
fpoke as follows : 

"As the Governor oi Maryland had invited them here to treat about 
*' their Lands, and brighten the"Chain of Friendd^ip, the united Nations 
" thought themfelves (o much obliged to them, that they had come to a 
" Refolution in Council to give to the great Man, who is Proprietor of Ma~ 
" ryland, a particular Name, by which they might hereafter correfpond with 
" him ; and as it had fallen to tlie Cayogoes Lot in Council to conlider of a 
*' proper "Name for that chief Ma 1, they had agreed to give him the Name 
" of Jof^rry-Ao^^w, denoting Precedency, Excellency, or living in the middle 
" or honourable Place h&\.vi'\)L\. AJaragoa and their Brother Onus, by whom 
'■ their Treaties might be better carried on." Aad then, addreffing him- 
felf to his Honour the Governor of Pennfyhania, the honourable the Com- 
miffioners of Virginia and Maryland, and to the Gentlemen then prefent, 
he proceeded : 

" As there is a Company of great Meft nowaflembled, we take this Time 
" and Opportunity to publiffi this Matter, that it may be known Tocarry- 
" hogan is our Friend, and that we are ready to honour him, and that by 
" fuch Name he may be always called and known among us. And wc 
" hope he will ever a€t towards us according to the Excellency of the Name 
" we have now given him, and enjoy a long and happy Life." 

The honourable the Governor and Commiffioners, and all the Company 

prefent, returned the Compliment with three Huzza's, and, afccr drinking 

G Healths 



Healths to our gracious King and the Six Nations, the CommKTioners of 
Maryland proceeded to Bufinefs in the Court-Houfe Chamber with the In- 
diajis, where Conrad, fFeifer, the Interpreter, was prefent. 

The honourable the Commiffioners ordered Mr. Weifer to tell the Indians, 
that a Deed, releafing all their Claim and Title to certain Lands lying in the 
Province of Maryland, which by them was agreed to be given and executed 
for the Ufe of the Lord Baron of Baltimore, Lord Proprietary of that Pro- 
vince, was now on the Table, and Seals ready fixed thereto. The Interpre- 
ter acquainted them therewith as defired, and then gave the Deed to Canaf- 
fatego, the Speaker, who made his Mark, and put his Seal, and delivered it ; 
after which, thirteen other Chiefs or Sachims of the Six Nations executed 
it in the fame Manner, in the Prefence of the honourable the Commiflioners 
of Firginia, and divers other Gentlemen of that .Colony, and of the Provin- 
ces of Pennfylvania and Maryland, 

At the Houfe of Mr. darge Sander fon in Lancajler, July 2, 1744, ^. M. 
The Honourable the Commiffioners of Maryland. 
The Deputies of the Six Nations. 
Conrad Weifer, Interpreter, 

'TpHE feveral Chiefj of the IrtJLiKs of tlie Sik Ntifiom, who had not flgned 
•*■ the Deed of Releafe of their Claim to fome Lands in Maryland, ten- 
dered to them on Saturday laft, in the Chamber of the Court-Houfe in this 
Town, did now readily execute the fame, and caufed Mr. Weifer likewife to 
fign it, as well with his Indian, as with his own proper Name of Weifer, as 
a Witnefs and Interpreter. 

In the CouRT-HousE ^iLancafler, July 2, 1744. A. M. 


The Honourable GEORGE THOMAS, Efq; Governor, ^c. 

The Honourable the Commiffioners of Virginia. 

The Honourable the Commiffioners of Maryland. 

The Deputies o£ the Six Nations, 

Conrad Weifer, Interpreter. 

CANASSATEGO fpoke as follows : 

Brother Onas, 
'"pHE other Day you was pleafed to tell us, you were always concerned 
-*■ whenever any thing happened that might give you or us Uneafinefs, and 
that we were mutually engaged to prefcrve the R-oad open and clear between 


( ^7 ) 

US; and ycu informed us of the Murder of John Armjlrong, and his two 
Men, by feme of the Delaware Indians, and of their ftealing his Goods to a 
confiderable Value. The Delaware IntJians, as you fuppofe, are under our 
Power. We join with you in your Concern for fuch a vile Proceeding ; and, 
to teftify that we have the fame Inclinations with you to keep the Road clear, 
free and open, we give you this String of Wampum. 

Which was received with- the ufual Ceremony. 

Brother Onas, 

These Things happen frequently, and we defire you will confider thera 
well, and not be too much concerned. Three Indians have been killed at 
different Times at Ohio, and we never mentioned any of them to you, ima- 
gining it might liave been occafioned by fome unfortunate Qiiarrels, and be- 
ing unwilling to create a Difturbance. We therefore defire you will confider 
thefe Things well, and, to take the Grief from your Heart, we give you 
xhis String of Wampum, 

Which was received with the ujual Ceremonies. 

'Brother Onas, 
We had heard of the Murder ©f 'John Armjlrong, and, in our Journey 
here, we had Conference with our Coufins the Delawares about it, and re- 
proved them feyerely for it, and charged them to go down to our Brother 
Onas, and make him Satisfidtion, both for the Men that were killed, and 
for the Goods. We underftood, by them, that the principal Ador in thefe 
Murders is in your Prilon, and that he had done all the Mifchief himfelf ; 
but that, befides him, you had required and demanded two others who 
were in his Company when the Murders v/ere committed. We promifc 
faithfully, in our Return, to renew our Reproofs, and to charge the Dela- 
wares to fend down fome of their Chiefs with thefe two young Men (but 
not as Prifoners) to be examined by you ; and as we think, upon Examina- 
tion, you will not find them guilty, we rely on your Juftice not to do them 
any Harm, but to permit them to return home in Safety. 

We likcwife underftand, that Search has been made for the Goods be- 
longing to the Deceafed, and that fome have been already returned to your 
People, but that fome are ftill miffing. You may depend upon our giving 
the llrifteft Charge to the Delawares to fearch again with more Diligence 
for the Goods, and to return them, or the Value of them, in Skins. And, 
to confirm what we have faid, we give you this String of Wampum. 

Which was received with the ufual Ceremotiies. 

Brother Onas, 
The Conoy Indians have informed us, that they fent you a Meflage, fome 
Time ago, to advife you, that they were ill ufed by the white People in 
the Place where they had lived, and that they had come to a Refolution of 
removing to Shamokin, and requeftcd fome fmall Satisfaftion for their Land ; 
and as they never have received any Anfwer from you, they have defired us 
to fpeak for themj we heartily recommend their Cafe to your Generofity. 


( ^8 ) 

And, to give Weight to our Recoramendatlon, wc prcfcnt you with this 
String of Wampum. 

Whkh was received with the ufual Ceremony, 

flhe Governor having conferred a little I'ime with the honourable CommiJJioners 
of Virginia ajid Maryland, made the following Reply : 


I am glad to find that you agree with me in the NecefTity of keeping the 
Road between us clear and open, and the Concern you have exprelfed on 
account of the barbarous Murders mentioned to you, is a Proof of your Bro- 
therly Aftedtion for us. If Crimes of this Nature be not flridly enquired 
into, and the Criminals feverely punillied, there will be an End of all Com- 
merce between hs and the Indians, and then you will be altogether in the 
Power of the French. They will fet what Price they pleafe on their own 
Goods, and give you what they think fit for your Skins ; fb it is for your own 
Intcreft that our Traders (hould be fafe in their Perfons and Goods whea 
they travel to your Towns. 


I confidercd this Matter well before I came from Philadelphia, and I ad- 
Tifed-wJth the Council there upon it, as I have done here with the honou- 
rable the Commiffioners of Virginia and Maryland. I never heard before 
of the Murder of the three Indians at Ohio ; had Complaint been made to 
me of it, and it had appeared to have been committed by any of the People 
under my Government, they fhonld have been pat to Death, as two of them 
were, fome Years ago, for killing two Indians. You are not to take your 
own Satisfaction, but to apply to me, and I will fee that Juftice be done you ; 
and fhould any of the Indians rob or murder any of our People, I do expedt 
that you will deliver them up to be tried and puniflied in the fame Manner as 
w^hite People are. This is the Way to preferve Fricndfhip between us, and 
will be for your Benefit as well as ours, I am well plcafed with the Steps 
you have already taken, and the Reproofs you have given to your Coufins the 
Delawares, and do exped- you will lay your Commands upon fome of their 
Chiefs to bring down the two young Men that were prefent at the Mur- 
ders ; if they are not brought down, I fhall look upon it as a Proof of their 

If, upon Examination, they fhall be found not to have been concerned in 
the bloody Aftion, they fhall be well ufed, and fent home in Safety : I 
will take it upon myfelf to fee that they have no Injuflice done them. An 
Inventory is taken of the Goods already reftored, and I expeft Satisfadion 
will be made for cannot be found, in SkixiS, according to their Pro- 

I well remember the coming down of one of the Corny Indians with a 
Paper, fctting forth, That the Conoys had come to a Refolution to leave the 
Land refervcd for them by the Proprietors, but he made no Complaint to 
me of ill Ufage from the white People. The Reafon he gave for their Re- 
.moval was, That the fettling of the whrte People all round them had made 
Deer fcarce, and that therefore they chofe to remove to Juniata for tlie Be- 

( ^9 ) 

oefit of Hunting. I ordered what they faid to be entered in the Councit- 
Book. The old Man's Expences were born, and a Blanket given him at 
his Return home. I have not yet heard from the Proprietors on this Head ; 
but you may be aflured, from the Favour and Juftice they have always fhewn 
to the Indians, that they will do every thing that can be reafonably expected 
of them in this Cafe. 

In the CouRT-HousE Chamber at Lancajler, July 2, 1744, P. M. 

The Honourable the Commiffioners of Virginia. 
The Deputies of the Six Nations. 
Conrad IVeifer, Interpreter. 

The Indians being told, by the Interpreter, that their Brother AfTaragoa wai 
going to Jpeak to them, the CommiJJioners [poke as follows : 

Sachims and Warriors, our Friends and Brethren, 
" A S we have already faid enough to you on the Subjed: of the Title to 
■i\ the Lands you claim from Virginia, we have no Occafion to fay any 
thing more to you on that Head, but come diredly to the Point. 

We have opened the Chert., and the Goods are now here before you ; 
they coft Two Hundred Pounds Pennfslvania Money, and were bought by 
a Perion recommended to us by the Governor of Pen?tfylvania with ready 
Cafh. We ordered them to be good in their Kinds, and we believe they 
are fo. Thefe Goods, and Two Hundred Pounds in Gold, which lie oa 
the Table, we will give you, our Brethren of the Six Nations, upon Con- 
dition that you immediately make a Deed recognizing the King's Right to 
all the Lands that are, or (hall be, by his Majelly's Appointment in the Co- 
lony of Virginia. 

As to the Road, wtgkgree you Ihall have one, and the Regulation is in 
Paper, which the Interpreter now has in his Cuftody to fl:ew you. The 
People oi Virginia fhall perform their Part, if you and your Indians perform, 
theirs ; we are your Brethren, and will do no Hardfhips to you, but, on the 
contrary, all the Kindnefs we can." 

The Indians agreed to what was faid, and CanaJJ'atego defired they would 
reprefent their Cafe to the King, in order to have a further Confideration 
when the Settlement increafed much further back. To which the Commif- 
fioners agreed, and promifed they would make fuch a Reprefentation faith- 
fully and honeflly ; and, for their further Security that they would do 
fo, they would give them a Writing, under their Hands and Seals, to that 

They defired that fome Rum might be given them to drink on their Way 

lioine, which the Commiffioners agreed to, and paid them in Gold for that 

H Purpofe, 


( 3° ) 

Purpofe, and the Carriage of their Goods from Philadelphia, Nine Pounds, 
Thirteen Shillings, and Three-pence, Pennjyhania Money. 

further faid, That as their Brother T'ocarry-hogan fent them 
Provifion on the Road here, which kept them from ftarving, he hoped their 
Brother Aff'aragoa would do the fame for them back, and have the Goods 
he gave them carried to the ufual Place ; which the Commiffioners agreed 
tOj and ordered Provifions and Carriages to be provided accordingly. 

After this Conference the Deed was produced, and the Interpreter ex- 
plained it to them ; and they, according to their Rank and Quality, put 
their Marks and Seals to it in the Prefence of feveral Gentlemen of Mary- 
land, Fennfylvania and Virginia ; and when they delivered the Deed, Canaf- 
Jatego delivered it for the Ufe of their Father, the Great King, and hoped 
he would confider them > on which the Gentlemen and Indians then prefent 
gave three Shouts, 

In the CouRT-HousE at Lancajier, Tuejday, July 3, 1744, A. M. 

The Honourable GEORGE THOMAS, Efq; Governor, Gff. 
The Honourable the Commiffioners of Virginia. 
The Honourable the Commiffioners of Maryland. 
The Deputies of the Six Nations. 
Conrad Weifer, Interpreter. 

The Governor /poke as follows : 

Friends and Brethren of the Six Nations, 

AT a Treaty held with many of the Chiefs of your Nations Two Years 
ago, the Road between us was made clearer and wider ; our Fire was 
enlarged, and our Friendfhip confirmed by an Exchange of Prefents, and 
many other mutual good Offices. 

We think ourfelves happy in having been inftrumental to your meeting 
with our Brethren of Virginia and Maryland ; and wc perfuade ourfelves, 
that you, on your Parts, will always remember it as an Inftance of our Good7 
■will and Affedion for you. This has given us an Opportunity of feeing you 
fooncr than perhaps we fliould otherwife have done ; and, as we are under 
mutual Obligations by Treaties, we to hear with our Ears for you, and you 
to hear with your Ears for us, we take this Opportunity to inform you of 
what very nearly concerns us both. 

The Great Ki?ig o/" England and the French King have declared War 

againfb each other. Two Battles have been fought, one by Land, and the 

~ other 


(31 ) 

Other by Sea. The Great King of England commaiidecl the Land Army 
in Pcrfon, and gained a compleat Viftory. Numbers of the French were 
killed and taken Prifoners, and the reft were forced to pafs a River with Pre- 
cipitation to fave their Lives. The Great God covered the King's Head in 
that Battle, fothat he did not receive the leaft Hurtj for which you, as well 
as we, have Reafon to be very thankful. 

The Engagement at Sea was likewife to the Advantage of the Ehglijl}. 
The French and Spaniards joined their Ships together, and came out to fight 
us. The brave Englijh Admiral burnt one of their largcft Ships, and many 
others were fo (liattered, that they were glad to take the Opportunity of a very 
high Wind, and a dark Night, to run away, and to hide themfelves agaia 
in their own Harbours. Hid the Weather proved fair, he would, in all 
Probability, have taken or deftroyed them all. 

I need not put you in mind how much JVilliam Penn and his Sons have 
been your Friends, and the Friends of all the Indians. You have long and 
often experienced their Friendship for you ; nor need I repeat to you how- 
kindly you were treated, and what valuable Prefents were made to you Two 
Years ago by the Governor, the Council, and the AfTembly, of Penn/ylva- 
nia. The Sons of William Penn are all now in England, and have left me 
in their Place, well knowing how much I regard you and all the Indians. As 
a frefh Proof of this, I have left my Houfe, and am come thus far to fee you» 
to renew oar Treaties, to brighten the Covenant Chain, and to confirm our 
Friendihip with you. In Teftimony whereof, I prefent you with this Belt 
of Wampum. 

Which was received with the Yo-hah. 

As your Nations have engaged themfelves by Treaty to affift us, your Bre- 
thren of Pennjylvania. in cafe of a War with the French, we do not doubt 
but you will pandtiially perform an Engagement fo folemnly entred into. A 
War is now declared,' and we expedt that you will not fuffer the French, or 
any of the Indians in Alliance with them, to march through your Country 
to difturb any of our Settlements ; and that you will give us the earlieft and 
beft Intelligence of any Defigns that may be formed by them to our Difad-' 
vantage, as we promife to do of any that may be to yours. To enforce 
what I have now faid to you in the ftrongeft Manner, I prefent you with 
this Belt of Wampum, 

Which ivas received with the Yo-hah. 

After a little Paufe his Honour, the Governor, Jpoke again t 

"Friends and Brethren of the Six Nations, 

What I have now faid to you is in Conformity to Treaties fubfifting be- 
tween the Province of which I am Governor and your Nations. 1 now 
proceed, with the Confent of the honourable Commiffioners for Virginia 
and Maryland, to tell you, that all Differences having been adjufted, and 
the Roads between us and you made quite clear and open, we are ready to 
confirm our Treaties with your Nations, and eftablilh a Friendship that is 
not to end, but with the World itfelf And, in Behalf of the Province of 
Pennfylvania, I do, by this fine Belt of Wampum, and a Prefent of Goods, 



( 3^ ) 

to the Value of Three Hundred Pounds, confirm and eftabhfh the faid Trea- 
ties of Peace, Union and Friendfliip, you on your Parts doing the fame. 

Which was received with a lou(t Yo-hah. 

The Governor further added, The Goods bought with the One Hundred 
Pounds Sterling, put into my Hands by the Governor oi Virginia, are ready 
to be delivered when you pleafe. The Goods bought and fent up by the 
People of the Province of Fennfylvania, according to the Lift which the 
Interpreter will explain, are laid by themfelves, and are likewife ready to be 
delivered to you at your own time. 

After a little Paufe the CommiJJioners of Virginia fpoke as follows : 

Sachems and Warriors of the-^ix Nations, 

The Way between us being made fmooth by what pafled Yefterday, we 
defire now to confirm all former Treaties made between Virginia and you, 
our Brethren of the Six Nations, and to make our Chain of Union and 
Friendfhip as bright as the Sun, that it may not contraft any more Ruft for 
ever ; that our Childrens Children may rejoice at, and confirm what we have 
done ; and that you and your Children may not forget it, we give you One 
Hundred Pounds in Gold, and this Belt of Wampum. 

Which was received with the ufual Ceremony, 

Friends and Brethren, 

Altho' we have been difappointed in our Endeavours to bring about a 
Peace bccween you and the Catawbas, yet we defire to ij^jeak to you ibmething 
more about them. We believe they have been unfaithful to you, and fpoke 
of you with a foolifti Contempt ; but this may be only the Rafhnefs of 
fome of their young Men. In this Time of War with 6ur common Ene- 
mies the French and Spaniards, it will be the wifeft Way to be at Peace 
among ourfelves. They, the Catawbas, are alfo Children of the Great King, 
and therefore we defire you will agree, that we may endeavour to make a 
Peace between you and them, that we may be all united by one common 
Chain of Friendfhip. We give you this String of Wampum. 

Which was received with the ufual Ceremony. 


Our Friend, Conrad Wei fer, when he is old, will go into the other 
World, as our Fathers have done ; our Children will then want fuch a 
Friend to go between them and ycur Children, to reconcile any DifFcrences 
that may happen to arife between them, that, like him, may have the Ears 
and Tongues of our Children and yours. 

The Way to have fuch a Friend, is for you to fend three or four of ycu. 
Boys to Virginia, where we have a fine Houfe for them to live in, and a 
Man on purpofe to teach the Children of you, our Friends, tlic Religion, 
Language and Cuftoms of the white People. To this Place we kindly in- 
vite you to fend fome of your Cliildren, and we promife you they fliall 
have the fame Care taken of them, and be inftrudcd in th. f.inic .M.-nn^r 


( 33 ) 

u our own Children, and be returned to you again when vou pleafe ; and} 
to confirm this, we give you this String of Wampum. 

Which was received with the ufual Ceremony. 

'then the Commijioners of Maryland [poke as follows .* 

Friends and Brethren, the Chiefs or Sacbims of the Six united Nations, 
The Governor of Maryland invited you hitherj we have treated you as 
Friends, and agreed with you as Brethren. 

As the Treaty now made concerning the Lands in Maryland will, we 
hope, prevent effedbually every future Mifunderftanding between us on that 
Account, we will now bind fafter the Links of our Chain of Friendihip 
by a Renewal of all our former Treaties ; and that they niay ftill be the 
better fecured, we {hall prefent you with One Hundred Pounds in Gold. 

What we have further to fay to you is, Let not our Chain contrafl any 
Ruft ; whenever you perceive the leaft Speck, tell us of it, and we will 
make it clean. This we alfo expeft of you, that it may always continue 
fo bright as our Generations may fee their Faces in it ; and, in Pledge of the 
Truth of what we have now fpoken, and our Affedion to you, we give you 
this Belt of Wampum. 

Which was received with the ufual Ceremony. 

CAN AS SATE G 0, in rtturn, fpdie ai frMwsz 

Bf-other Onas, Aflaragoa, and Tocarry-hogan, 

We return you Thanks for your feveral Speeches, which are very agree- 
4ble to us. They contain Matters of fach great Moment, that we propofe 
to give them a very ferious Confideration, and to anfwer them fuitably to 
their Worth and Excellence ; and this will take till To-morrow Morning, 
and when we are ready we will give you due Notice. 

You tell us you beat the French ; if fo, you mull have taken a great 
deal of Rum from them, and can the better fpare us fome of that Liquor 
to make us rejoice with you in the Victory. 

The Governor and Commiffioners ordered a Dram of Rum to be givcrt 
to each in a fmall Glafs, calling it, A French Glafs. 




In the CouRT-HousE at Lancajier, July 4, 1744, A. M. 
The Honourable GEORGE THOMAS, Efq; Governor, &c. 
The Honourable the Commiffioners of Virginia. 
The Honourable the Commiffioners of Maryland. 
The Deputies of the Six Nations. 
Conrad Weifer, Interpreter. 

Brother Onas, 

^ESTERDAY you expreffed your Satisfaftlon In having been inflru- 
■*■ mental to our meeting with our Brethren of Virginia and Maryland. 
Wc, in return, affilre you, that we have great Pleafure in this Meeting, 
and thank you for the Part you have had in bringing us together, in order 
to create a good Underftanding, and to clear the Road ; and, in Token of 
our Gratitude, we prefent you with this String of Wampum. 

Which was received with the ufual Ceremony, 

Brother Onas, ' 

You was pleafed Yefterday to inform us, " That War had been de- 
*' dared between the Great King (t/" England and the French King ; that 
" two great Battles had been foughf, one by Land, and the other at Sea j 
" with many other Particulars." We are glad to hear the Arms of the 
King of England were fuccefsful, and take part with you in your. Joy on 
this Occafion. You then came nearer Home, and told us, " You had left 
*' your Houfe, and were come thus far en Behalf of the whole People of 
*' Pennfyhania to fee us ; to renew your Treaties ; to brighten the Covenant 
*' Chain, and to confirm your Friendlhip with us." We approve this Propo- 
lition ; we thank you for it. We own, with Pleafure, that the Covenant 
Chain between us and Pennfyhania is of old Standing, and has never con- 
traded any Ruft ; we wiih it may always continue as bright as it has done 
hitherto ; and, in Token of the Sincerity of our Wifhes, we prefent you 
tvith this Belt of Wampum. 

Which was received with the Yo-hah. 

Brother Onas, 

You was pleafed Yefterday to remind us of our mutual Obligatioh to 

aflift each other in cafe of a War with the French, and to repeat the Sub- 

jftance of what we ought to do by our Treaties with you j and that as a 
- War 


( 35 ) 

War had been already entered into v^ith the French, you called upon us to 
affift you, and not to fufFer the French to march through our Country to 
diilurb any of your Settlements. 

In anfwer, We affure you we have all thefe Particulars in our Hearts; 
they are frelh in our Memory. We fhall never forget that you and we have 
but one Heart, one Head, one Eye, one Ear, and one Hand. We fhall 
have all your Country under our Eye, and take all the Care' we can to pre- 
vent any Enemy from coming into it ; and, in Proof of our Care, we muft 
inform you, that before we came here, we told * Onantio, our Father, as 
he is called, that neither he, nor any of his People, fhould come through, 
our Country, to hurt our Brethren the Englip, or any of the Settlements 
belonging to them ; there was Room enough at Sea to tight, there he mighc 
do what he pleafed, but he fhould not come upon our Land to do any Da- 
mage to our Brethren. And you may depend upon our ufing. our utmoft 
Care to fee this effeftually done ; and, in Token of our Sincerity, we pre- 
fent you with this Belt of Wampum. 

Which was received ijctth the iifual Ceremony. 

After feme little lime the Interpreter faid, Canafllitego had forgot fome- 
thing material, and defired to mend his Speech, and to do fo as ojten as he 
JlMild omit any thing of Moment, and thereupon he added : 

The Six Nations have a great Authority and Influence over fundry Tribes 
of Indians in Alliance with the French, and particularly over the praying 
Indians, formerly a Part with ourfelves, who ftand in the very Gates of the 
French ; and, to fhew our further Care, we have engaged theJe very Indians; 
and other Indian Allies of the French for you. They will not join the 
French againfl you. They have agreed with us before we fet out. We have 
put the Spirit of Antipathy againlt the French in thofe People. Our Interefl: 
is very confiderable with them, and many other Nations, and as far as ever 
it extends, we fhall ufe it for your Service. 

The Governor faid, Canajfatego did well to mend his Speech ; he might 
always do it whenever his Memory fbould fail him in any Point of Confe- 
fcjuence, and he thanked him for the very agreeable Addition. 

Brother AlTaragoai 

You told us Yeflerday, that all Difputes with you being now at an End; 
you defired to confirm all former Treaties between Virginia and us, and to 
make our Chain of Union as bright as the Sun. 

We agree very heartily with you in thefe Propofitions ; we thank you 
for your good Inclinations ; we delire you will pay no Regard to any idle 
Stories that may be told to our Prejudice. And, as the Difpute about the 
Land is now intirely over, and we perfecSly reconciled, we hope, for the fu- 
ture, we fhall not ad 'towards each other but as becomes Brethren and hijarty 

• Onantio, the Governor of Canadj. 



( 36) 

We are very willing to renew the Friendfliip with you, and to make it as 
firm as poflible, for us and our Children with you and your Children to the 
lateft Generation, and we defire you will imprint thefe Engagements on 
your Hearts in the ftrongeft Manner ; and, in Confirmation that we fhall do 
the fame, we give you this Belt of Wampum. 

Which was received with Yo-hah /rom the Interpreter and all the Nationsi 

Brother Aflaragoa, 

You did let us know Yefterday, tliat tho' you had been difappointed la 
your Endeavours to bring about a Peace between us and the Catawl'as, yet 
you would ftill do the beft to bring fuch a Thing about. We are well 
pleafcd with your Defign, and the more fo, as we hear you know what fort 
of People the Catalvbas are, that they are fpiteful and bflFenfive, and have 
treated us contemptuoufly. We are glad you know thefe Things of the Ca- 
tatvbas ; we believe what you Hy to be true, that there are, notwithftand- 
5ng, fome amongft them who are wifef and better ; and, as you fay, they 
are your Brethren, and belong to the Great King over the Water, we fhall 
not be againfl a Peace on reafonable Terms, provided they will come to the 
Northward to treat about it. In Confirmation of what we fay, and to en- 
courage you in your Undertaking, we give you this String of Wampum; 

Which was received with the ufual Ceremonies t 

Brother Afiaragoa^ 

You told us likewife, you had a great Houfe provided for the Education 
of Youth, and that there were fcveral white People and Indians Children 
there to learn Languages, and to write and read, and invited us to fend fome 
of our Children amongfl you, &c. 

We muft let you know we love our Children too well to fend them fo 
great a Way, and the Indians are not inclined to give their Children Learn- 
ing. We allow it to be good, and we ■ thank you for your Invitation j 
but our Cuftoms differing from yours, you will be fo good as to excufe us. 

We hope * Taracbawagon will be preferved by the good Spirit to a good 
old Age ; when he is gone under Ground, it will be then time enough to 
look out for another ; and no doubt but amongfl: fo many Thoufands aS 
there are in the World, one fuch Man may be found, who will ferve both 
iPafties with the fame Fidelity as Taracbawagon does ; while he lives there 
is no Room to complain. In Token of our Thankfulnefs for your Invita* 
tion, we give you this String of Wampum. 

which was received with the ufual Ceremony. 

Brother Tocarry-hogan, 

You told us Yeflerday, that fince there was now nothing in Controyerfy 
between us, and the Affair of the Land was fettled to your Satisfadbon, 
you would now brighten the Chain of Frieadfhip which hath fubfiflcd bc- 



( 37 ) 

fween you and us ever fiace we became Brethren ; we are well pleafed 
with the Propofition, and we thank you for it ; we alfo are inclined to r»- 
new alL Treaties, and keep a good Correfpondence with you. You told us 
further, if ever we fliould perceive the Chain had contradted any Ruft, to let 
you know, and you would take care to take the Ruft out, and prcferve it 
bright. We agree with you in this, and (hall, on our Parts, do every thing 
fo preferve a good Underftanding, and to live in the fame Friendfliip with 
you as with our Brother Onas and Affaragoa ; in Confirmation whereof, we 
give you this^Bclt of Wampum. 

On which the ufual Cry of Yo-hah was given. 

We have now finifhed our Anfwer to what you faid to us Yefterday, and 
fhall now proceed to Indian Affairs, that are not of fo general a Concern. 

Brother Affaragoa, 
There lives a Nation of Indians on the other Side of your Country, 
the Tufcaroraes, who are our Friends, and with w^hom we hold Correfpon- 
dence ; but the Road between us and them has been flopped for fomc 
Time, on account of the Miibehaviour of fome of our Warriors. We have 
opened a new Road for our Warriors, and they ihall keep to that ; but as 
that would be inconvenient for Meffengcrs going to the Tufcaroraes, we de- 
fire they may go the old Road. We frequently feud Meflengers to one ano- 
ther, and (liall have more Oocafion'to do fo now that we have concluded 
a Peace with the Cherikees. To enforce oui Requeil, we give you this 
String of Wampum. 

Which "Was received luith the ufual Cry of Approbation. 

Brother Affaragoa, 
Among thefe Tufcarorhes there Hve a few Families of the Conoy Indians, 
who are defirous to leave them, and to remove to the reft of their Nation 
among us, and the ftraight Road from them to us lies through the Middle of 
your Country. We delire you will give them free Paffage through Virginia, 
and furnifh them with Pafles ; and, to enforce our Requeft, we give you 
■ (liis String of Wampum. 

Which -was received with the ufual Cry of Approbation. 

Brother Onas, Affaragoa, and Tocarry-hogan, 

At the Clofe of your refpeftive Speeches Yefterday, you mado m very 
handfome Prefents, and we Ihould return you fomething fuitable to your 
Gencrglity ; but, alas, we are poor, and fhall ever remain fo, a£ long as 
there are fo many Indian Traders among us. Theirs and the white Peoples 
Cattle have eat up all the Grafs, and made Deer fcarce. However, we hare 
provided a fmall Prefent for-you, and tho' fome of you gave us more than 
others, yet, as you are all equally our Brethren, we fhall leave it to you to 
divide' it as you pleafe. — And then prefented three Bundles of Skins, which 
were received with the ufual Ceremony from the three Government*. 

K W« 


( 38 ) 

Wc have one Thing further to %, and that is, We heartily recomtnenJ 
Union and a good Agreement between you our- Brethren. Never difagree, 
but preferve a flridt Friendfhip for one another, and thereby you, as well as 
we, will become the ftronger. 

Our wife Forefathers eftablifhed Union and Amity between the Five Nw 
tions ; this h&l made us formidable ; this has given us great Weight and Au- 
thority with our neighbouring Nations. 

We are a powerful Confederacy ; and, by your obferving the fame Me- 
thods our wife Forefathers have taken, you will acquire frefh Strength ind 
Power ; therefore whatever befals you, never fall out one with another. 

The Governor replied : 

Th e honourable Commiffioners of Virginia and Maryland have defired 
me to fpeak. for them ; therefore I, in Behalf of thofe Governments, as well 
as of the Province of Pennfylvania, return you Thanks for the many Proofs 
you have given in your Speeches of your Zeal for the Service of your Brethren 
the Englijh, and in particular for your having fo early engaged in a Neutra- 
lity the feveral Tribes of Indians in the French Alliance. We do not doubt 
but you will faithfully difcharge your Promifes. As to your Prefents, we ne- 
ver eflimate thefe Things by their real Worth, but by the Difpofition of the 
Giver. In this Light we accept them with great Pleafure, and puta'high 
Viilue upon them. We are obUged to you for recommending Peace and good 
Agreement amongft ourfelves. We are all Subjects, as well as you, of the 
Great King beyond the Water ; and,^ in Duty to his Majefty, and from the 
good Afff <SUon wc bear to each other, as well as from a Regard to our own 
Intereft, we fhall always be inclined to live in Friendfhip. 

Then the Commiffioners of Virginia prefented the Hundred' Pounds in 
Goldj together with a Paper, containing a Promife to recommend the Six 
Nations for further Favour to the King ; which they received with lli-hab, 
and the Paper was given by therri to Conrad fVeifer to keep for them. The 
Commiffioners likewife promifed that their publick Meffengers {hould not be 
itiolefted in their Paflage through Virginia, and that they would prepare Pafles 
for fuch of the Conoy Indians as were willing to remove to the Northward. 

Then the Commiffioners of Maryland prefented their Hundred Pounds 
in Gold, which was likewife received with the To-hah. 

Canajfatego faid, We mentioned to you Yeflerday the Booty you had taken 
from the French, and afked you for fome «f the Rum which we fuppofed 
to be Part of it, and you gave us fome ; but it turned out unfortunately 
that you gave us it in French GlafTes, we now defire you will give us fome 
in Englijh Glaffes. 

The Governor made anfwer. We are glad to hear you have fuch a Diflike 
for what h French. They cheat you in your GlafTes, as well as in every thing 
elfe. You muff confider we are at a Diftance from IVilliamJburg, Annapolis, 
and Philadelphia, where our Rum Stores are, and that altho' we brought up 
a good Quantity with us, you have almoft drunk it out ; but, notwithfl:and- 
ing this, we have enough left to fill our EngUJli Glaffes, and will fliew the 



( 39 ) 

Diifence between the Narrownefs of the French, and the Generofity" of 
yourSrethren the Englijh towards you. 

The Indians gave, in their Order, five To-hahs ; and the honourable Go- 
vernor and Commiirioners calling for fome Rum, and feme middle fized 
Wine GlalTes, drank Health to the Great King of England and the Six 
Nations, and put an End to the Treaty by three loud Huzza^s, in which all 
the Company joined. 

In th6 Evening the Governor \vent to take his Leave of the Indians, and, 
prefenting them with a String of Wampum, he told them, that was in return 
for one he had received of them, with a Meflage to defire the Governor of 
Virginia to fufFer their Warriors to go through Virginia unmolefted, which 
was rendered unnecelTary by the ptefent Treaty. 

Then, prefenting them with another String of Wampum, he told them; 
that was in return for theirs, praying him, that as they had taken away ofto 
Part of Conrad IVeiJer's Beard, which frightened their Children, he would 
pleafe to take away the other, which he had ordered to be done. 

The Indians received thefe two Str'ngs of Wampum njoith the ufual Yo-hah. 

The Governor then afked them, what was the Reafon that more of the 
Shawanaes, from their Town on Hohio, were not at the Treaty ? But feeing 
that it would require a Council in Form, and perhaps another Day to give an 
Aafwer, he defired they would give an Anfwer to Conrad fVerfer upon the 
Road on their Return home, for he was to fet out for Philadelphia the next 

CANASSAT'EGO in Conchfwn fpoke as follows : 

We have been hindered, by a great deal of Bufineft, from waiting on yoO, 
to have fdme private Converfation with you, chiefly to enquire after the 
Healths of Onas beyond the Water ; we defire you will tell them, we have a 
gratefiA Senfe of all their KindnefTes for the Indians. Brother Onas told us^ 
when he went away, he would not fi:ay long from us j we think it is a 
great While, and want to know when we may expert hirn, and defire, when 
you write, you will recommend us heartily to him ; which the Governor pro- 
mifed to do, and then took his Leave of them. 

The Commiflloners of Virginia gave Canajfatego a Scarlet Camblet Coatj 
and took their Leave of. them in Form, and at the fame time delivered the 
Paffes to them, according to their Requefl. 

The Commifiioners of Maryland prefented Gacljradodcw with a broad 
Gold-laced Hat, and took their Leave of them in the fame Manner. 

A true Copy, compared by RICHARD PETERSi Secry.- 



A N 


O F T H E 


Held at the C i t v of 

Albany y in the Province of NEW-TORK, 

By His Excellency the 

Governor of that Province, 

And the Honourable the 

Commissioners for the Provinces 
o F 

Massachusetts, Connecticut, 







In OCTOBER, 1745. 


Printed by B. FRANKLIN, at the New-Printing-Office, 
near the Market, M,DCC,XLVI. 



A N 


O F T H E 

T R E A T Y, S"^. 



With the King's Royal Approbation, Lieutenant 

Governor of the Province of Pennfyhanioy and Counties of 
Newcfijile, Kent, and Sujfex, on Delaware, under the Ho- 
nourable John Penn, Thomas Pcnn, and Richard Penn, 
Efqs; trtie and abfolute Proprietors of the faid Province and 

M^ it pleafe the Governor, 

HAVING been honoured with a Commifllon, authorizing us, the 
Subfcribers, in Coojnndion with the Governors of the Neighbour- 
ing Colonies, or their Delegates, or feparately, to treat with the 
Indians of the Six United Nations at Albany, in OSiober laft ; wc 
think it our Duty to render an Account of our Condua: therein ; which be 
pleafed to receive as follows. 

The next Day after the Receipt of the CommifTion, that is, on the Tiventy- 
Jeventh Day of September laft, we fet out for Albany, where we arrived on 
the T^hird of OElober following. On the Fourth of OSlober, the Day ap- 
pointed to treat with the Indians, purfuaht to the Inftru<a:ions given us, we 
waited on the Governor of New-York, acquainted him witli our Appointment, 
and fhewed him the Commiffion by which we were impowered to tteat. 

The Governor defired his Secretary might ta}c£ a Copy of it ; to which 
vre confented. The Indians of Five 6f the Six United Nations, in Number 
ibout Four Hundred and Sixty, arrived the fame Day, none of them Senecas ; 
it being, as we were inform 'd, a Time of great Sicknefs and Mortality among 
them, which prevented their Coming. 




But the Co mmf fEonen from the Mrrgnchufctts not being come, th« 
Treaty was deferred until their Arrival. Two Days after, being the Sixth 
of Oolober in the Evening, we received a MefTage from the Governor of 
New-Tork, by his Secretary, defiring to know of us at what Time we would 
confer with a Committee of his Council, either alone, or with the Com- 
miffioners of the other Colonies, all then arrived, viz. 

For the Majachufetts, 

"Jacob Wendell, Efq; a Member of the Council, 
John Stoddarf, ^ 

Samuel Wells, > Efqs; Members of Affembly. 

'Thomas Hutchinfon, ) 

For ConneSiicut Colony, 
Wolcot, Efqj Lieutenant Governor, And 

Col. Stanley. 

We agreed to return our Anfwer to his MefTage in the Morning. 

Accordingly in the Morning we returned our Anfwer by James Read, 
that we would meet the Committee of Council at a Quarter after Ten that 
Day, and chole to have our firft Conference with them only. About the Time 
appointed we went j but the Commiffioners from the other Colonies coming 
into the Room foon after, deprived us of the feparate Conference propofed. 
Being all thus met, the Gentlemen of the Council, to nvit, Daniel Horfmanden, 
atid Jofeph Murray, Efqs; let us know, they were appointed by the Governor 
of 'N^^-Tork, a Committee to confer with us concerning the Treaty which 
was to enfue ; that their Governor defired to be inform'd of our Sentiments, 
whether we were inclinable to fpeak to the Indians cf the United Nations 
feyi.i\;tely, or whether we thought a joint Speech to be delivered on Behalf 
ol all the Colonies, might be beft, either being indifferent to him. 

The CommifTioners from 'New-England i\tc\z.xtA their Opinions for a joint 
Speech, as what would l];ow our Union, and confequently, have the greater 
Weight with the Indians. On the Part of Pennfyhania it was objected, 
that we had divers Matters in Charge which related to our own Government 
only, which would be improper in fuch a joint Speech ; and perhaps it 
might be the Cafe of other of the Colonies : That fuch a joint Speech would 
require much Time in forming ; and with Difficulty, if at all likely to be 
agreed on. 

But it was replied, this would be befl judged of when the Heads of 
fuch joint Speech were read ; and the Committee of Council producing 
what they had prepared to this Purpofe, it was agreed to be read. On 
Reading of which we obferved, that it mentioned a Complaint againfl the 
Eaflern Indians for killing fome white People ; and flierefore, among other 
Things, propofed the Indians of the Six United Nations fhould be put on 
declaring War againfl: the Eaflern Indians ; and to affure them that the fe- 
veral Colonies would fupport them in it. To this Article it was objedled, 
en the Part of Pennfyhania, That it was ncceffary the Legiflature of each 




Government fliould be confulted before the Indians were put on Declaring 
of War : That it would bfe very mifchievous to all the Colonies, as it woald 
be a Means of drawing the War nearer on their Borders : That the Indiana 
did not feem difpofed to enter into a War with each other, but rather to rcT 
main Neutral : That in this Difpofition, little better could be expeded from 
them than what was remarked to be the Cafe in the laft War, when the 
Indians of oppofite Parties paffed each other without fighting, and only 
fcalp'd the white People : That as to the People who had been killed, the 
Indians might be put on demanding Satisfadlion, and might poflibly obtain 
it, and prevent the Caufe of War ; or if they were put on Declaring of War, 
at leaft Care fhould be firft taken to provide them with the Requifites necef- 
fary for defending themfelves, and carrying on fuch War ; without which, 
it would in Effedt, be a Betraying them. What Provillon was made by the 
Government of New-York, the Gentlemen of the Council beft knew. In 
Pennfylvania we knew no Provifion was made for them. That therefore 
if this Article was inferted in the Speech propofed, we mult infiit on Treating 
feparately. To the Propofal for putting the Indians of the Six United Na- 
tions on demanding Satisfadtion, one of the CommilTioners of the Mafj'achii- 
Jetts 2Ln(wcTed, That Propofal ought to come on the Part of the Indians-, 
for that if no more was propofed to them on the Behalf of the Gawrn-- 
ments, than that they fhould demand Satisfadtion for the Iniury done, they 
would offer fomcthing yet lefs. At length it was agreed all the other Go- 
vernments, Pennfylvania excepted, fhould treat jointly ; and we were defired 
to be affiftant in their joint Treaty fo far as we judged fit. 

A Committee was then named to prepare the joint Speech to be deli- 
vered by the Governor oi Neiv-Tork. When it was prepared we were to 
meet again to confider the lame. 

It was two Days after this before the Speech was ready; and in the 
mean Time the Governor and Council of New-York Enquiry concern- 
ing the Alarm which happened the laft Winter amongft the Mohawks, oc- 
cafioned by a Report fprcad amongft them that the EngiiJ}} were coming to 
cut them off. To this Purpofe the Governor of New-York fent for the 
Mohawks^ and let them know that the String of Wampum which had been 
fent him by them not to make any further Enquiry concerning that Affair, 
he could not accept of; that it was neceffary the Authors of this falfe Rumour 
fhould be known and puniflied ; and therefore he infifted they would dif- 
cover all they knew concerning the Authors ; and if they had any other 
Caufe of Uneafinefs, to communicate it to him : And thereupon he deli- 
vered back the String of Wampum fent him. The Mohawks agreed to re- 
turn their Anfwer the next Day. Some of the Mohawks accordingly at- 
tended the Governor o^ New-Tor k the next Day, and named to him a Per- 
fon who they faid was the Author of this falfe Alarm. The Perfon beinz 
fent for, owned his having heard and mentioned the Report ; but deny'a 
his being the Author of it. 

After the ftridefl: Enquiry and Examination, the Governor and Council 
fecmed to believe him innocent, and that the Rumour had been raifed and 
fpread by Means of fome one or more of the Mohawks themfelves, 

B Cm 


On the Tenth of OSiober, the Speech propofed to be delivered to tht 
Indians by the Governor of Neie-Tork, being prepared, wc were defired to 
meet the other Commiffioners, "and hear the fame read. Accordingly, about 
Ten of the Clock in the Forenoon, we met them ; the Speech was read j 
after which it was objed:ed on the Part of Penn/yhania, that it contain'd a 
Narrative of many Fadts to which we were altogether Strangers ; and there- 
fore were not proper to be made Parties in the Relation : That it preffed the 
Indians on making of War ; which we thought might be attended with mif^ 
chievous Confequences to all the Colonies : That as we are to treat feparately> 
and they had already heard our Reafons againft a War, they muft judge for 
themfelves how far it would be prudent in them to prefs it. The Relult was, 
the Commiffioners of the other Colonies agreed to the Speech, as it had been 
prepared ; and in the Afternoon of the fame t)ay, the Deputies of the 
United Nations were defired to attend the Governor of New-Tori : They 
came accordingly ; and the Governor in Behalf of his Government, and 
thofe of the Majachu/etts and Conne&icut, and in the Prefencc of the Com- 
miffioners from thence, read the Speech agreed on ; which was interpreted 
to the Indians : A Copy whereof was delivered to us, and follows in thefe 
Words, viz. 


HERE are prefent upon the Occafion of this Interview, Commiffioners 
from the Governments of the Maffachufetts-Bay and ConneSlieut, con- 
ven'd with me on the fame righteous Intention of Renewing, Bright'ning, 
and Strengthening the Covenant Chiin which has tied you and His Britannick 
Maiefty's feveral Colonies on this Continent, in the firmeft Engagements to 
each other, for Supporting and Maintaining our Common Caufe. 

We are glad to fee fo many of our Brethren, and we bid you Welcome 
here ; at the fame Time, that we heartily condole the Abfence of our Bre- 
thren the Senecas, and the Calamities which have occafioned it ; may the 
Almighty comfort them under their grievous Afflidlions, and foon wipe off 
all Tears from their Eyes. 

We do with you our Brethren, and with you as their Reprcfentatives, 
ratify, confirm, and eftablifli all former Engagements entred into by us and 
our Brethren of the Six United Nations ; and aflure you, that we fhall ever 
hold them inviolable, and wc doubt not of the fame from you. 

^ BELT. 

The Rumour which laft Winter gave an Alarm to our Brethren the 
Maquas, and was from thence fpread to the other Nations, now appears to 
have been without Foundation ; and I cannot help obferving on this Occafion, 
that you ought not for the future to fuffer any fuch idle Tales to be raifed or 
propagated among you, as they not only tend to feparate your and our Affec- 
tions each from the other ; but alfo to make us jealous of our own People, 
•without fufficient Grounds for it. 

A String ofWamfum. 



t 7] 

It rriuft be further obferved to you, that we hear feveral of the Chiefs and 
others ot our Brethren of the Six Nations, have contrary to our Inclinations, 
and againft our exprefs Advice, had an Inteiviev^ with the Governor of 
Canada this Summer at Montreal. 

And that your Pretence for holding this Correfpondence with our declared 
Enemies, was for the publick Good and the Prefervation of the Houfc at 


To tell the Governor of Canada that they muft not make any Attack or 
Attempt upon that Place, for that our Brethren are refolved to defend it, 
and that it fhould remain a Place of Peace and Trade. 

Yot; declared your Intent was Good, and that the Governor oi Canada 
fhould never prevail upon you in any Thing hurtful to your Brethren the 
Englijh, who you knew did not like your going thither ; that yet upon your 
Return from thence, your Brother the Governor of New-Tork fhould know 
all that paited between them and the Governor of Canada. 

We will tell our Brethren what we hear was done, whilft they were with 
the Governor of Canada, and we expedt the whole Truth from them accord- 
ing to their Promife, and whether what we hear is true or not. 

We hear that whilft our Brethren were with the Governor of Canada, the 
French Indians took up the Hatchet againft the Englijl} ; which we believe 
to he true, for Rcafons you {hall hear by and by ; and thereby the Treaty of 
Neutrality concluded between you and them, is become vain. 

We hear likewife, that our Brethren of the Six Nations there prefent, 
were fo far prevailed upon by our Enemies the French, as to accept of the 
Hatchet, upon Condition to carry it home to their Council to deliberate upon, 
and then to return the Governor of Canada their Anfwer ; which we cannot 
believe to be true^ till we have it from our Brcthrens own Mouths. 

We expeft a plain and full Anfwer from our Brethren concerning thefe 
Matters, that the Way may be cleared, for wiping off all Stains fiom the 
Covenant Chain ; and that we may preferve it bright, firm, and inviolable, as 
long as the Sun fhall fhine. 


We muft now acquaint you of fome Things relating to the War ; the 
Succefs of his Majefty's Arras againft the French in this Part of the World ; 
and the Rife and Occafion of our Attacks upon the Enemy in this Quarter. 

When you were here laft Summer, you were told that War was declar'd 
between the Crowns oi Great-Britain and France : The Events that have 
fincc happened arc too numerous to relate particularly. 

His Majefty's Sobjefts in this Country lay ftiU the laft Summer without 
attempting any Thing againft the French Settlements .- But the French firft 

attack 'd 



attacTc'd and deftroyed a fmall Place belonging to us cali'd Canfo, about twenty 
five Leagues from Cape Breton. 

Afterwards they \3\6.SitoQ to Annapolis-Royal; but therein they pro- 
ved unfuccefsful. 

They then agreed to make another Trial for that Place next Spring ; and 
in the mean Time they fent to France, hoping to obtain feme of the K ing's 
Ships to facilitate the Redudtion of it. 

They having proceeded thus far, Mr. Shirley, the Governor of the Maf- 
fachufetts-Bay, thought it high Time to do fomething to c.rb the Infolencc 
of that haughty People ; and did therefore raife a fmall Army, which was 
joined by a Number of Men from the Governments oiC'nneSlicut and New- 
Hampfiire, and lent them early laft Spring againft Louijburgh. 

They were likewife ioined by a Number of His Majefly's Ships of War ; 
and after about feven Weeks Si^e, that important and ftrong fortified Place 
was, through the Goodnefs of Divine Providence, delivered up to our Forces. 

Whereup-on the reft of the Inhabitants of the Ifland oi Cape Breton, to- 
gether with thofe that were fettled in Parts adjacent, furrendred thtmfelves 
Prifoners to the Englijh. 

And during the Siege, and fince, many French Ships were taken, and 
divers of them of great Value ; and the Defign of the French againft Anna- 
folis-Royal was fruftrated. 

We have in this Part of the Country lain ftill, both the laft Summer and 
this, hoping that our Neighbours in Canada would either be quiet, or carry 
on the War in a manly and chriftian-like Manner. 

And to induce them thereto, a Meffage was fent from this Place to the 
Government oi Canada the laft Summer, by which he was afllired, that if 
he fliould renew their former vile Pradice of treating His Majefty's Subjeds 
inhumanly, the feveral Governors, together with the Six Nations, would 
join and make Reprifals on them. 

And at the fame Time yoa publickly declared, That if any of His Ma- 
jefty's Subjeds, in any of His Governments, fliould be killed by any Indian, 
you would immediately join in the War againft them and the French. 

You likewife fent your Delegates laft Summer to the Eaftern Indians to 
warn them not to engage in the War againft the Englijh, thrcatning them 
in Cafe they ftiould do fo. 

Notwithstanding thefe Things, divers Hoftilities have been com- 

Some Months ago the Eaftern Indians, who had formerly acknowledged 
their Subjedion to the Grown of Great Britain, entred into folcmn En- 
gagements with the King's Subjeds, and had been fince treated by them 
-with great Kmdnefs. 



Bur at'the InlVigation of the Fre>:cb, they have lately killed one En^llJJj- 
ptan, and alfo gr^'jt Numbers of Horles and Cattle ; burnt a Saw-Mill, "and 
many Dwelling-houleSj and attack'd an Englifi Gvixuion. 

NoTwiTHSTANJJiNG fuch outrageoiis Infults, the Goverror of Majj'achu- 
fefts-Bay was fo tender of them, that he refented it no further than to 
fend a Meffage to them, demanding the Delivery of the Murderers, as they 
would avoid the Confequence of their Negleft. 

This Prop»(al was rejeded by theth, and fince that Time they have killed 
two or three others ; whereupon the Governor of the MaJJachuJetti declared 
War againft them. 

And we are informed the Englijl) have killed two of them, and taken 
another Prifoner. 

About three Months fince fome of the Canada-Indians killed two Eng- 
glijhvien near ConncSliatt River ; the Body of one of them was treated in a 
moft barbarous Manner, by which they left a Hatchet of War, tJiereby dar- 
ing us to take it up and return it. 

There has likewife been feveral other Parties that have attempted to 
deftroy his Majelty's Subjefts of Nfic-Engla/.'d, but have hitherto been pre- 

These Fads plainly fliew that the French are ftill aded by the fame Spi- 
rit that they were formerly governed by ; and they feem never pleafed but 
when they are at War, either with the ErigliJJj, or fome of the Tribes of 
Indians ; and if they had it in their Power, they would doubtlefs deftroy 
all about them. 

It is likewife evident, that the moft folemn and iacred Engagements are 
broken through by thoTe Indians that have committed the late Murders. 

That Belts of Wampum will not bind them to the Performance of 
their Promifes. 

That we are flighted, and you contemned, as though they thought you 
not worthy to be regaxded. 

Bu t now the Frenfh and their Indians, by the little Regard theyhave {hewn 
to your Threatnings, or to the Covenants they have made with you, do de- 
clare that they think you do not intend to peiform what you have threatned, 
or that they do not fear your Difplealure ; both which do refled equal Dif- 
honour on you. 

It is high Time for us and you to exert our felves and vindicate our Ho- 
nour ; and although it is well known that we delight not in the Deftrudion of 
our Fellow-creatures, but have chofen rather to fuffer our felves to be abufed ; 
yet we cannot think our felves obliged any longer to bear their Infults and 
evil Treatment. 

C Therefore 


[ 10 ] 

Therefore fince neither our peaceable Dlfpofitions, nor Examples, nor 
&ny Methods we have been able to ufe, have been fufficient to prevail upon 
them to forbear their barbarous Treatment of us, but they will force our 
Refentments; in the Napie of GOD, we are relolved, not only to defend 
cur felves, but by all proper Ways and Methods to endeavour to put it out 
of their Power to mifufe and evil intreat us as they have hitherto done. 

And we doubt not of your ready and chearful Concurrence with us, 
agreeable to your folemn Promife made in this Place laft Summer, in joining 
-with us againft our Enemies the French, and fuch Indians as are or ihall be 
infligated by them ; for we efteem them Enemies to God, as well as to 
all their Fellow-Creatures who dwell round about them. 

A large Belt, with the Figure of a Hatchet bung to it. 

The publick Affairs of my Government have prevented my Meeting 
you fooner. 

I WAS apprehenfive I fhould not have been able to meet you this Fall, and 
it was determined upon on a fudden, fo that there could not be timely Notice 
fent to the re'll of His Majefty's Governments, or, I doubt not, they would 
likewife have fent Commiffioners to be prefent at this Interview. 

We are all fubjedl to the fame Prince, united in the fame Bonds of Duty 
and Allegiance to the Great King, our common Father, and in Friendfliip 
and Affedion to each other ; and in this Union confifts that Strength that 
makes us formidable to our Enemies, and them fearful of our Refentments. 

We are all united with you in the fame Covenant-chain, which as long as 
■Wre preferve it free from Ruft, muft remain impregnable : And you on your 
Parts, have declared that you will preferve it fo Ibong and bright, that it 
fhall not be in the Power of the Devil himfelf, with all his Wiles and Art, 
to break or dirty it. 

You are alfo united with all the far Nations of Indians in League with 
our Great King, with whom we recommend to you to preferve ftridl Friend- 
fhip, and hold frequent Correfpondence. 

That your felves, who many of you live fcattered and difperfed; fhould 
dwell in Bodies .clofer together, as you have heretofore promifed to do. 

And we advife you to keep your young Men at home, and within Call, 
excepting fuch as may be fent from Time to Time a Huntmg, or againft our 
Enemies ; and you may depend upon the moft ready and effedual Affiftance 
from us in all Times of Danger, 

The Indians of the United Nations promifed to call a Council the next 
Morning; and, if they could, to return their Anfwer to this Speech the 
fame D. y. 

The next Day we- waited on the Governor of Neiv-Tork, and delivered 
to him, according to our Agreement, the Speech we propos'd to make to 



[ " ] 

the Indta?2S of the United Nations, in order for his Perufal, and then to 
be returned us ; which he promifed to do by the next Morning. 

OCTOBER the Twelfth, in the Morning, we received a Meffage from 
the Governor of New-Tor k, with the Speech he propoled to make to the 
Mohiggans, or River hidians ; which we pcrufed, and returned to the Se- 
cretary, without making any Objcftions againft what was propofed to be faid 
to them. Some Time after we received a fecond Meffage, defiring us to be 
prefent when the Governor delivered this Speech, and at the Receiving the 
Anfwer of the Six Nations to the Speech made to them. 

We attended accordingly. The CommifTioners for the Maffachufetts and 
ConneBiciit &\{o 2i.ntnAtd : And the Speech prepared for thz Kwtx Indians 
was read by Paragraphs, and tranflated to them ; a Copy of which wa9 
delivered us, and is as follows : 


I A M glad to fee you here, and bid you welcome. I fent for you to meet 
me at this Place, that I mi^^ht have an Opportunity tc renew and confirm 
the Covenants and Engagements made from Time to Time between us. And 
I do now publickly promife, that nothing ihall be wanting on my Part ; but 
that the Covenant Chain fliall remain bright and ftrong for ever. 

I MUST put you in minH of what you promifed me laft Year. You en- 
gaged that you would keep your People at Home, which, I am informed, 
you have not done ; but many of your People have lately left Schahkook, 
and are ':,one to Canajoherie, and fome to Atto-waivie. I want to know for 
what Reafon they have left their Habitations, and charge you to fend for 
them back as foon as you can ; and that you would live together at Schahhok. 
A String of Wampum. 

Last Year I acquainted you that War was declared between the Great 
King, your Father, and the French King ; and told you what I expedted of 
you. You anfwered mcj that in all Things relating to the War you would 
take the Six Nations for an Example ; which I expeft you will do. 

To this Speech the Rivei Indians the fame Day returned their Anfwer ; 
of which, with what further paft between them and the Governor of New - 
Torkf we obtained a Copy, which follows in thefe Words : 


WE are glad to fee you here in Health. Your Children here prefent 
bid you all welcome. 

You have renewed the Covenant, and have alTured us that you will keep 
it inviolable. We do now likewife affure you, that nothing fhall be wanting 
on our Parts, but that we will keep the Covenant Chain clear and free from 



L 'i] 

When we were here laft, you told us that you was glad to fee fb great a 
Number of us together ; and now you aik us what is the Reafon fo many of 
us have left Schahkook and are gone to Canajoberie and Attowawie ; and that 
you are forry fo many of us have left our Habitations. 

Yoi; have told us that War is proclaimed between the Englip and prencb, 
and that you defigned to go and fight the French. You told us that we 
fhould do as our Uncles the Six Nations did with refped to the War. 

You told us that you would keep the Covenant ; and we are refolved to 
do the fame ; as a Token whereof we give this 

You muft not be furprized that fo many of our People have left Schahkook. 
They are not gone to a ftrange Country, but are onJy among our Uncles 
the Six Nations, with whom we are united in Covenant. 
A String of Wampum. 

Respecting the War with the French, we will do as the Six Nations, and 
our Father ; and will take them for Examples in all Things relating thereto. 

We are glad the Six Nations defign to fend fome of their People to Ca- 
naia, to treat with the Indians there. We have been two or three Times 
to the Carrying-place to treat with fome of thofe Indians, in order to keep 
Peace ; and delign to fend fome of our People to Canada, to fpeak with fome 
of the Indians there, upon the fame Bufinefs. 
Give Jome Skint, 

His Excellency recommended to them, that they fhould ufe their Edea- 
vours to prevail upoh the AJchicanhcook Indians, and all the reft of the Indians 
who have left their old dwelling Place, to return to Schahkook. 

They anfwcred, they would. 

The Indians of the United Nations then delivered their Anfwer to the 
Speech made to them, Canajfatego he'mg Speaker : A Copy of which, with 
what enfued, as we received it, follows in thefe Words. 


TW O Days ago you fpoke to us, and we are now come to give you our 
Anfwer. You muft not exped: that we can anfwer particularly to the 
feveral Heads you mentioned to us, but only to the principal Articles. You 
have renewed to us the Covenant Chain, and we do now renew the fame on 
our Parts ; and it is impoffible that it can ever Ruft, for we daily wipe off' the 
Ruft and Dirt, and keep it clean ; which we will ever continue to do. 

A BELT. Brethren, 

You thought h to mention to us, that there h;d been an Uproar among 
us laft Winter, and told us. We ought not to entertain any fuch Notions of 
you our Brethren, efpcciaHy as we had no Grounds to beheve any fuch Thinp;. 
It IS true, Brethren, there was fuch a Rumour among us ; but it was imme- 
diately buried and torgot ; and we did not exped that our Brethren would 
have mentioned any Thing concerning that Affair to us, at this Intetview ; 
and we defire you to think no more of it. Wc are always mindtiil of the 
Covenants bstween usand oar Brethren ; and here is a Certificate *, whereby 
it appears, that we are in Covenant with our Brethren oi J^ojlon. 
A String of Wampum. 

You fpokc to us concerning our going to Cmmda, and told us, tliat thf 
Commilhoners of Indian Affairs had lalt Winter told us not to go there ; but 
fome of us went. As to what you tell us, that we had taken up the Hatchet 
aganfl: you our Brethren, and promiftd him to confider of it at home, it is 
not fo. The Mohawks and Tujkaroroes at their Return, gave the Commif- 
fioners o( Indian Affairs, an Account of all thatpafled there ; and we are con- 
vinced that that Account is true, 

You have thought fit to relate to us feveral Particulars concerning the 
War between you 'and the French, and what Reafon you had for taking up 
the Hatchet agaiuft the French and their Indians. We thank you forgiving 
us a particular Account of the Provocations and Inducements you had for 
declaring War ag.;inft them. You have alfo mentioned to us, that we are one 
Body and one Fielh, and that if one of us is touched or hurt, the other is like- 
wife ; and youJi-ivc inforoaed us; that you were molefled and attacked by the 
Enemy, and had therefore taken up the Hatchet againft them, and defired, 
as we are one FlcHi with you,- that we would alfo take up the Hatchet againfl: 
the French, and tho(e under their fni^uence, in Conjundtion with you. We 
jSzV Nrtj/o/w accept of the Hatchet, and will keep it in our Bofom. We are 
in Alliaiice with a great Number of hv Indians, and if we.fliouldfo fuddenly 
lift up the Hatchct» without acquainting our Allies, it would perhaps dif- 
oblige them > we will therefore, before we make Ufe of the Hatchet againfl; 
the French, or their Indians, fend four of our People who are now ready, to 
Canada, to demand Satisfadion for the Wrongs they have done our Brethren ; 
and if they refufe to make Satisfadtion, then we will be ready to ufe the 
Hatchet again ft tlaem, whenever our Brother th^ Governor oi New-lorkj 
or-ders us to do it. 


His Excellency afk'd them what Time they thought neceffary to fee whe- 
ther the French Indians would make fuch Satisfadtion ? 

They anfwered. Two Months. 

• They here produc'd a Certificate under the Seal of tJve Mefachufi/ti. 

D Hi^ 


[ 14] 

His Excellency aflced them, That if in Cafe the Enemy (hould commit 
any further Hoftilities in the mean time. Whether they would then, upon 
his Commands, immediately make Ufe of the Hatchet ? 

They anfwered. Yes. 

You defired us to gather together our People who are fcattered, and to 
fettle in a Body ; efpecially as it is very uncertain how foon we may have occa- 
fion for them : Your Requeft is very reafonable, and we will ufe our En- 
deavours to that End. 

We have now finiftied our Anfwer ; and have nothing further to fay, but 
only one Requeft to make to you all ; which is, That you our Brethren 
fhould be all united in your Councils, and let this Belt of Wampum ferve to 
bind you all together ; and if any Thing of Importance is to be communi- 
cated to us, by any of you, this is the Place where it fhould be done. 

The Anfwer thus delivered by the United Nations, was received with 
the Approbation of the Governor oi New-Tor k ; the Commiffioncrs from 
the Maffachujetts only expreiled their DilTatisfadtion ; for that, as they 
alledged, the Indians the laft Year had engaged, that if Hoftilities were com- 
mitted againft the Englijh, they would in fuch Cafe, declare War : That 
Hoflilities had been fmcc committed ; and therefore that by thofe Engage- 
ments, the Six Nations ought now to declare War with the French and 

This Day we propofed to have delivered our Speech to the Indians ; but 
the Time being too far fpent, and this the laft Day of the Week, we were 
obliged to poftpone it, until the Beginning of the next. 

The Fourteenth of October, being the Time we appointed for fpeaklng 
with the Indians, we gave Diredions to Conrad Weifer to give them Notice to 
attend. But before they came to the Place appointed, we received a Meflage 
from the Governor of New-Tork, that he was then met in Council, and 
defired to fpeak with us. We went accordingly. When we came to the 
Governor's, befides himfelf and his Council, there were prefent the Com- 
miffioners from the Majj'achujetts ; who then prefented lo the Governor 
Letters that they had received by an Exprefs, giving an Account that a 
Party of French and Indians, had a few Days before made an Attack on the 
Great Meadow Fort, about Fifty Miles, as we are informed, from Albany. 
That they had taken Prifoner a Perfon whom they found at fome Di- 
ftance from it. That two others coming down a Creek near that Fort, were 
fhot at,one killed, the other made his Efcape. The Number of French and 
Indians was not mentioned. On reading of thefe Letters, the Commiffioners 
for the Majjachufetts were requefted to be explicit in what they defired 
on this Occafion. They thereupon reprefented. That their Government 
thought it unrcafonable the whole Burden of the War fhould remain on 


[ 15] 

one Province, whilft the reft remained Neutral : That they defired tlie In- 
dians of the Six Nations might be engaged to affift them : That tho" they 
thought it was reafoiiable other Provinces ihould bear a Part of the Expence ; 
yet rather than w^ant the Affiftance of the Indians on the prefent Occafion, 
they would be at the whole Expence themfelves. The Governor of New- 
Tork complained, the Maff'acbufetts Government had been too pjecipitate in 
their Declaration of War : That the other Governments were not obliged to 
follow the Example : Said that he had done all in his Power towards being 
better provided for a War : That in the Condition the Inhabitants of that 
Province were in on the Borders, it would be imprudent in him to engage 
the Indians of the Six Nations in a War : That proper Provifion (hould firft 
be made, which could not be done without his Affembly, who were to fit 
in a little Time, and before whom he would lay this Affair. After this, 
and more of like Import faid, we parted. The Governor oi Neiv-York hav- 
ing delivered the Prcfents Irom that Government to the Indians of the 
United Nations, embarked for the City of New-Tor S and we proceeded to 
meet the Indians according to our Appointment. When we came to the 
Place agreed on for this Purpoie, we found the Deputies of the United 
Nations attending, and the Speech we had before agreed on was now read, 
and interpreted to them by Conrad Weifer ; the Interpreters of New-York 
and the Majfachiifetts being alfo prefent, and affifling : Which Speech fol- 
lows in theie Words : 

Brethren of the Six Nations, 

AL T H O' it is not long fince a Treaty was held with you in Pennfyl- 
vania, yet our Governor, and the Affembly of the Province, being 
informed of your coming hither, have, at the Invitation of the Governor of 
New-Tor k, fent us here, to be prefent at the Treaty now held with you. 
We attend accordingly, and are glad to fee you. In Token whereof, wc 
prefent you with this 

String of Wampum: 

Before your laft going to Canada, you promifed our Governor, That on 
your return you would open your Hearts, and give a full Account of all that 
paffed between you and the French Governor ; and We have it in Charge to 
defire you now to perform this Promife. 

We are alfo to put you in Mind, that, by the Treaty made lafl Year with 
our Governor, at Lamafler, you promifed him, that neither the Governor 
o{ Canada, nor any of his People, fhould come through your Country to hurt 
your Brethren the Englijh, nor any of the Settlements belonging to them : 
Notwithftanding which, fome of the Shawnefe Indians, in Conjundtion with 
fome Frenchmen from Canada, committed a Robbery on our Traders, and 
took from them a great Quantity of Goods. This, our Governor fometime 
fince gave you Notice of by Conrad IVeifer, and you undertook to demand 
Satisfaction for the Injury, of the Governor of Canada and the Shawnefe 
Indians. We therefore now defire to be informed whether you have made 
this Demand, and what Satisfaftion you have obtained. The Frenchmen 
who did this Injury came through the Lands you claim, and the Robbery 
was committed on our T raders on thofe Lands. It was therefore a manifeft 



[ 'O 

Breach of the Neutrality the Governor oi Canada pretended to obferve towards 
you, and (hews the Perfidy of the French, and that they regard the Treaties 
they make, no longer than whilft they think it their Intereft lo to do. 

We hope their Example will not influence you, but that you will fulfi) 
all the Treaties you have entered into with your Brethren the Englilh. To 
imprefs this on your Miilds, and to enforce our Requeft, we prefent you 
with this 

Belt of Wampum. 

Besides what we have already faid, we are alfo to remind you, that our 
Governor, at the Requeft of the Government of Virgitiia, became a Media- 
tor between you and the Southern Indians called Catabaws : And you pro- 
mifed him next Spring to fend Deputies to Philadelphia, to meet fom6 of 
rJation, in order to conclude a Peace with thttn : And that in the mean 
Time all Holtilities (hall be fufpended. But our Governor is fmce informed 
that a Party of the OnePdes Warriors are gone to attack the Catabaws. Whe- 
ther this be true or not, 'or whether any of your young Men went without 
jjur Knowledge, we do not know ; and therefore defire you now to inform 
us of all the Particulars ; and if any of your Warriors are gone againft the 
Citabaivs, ihat you will forthwith recal them, and take Care that no more 
go again it them during the Time agreed on. 

You may remember, that at a Treaty held with our Government at Phila- 
delphia, in the Year One Thoufand Seven Hundred and Thirty Two, you 
were advifed, " To call home all thofe of your Nations who were at Canada, 
" or live amongft the French ; left if any Occafion or Difference ftiould arife, 
" they might be prevented from returning." This, in your Anfwer made 
to our Governor in the Year One Thouland Seven Hundred Thirty Six, you 
call " Sound Advice, fay the French were formerly your cruel Enemies, 
" and that you were taking fuch Mealures as you hoped would be effectual 
" to bring back your People if any new Breach fl'ould happen." 

The French are a fubtle People. A Breach hath now happened, occafi- 
ontil by an unjuft Declaration of War made by the French King againft the 
King of Great Britain and His Subjects ; and, no doubt, if any of your Peo- 
ph live amongft the French, they will endeavour to engage them in their 
Service ; and, therefore, we think you would afl; very prudently, as foon as 
is poffiblc, to perfuadethem to return and fettle amongft you. To enforce 
this Rt ];:eft, we prefent you with this 
Belt of Wampum. 

We have more to fay to you from our Governor ; but this we mufl defer 
until we hear your Anfwer to what we have already faid. 

This Speech being interpreted to them, and the Indians, by CannafJ'etcgo 
vheir Chief, fignifying their Intention of an immediate Confultation, and in 
a little Time to return us an Anfwer, we withdrew. 




Some Time after being informed the Indians were come to a Refult, wc 
again met them, and received their A nfwer ; the Subftance of which, as the 
fame was tranflated to Us, is as follows, the aforefiiid CanajjaUgo bein» 


YO U that come from Pennfyhania to reprefent ou» Brother Onas, you 
tell us that you come hither at the Invitation of the Governor of New- 
York, to the Council Fire at Albany, to hear what palTes between us and 
our Brother the Governor of New-TorL You were pleafed to fignify to us; 
that you were glad to fee us, for which we return you our hearty Thanks'. 
We are likewife glad to fee you, in Token wherefore we return you this 
String of Wampum. 

The firft Thing you required of us this Morning was, that we would give 
you an Account of all that pafled between us and "the Governor of Canada^ 
at our laft Vifit to him, according to the Promife we made the laft Summer 
to Conrad Weifer, your Interpreter, at OJivego. And fince you defire to hear 
with your own Ears, we are now ready to do it, tho' it will take up Time, 
and, therefore, another Opportunity might have fuited better. Our Going 
to Montreal was at the Invitation of the Governor oi Canada. At our com- 
ing there, feveral great Men, as well of the French, as Indians, being dead 
fince our laft Journey there, we, according to our Cuftom, fpent fome Days 
in bewailing their Death. During this Time, divers of the French Council 
took an Opportunity of founding us, to learn from us how the War went 
on with the Englifi, and how far we were engaged therein. On which 
Occafion we told them, That formerly we had inconfiderately engaged in 
Wars, but that we looked upon tliis War, as a War between the Englijb 
and French only, and did not intend to engage on either Side ; for that the 
French and EngliJ)} made War, and made Peace, at Pleafure ; but when the 
Indians once engaged in Wars, they knew not when it would end. We 
alfo told the French, that they knew, and all the World knew, the Coun- 
tries on which we were fettled, and particularly the Lakes, were ours ; 
and, therefore, if they would fight our Brethren, the Englifi, they ought to 
fight on the fait Water, and that they muft not come over our Land to di- 
fturb them, orto obftrud the Trade at O/wfg-o. That they, the French^ 
had two trading Houfes on thofe Lakes, with which they ought to be con- 
tented. The Governor of Canada promifed us he would not do it unlefs 
the King his Mafter Hiould command him, and then he muft obey. While 
thefe Things pafs'd, News arrived at Montreal, df the taking of Cfl/>f Breton 
hy the. Englip, at which the French were much alarmed ; and the Governor 
thereupon fcnt for all the Indians then z.t. Montreal, to wit, the. French Indians, 
and us, the Deputies of the Six Nations, who met together in a large Houfe, 
where the Governor of Canada taking in his Hand a large Belt of Wampum, 
3n which the Figure of a Hatchet was wrought, fpeaking to us of the Si:i 
Nations, faid as follows : 

Your Brethren the Englijh have already taken one of my Towns (mean- 
ing Cape Breton) and their Fleet I fuppofe is now coming up to ^iebec ; 
E anfi> 



and therefore I muft take up the Hatchet to defend my felf againft them. 
As for you, my Children (fpeaking_to the French Indians) I have no Occa- 
fion to fay much to you, for you muft hve and die with me, and cannot deny 
jne youf Affiftance. And as for you, my Children of the Six Nations (fpeak- 
ing to us) he further faid, I know you love your Brethren the Englijh, and 
therefore I ihall not fay much to you ; perhaps you would not be pleafed with 
it : But Children, faid he, fhould know their Duty to their Father. Then 
fpeaking to us all, he defired fuch who loved him to go with him and aifift 
him in defending ^ebec ; and that thofe who went with him need not to 
take any thing with them fave their Tobacco Pouches ; that he would pro- 
vide Guns, Piftols, Swords, Ammunition, Provifions, and every Thing, even 
Paint to paint them ; and thereupon delivered the Belt to the Interpreter, 
who threw it at the Feet of the Indians prefent, fome of whom inconfide- 
rately, and without any Confultation firft had, took it up, and danced the 
War Darice ; and afterwards divers of the Indians prefent, chiefly of the 
Praying Indians, went with the French Governor to ^ebec, where they ftaid 
eight or ten Days, but no Notice was taken of them, nor any Arms or Ne- 
ceflaries, fo much as a Knife, provided for them, nor were they admitted to 
fpeak to the Governor ; which fo exafperated the Praying Indians, that they 
kft ^ebec, and are fince gone againft their common Enemies to the South- 
ward. CanalTafego added. 

You alfo"y)ut us in mind this Morning of the Treaties of Friendfliip fub- 
fifting between you and us. The Laft we made with the Governor of Penn- 
fylvania, was at Lancajier, the laft Year. By this Treaty we were to be 
Neutral (and we wifli the Engli/h of all the Provinces would agree that we 
fhould remain fo) unlefs the French fhould come through our Settlements to 
hurt our Brethren the Engl/Jh, which we would not permit. This, and all 
other our Treaties, with our Brethren the Englijh, we are determined to 
obferve ; and in Token thereof, -we return you this 
Belt of Wampum. 

You alfo put us in mind of our Brother Onas his Mediation between us 
and the Catabaws ; and that you heard fome of our Warriors were, notwith- 
ftanding, gone againft them. It is not in our Power to reftrain our Warriors 
as the Englijh can do, until a Peace be finally concluded. This the Catabaws 
know. We have ufed our Endeavours to reftrain them from going, and ftial'. 
continue fo to do ; during the Time agreed on, altho' wc doubt whether the 
Catabaws are fo defirous of Peace as they would have our Brother Onas be- 
lieve ; otherwife they would have done as the Cherokees did, who, tho' they 
were at War with us, came to defire Peace ; but the Catabaws have neither 
come to us, nor have they come to our Brother Onas : But the Account he 
has received, is only from the Government of Virginia. When Conrad 
Weifer brought us an Account of this Matter, we were going to Canada ; and 
at our Return we had kindled a Council Fire ; but receiving a Meflage from 
the Governor of New-Tor k, we were obliged to rake it up until we 
return. Canaff'atego further faid. We have fpoke to the Governor oi Canada 
concerning Peter Chartier, and the Robbing of your Indian Traders ; the 
Governoi of Canada faid, He knew nothing of the Matter. At our Coun- 
sil before-mentioned, we were to have confidered what we fhould do further 



[ '9 ] 

in this Affair ; but were called away before we had come to any Refolution. 
He added, Your Traders go very far back into the Country, which we defirc 
may not be done, becaufe it is in the Road of the French. At our Return, 
we will hold a Council ; and in the Spring,, when our Deputies come to meet 
thofe of the Catabaws at Philadelphia, we fliall fend our Brother Onas our 
Refult. Canajfatego further faid, 

You put us in Mind of a Promife we made our Broti'ier Ona% at his coming 
over to Pennfylvania, That we would recal our People from Canada, who 
were fettled there. We have invited them back to us, and have done all we 
can to effeiH: it ; but cannot prevail : The Governor of Canada has taken 
them into Jiis Lap, fuckles them as his Children, and they are fo well pieafed 
with him, it is impoffible for us to prevail with them to tome and fettle with 
US. We return you this Belt inftead of that we received from you. 

After we had received this Anfwerof the Indians, v/e acquainted thent 
by our Interpreter, that what we had farther to fay to them, would be early 
the next Morning. In the mean Time we ordered them a Pair of Oxen and 
fome Beer for their Subfiftence, and then parted. 

The next Morning, being the Fifteenth of 0(f?;^fr, \\\e. Indians met us,' 
purfuant to our Appointment ; when we fpoke to them to the Effed, fol- 

\Kj E now put you in Mind, there are two Things remair>ing under y/3Bf 
V V Confideration, concerning which, you have received Belts from our 
Governor, and, as yet, return'd no full Anfwer : The Firft relates td 
the Catabaws, the Second to our Indian Traders. As you have iignified t9 
us your Inability of doing it at this time, we expcft when you return home, 
a Council will be called, and that you will give our Governor a full Anfwer 
in the Spring. 

When our Governor and Aflembly fent us hither, they did not think it 
fitting we Ihould come empty handed ; but have direded us to provide you a 
Prefent. We confidered Winter was approaching, that our Brethren would 
want Cloathing to preferve them from the Cold, and Powder and Lead to 
acquire their Livelihood by Hunting ; we have therefore provided the Goods 
which now lie before you, to wit. 

Six Pieces of Strouds. 

Four Pieces of Indian Blankets. 

Two Pieces of flriped Blankets. 

Four Pieces of half Thicks. 

One Piece of Shreicjbury Cotton. 

Eight Dozen of Knives. 

Four Hundred and Twenty-five Bars of Lead. 

Four half Barrels of Piflol Pow4er. 

These we prefent to you on Behalf of our Government, and have no 
more to fay, but to wifli you a good Journey Home. 



[ ^-o ] 

This Speech being interpreted to the Indians, after a fhort Confultatioil 
between themfelves, they brought fix Bundles of Skins > and hy Can of at ego; 
fpoke as follows : 


WE thank you for the Goods you prefent to us. 'We are Poor, and have 
little to return ; however, out of what we have, we prefent you witti 
the fix Bundles of Skins which you fee. Thefe we defire may be accepted 
of, as a Token of our Affedtion. 

To this we replied. We accepted them in the Manner they defired, 
wished them well, and then took Leave of them. 

The Sloop which brought us, waiting our Return, we embarked, arrived 
at New Tork en the N ineteenth of Odlober. The fame Day took Boat, and 
got to Elizabeth Town Point. Then mounted our Horfes ; and on the 
Twenty-fecond oiOSlober, reached Home. 

Permit us to add. That in the foregoing Relation, wc do not pretend 
to have delivered the feveral Converfations which part, verbatim ; but only 
the Sub;1:ance, fo far as we judge them material ; and where we have made 
any Omiffions, they are of fuch Things as we think of too little Confequence 
to be inferted. If the Governor's Health, and other Affairs of Importance, had 
permitted his Attendance at this Treaty, we make no Queftion it would have 
been managed with greater Skill and Delicacy. Thus much, however, wc 
may lay, That fo far as we were able, we have, purfuant to the Inftrudtions 
•wc received, faithfully endeavoured to acquit ourfelves of the Trurt, to the 
Honour and Intereft of the Province : But whether we are fo happy as in 
any Degree to have fucceeded herein, is humbly fubmitted to the Governor, 









Province of Pennsylvania, 



Held at PHILADELPHIA, Nov. i^^ 1747. 




Printed and Sold by B. F R A N K L I N, at the New 
Printing-office, near the Market. MDCCXLVIII. 


[ 3 3 

TREATY, &c. 

At a Council held at Philadelphia, the iT^th o/" November, 1747. 

^he Honourable Anthony Palmer, Efq; Preftdent. 
Thomas Lawrence, Samuel Ha£ell, 

William Till, Abraham Taylor, ( 

Robert St ret tell, Benjamin Shoe maker, \ 

Jofeph Turner, William Logan, 

- Efqrs. 

THE Indian Warriors from Ohio, having arriv'd in Town on Wednej- 
day, the Prefident fent them a Meflage Yefterday, by Mr. Weifer, 
the Interpreter, to bid them welcome : And underftanding that 
they were defirous to be heard To-day, he fummon'd the Council 
for this Purpofe. Mr. Weifer attending, he was fent to tell the Indians the 
Council was fitting, and ready to receive them. They immediately came. 
The Prefident inform'd them, the Council were glad to fee their Brethren, 
took their Vifit very kindly, aad defired to know what they had to commu- 

After a Paufe, the principal Warrior rofe up, and fpoke as follows : 

Brethren, the Englifh, the Governor i5/"York, the CommiJJioners at Albany, the 
Governor and Councellors o/"Pennfylvania, 


E who fpeak to you are Warriors, living at Ohio, and addrefs you on 
Behalf of ourfelves, and the reft of the Warriors of the Six Nations. 

You will, perhaps, be furprized at this unexpefted Vifit ; but we cou'd not 
avoid coming to fee you, the Times are become fo critical and dangerous. 
We are of the Six Nations, who are your ancient Friends, having made many 
Treaties of Friendfhip with the Englijl:, and always preferv'd the Chain bright. 
You know when our Father, the Governor of Canada, declar'd War againft 
our Brethren, the Englijh, you the Governor of New-Tork, the Commifiio- 
ners of Indian Affairs at Albany, the CommiiTioners for this ProViUCe, fent to 
inform the Council at Onondago of it, and to defire tliat they wou'd not med- 
dle with the War ; that they wou'd only look on, and fee what wou'd be 
done J that we, the Indians, wou'd let you fight it out by yourfelves, and not 
pity either Side ; and that we would fend to all the Nations in Alliance 
with us, to do the fame : And accordingly the Indians did fend to all their 
Friends and Allies, and particularly to the Indians about the Lakes, and in the 



C 4 ] 

Places where we live, requefting they wou'd not engage on either Side ; and 
they all ftood Neuters, except the French Praying ludiam, who, tho' they 
promis'd, yet were not as good as their Words. This is the fir ft Thing we 
have to fay to our Brethren, and we hope they will receive this in good Part, 
and be willing to hear what we have further to fay. 

When the Indians received the firft Meffage from the Englijh, they 
thought the Englifi and French would fight with one another at Sea, and not 
fuffer War to be made on the Land : But fome Time after this, MelTengers 
were fent by all the Englip to Onondaga, to tell us that the French had begun 
the War on the Land in the Indian Countries, and had done a great deal of 
Mifchief to the Englijh, and they now defired their Brethren, the Indians, 
would take up the Hatchet againft the French, and likewife prevail with their 
Allies to do the fame. The old Men at Onondaga however retlis'd, to do this, 
and would adhere to the Neutrality ; and on their declaring this, the Englijh 
fent other MelTengers again and again, who prelTed earneftly that the Indians 
would take up their Hatchet, but they were ftill denied by the old Men at the 
Fire at Onondago, who, unwilling to come into the War, fent Meffage after 
Meffage to Canada and Albany, to delire both Patties would fight it out at Sea. 
At lall the young Indians, the Warriors, and Captains, confulted together, 
and refolved to take up the Englijh Hatchet againft the Will of their old Peo- 
ple, and to lay their old People afide, as of no Ufe but in Time of Peace. This 
the young Warriors have done, provoked to it by the repeated Applications of 
our Brethren the Englijl:) ; and we now come to tell you, that the French have 
hard Heads, and that we have nothing ftrong enough to break them. We 
have only little Sticks, and Hickeries, and fuch Things, that will do little or no 
Service againft the hard Heads of the French : We therefore prefent this Belt, 
to defire that we may be flirnifhed with better Weapons, fuch as will knock 
the French down ; and in Token that we are hearty for you, and will do our 
beft if you put better Arms into our Hands, we give you this Belt. 
Here they gave a Belt of J even Rows. 

When once we, the young Warriors, engaged, we put a great deal of Fire 
under our Kettle, and the Kettle boil'd high, and fo it does ftill (meaning they 
carried the War on brijkly) that the Frenchmens Heads might foon be boil'd. 
But when we look'd about us, to fee how it was with the EngliJJ} Kettle, we 
faw the Fire was almoft out, and that it hardly boil'd at all ; and that no 
Frenchmens Heads were like to be in it. This truly furprizes us, and we are 
come down on Purpofe to know the Reafon of it. How comes it to pafs, 
that the Engltfi, who brought us into the War, will not fight themfelves ? 
This has not a good Appearance, and therefore we give you this String of 
Wampum to hearten and encourage you, to defire you wou'd put more Fire 
under your Kettle. 

Here they prejented the String of Wampum offeven Strings. 

Bret We:: 

We have now done with general Matters; but old Scaiohady defires to inform 

the Council, that he was here in James Logan's Time, a long Time ago, 

when he had but one Child, and he a little one : That he was then employed 

in the Affairs of the Government : That James Logan gave him this String, to 



[ 5 ] 

afllire him, if ever he (hould come to want, and apply to this Government^ 
they wou'd do fomething for him. Scaiohady is now grown old and infirm, 
and recommends himfelf to James Logan's and the Council's Charity. 
Here he laid down a String of Wampum. 

The Indians withdrew, and the Council adjourn'd to To-morrow Morning, 
Eleven a Clock. 

In the Council-Chamber, i^tb November 1747. 

Thomas Lawrence, Robert Strettell, 7p/- 

Benjamin Shoemaker, JVilliam Logan, ^ ^ ' 

THE Prefident being indifpos'd, and the other Members not attending, 
there could be no Council ; the Members prefent, judg'd that before the 
Heads of an Anfwer to the Speech of the Indians could be confidered, it was 
neceflary previoufly to learn from Mr. IVeifer , the particular Hiilory of thefe 
Indians, their real Difpofition towards us, and their fiiture Defigns ; and ac- 
cordingly fent for him. He faid the Indians, had in Part told him their 
Mind, and he thought they might be brought to tell him more ; and when 
they did, he would inform the Cpuncil. The Members likewife judg'd, 
that it might be of Service to know Mr. Logan's Sentiments about what might 
be proper to be faid to the Indians, and requefted Mr. Weijer and the Secre- 
tary to wait on him for that Purpofe. 

^ a Council held at Philadelphia, \kth November 1747. 


The Honourable the President, 
"Thomas Lawrence, Samuel HaJJ'el, -\ 

fTilliam Till, Abr. Taylor, 1 

Robert Strettell, Benj. Shoemaker, ('^H^^- 

Thomas Hopkinjhn, JVilliam Logan, J 

MR. Weifer attending was called in, and inform'd the Council, that he 
had learn'd the following Particulars from the Indians, viz. That lafl 
Summer the Governor oi Canada had fent the Hatchet to the Indians about 
the Lakes, and on the Branches of Ohio ; that one Nation took it up ; and 
that thefe Indians, and the Indians in thofe Quarters, confifling principally of 
Warriors, being afi^aid others would do the like, to prevent this took up the 
Englijh Hatchet, and proclaim'd War againft the French ; which had a good 
EfFed:, no more daring after this to meddle with the French Hatchet : iThat 
thefe Indians on Ohio, had concluded to kindle a Fire in their Town, and had 
invited all the Indians at a confiderable Dillance round about them to come to 
their Fire in the Spring ; and that they had confented to it. Mr. Weifer ad- 
ded, that the Indians in the Parts thefe People came from, were numerous, 
lot lefs than Five Hundred Men, and had many Allies more numerous than 
themfelves : That it was always the Culfom in War Time, to put the Manage- 
ment into the Hands of the young People ; and that it would be of the moft 
pernicious Confequence not to give them Encouragement at this Time ; and 
B parti- 


[ 6 J 

nartioilarly he thought the Council fhould at leaft tell them, they approv'd 
of their taking up the Hatchet ; and aknowledge the Service done to the Eng~ 
lij]:i by their feafonable Declaration in their Favour : He thought Providence 
had fiirnifhed this Province with a fine Opportunity of making all the Indiam 

about the Lakes their Friends, and warm Friends too. Mr. Weifer being 

afked what Sort of a Prefent {hould be given them at this Time, He faid 
Goods were now fo dear, that the Value of i oo Pounds would appe^- but 
fmall, that they fhould have fo much given them at leaft, and Half as much 
to the Canayiahaga Indians. Not that this was by any Means fufficient, but 
would be a good Salutation-Prefent, and preparatory to a larger to be fent in 
the Summer. This he judged necelTary to be done, and that they £hould 
now be told of this fixture Prefent : And, tho' he had never been in thofe 
Parts, yet he judged the attaching thefe Indians and their Friends to the Eng- 
lifi C4ufe to be fo necefiTary, that he would, if the Council pleafed, and his 
Health fhould permit, go with the Prefent himfelf, and fee with his own 
Eyes what Number of Indians was there, and in what Difpofition. He faid 
further, that he accompanied the Secretary to Mr. Logan'^ Yefterday, and 
that the Secretary had informed Mr. Logan of all thefe Particulars, and taken 
his Sentiments in Writing, and on them form'd the Plan of an Anfwer. The 
Board ordered the Secretary to read what he had wrote ; and on confidering 
this, and Mr. Weifer's Information, an Anfwer was agreed to, and the Pre- 
fents fettled. The Council adjourned to Four o' Clock in the Afternoon, 
and direded that the Indians fhould be told to be there, in order to receive 
the Anfwer of the Council to their Speech. 

At a Council held at Philadelphia, the ibth of November, 1747. P. M. 


The Honourable Anthony Palmer, Efq; Prefidentj 

And the fame Members as in the Forenoon. 

The Indians having taken their Seats, the Prefident fpoke as follows : 

Brethren Warriors of the Six Nations, 

WE the Prefident and Council of the Province of Pennfyhania, have 
taken what you faid to us into Confideration, and are now going to 
give you an Anfwer. 

We are always glad to fee our Brethren, and are particularly pleafed at 
this critical Time, with your prefent Vifit. You are fenfible of the conftant 
Friendfhip this Government has always fhewn to the Indians of the Six Na- 
tions; and that, from their firft Settlement in the Country, their Intereft has 
been put on the fame Foot with our own. And as long as you fhall ad: up 
to your Engagements, you will never want the moft fubftantial Proofs that 
we can give of our Regard for your Nations. 

You tell us, that ai the Beginning of the War, you receiv'd a MefTage from 
all the Englifi, to ftand neuter, and to prevail with your Allies to do the 
fame ; that in Compliance therewith, you did ftand neuter, and all your 
Allies, except the Praying Indians, who promis'd, but broke their Word : That 



[ 7 ] 

the French commencing Hoftilities, you received repeated MefTages from 
the Englijh to continue neuter no longer, but to take up their Hatch* againft 
the French; and that you and your Allies have accordingly done this. Bre- 
threfj^ You did well to hearken to the MefTages fent by the Englijh. Your 
Alhes fo readily concurring with you, fhews you keep up a good Underftan- 
ding with them ; for which you are to be commended. Y"ou live in frnall 
Tribes at a Diftance from one another : Separate, you will be eafily overcome ; 
united, it will be difficult, if not impoffible, to hurt you : Like the Strings 
on which you put your Wampum, a fingle Thread is loon fnapp'd, a few re- 
quire more Strength ; but if you weave them into a Belt, and fallen them 
tight together, it muft be a flrong Hand that can break it. 

We are pleafed to hear, that at the prefTmg Inflances of the Governors of 
New-Tork and New-England, you have taken up the Hatchet againfl the 
French ; who you know, notwithflanding their fair Speeches, have been from 
the Beginning your inveterate Enemies : And in Confirmation that we ap- 
prove of what you have done, we give you this Belt. 

By your String of Wampum you tell us, that you obferve the Englip 
Kettle does not boil high, and you give the String to all the Englijh, to en- 
courage them to put more Fire under their Kettle. 

As you addrefs this to all the Englijl:, we fliall fend your String to the other 
Governors : But to lefl'en your Concern on this Account, we are to apprize 
you, that the French were fending large Forces in big Ships, well arm'd with 
great Cannon, over the Seas to Canada ; that the Englijh purfued them, at- 
tack'd them, took their Men of War, killed a Number of their Men, and 
carried the reft Prifoners to England. This Viftory put a Stop for the Pre- 
fent to the Expedition intended againft Canada : "^^ou are therefore not to 
judge by the Appearance Things make now, that the Englijh Fire is going 
out ; but that this is only accidental, and it will foon blaze again. 

As this is the firft Vifit paid us by our Brethren the Warriors living on tfie 
Branches of Ohio, to fhew that we take it kindly of them, and are defirous 
to cultivate and improve the Friendfhip fubfifting between the Six Nations 
and us, we have provided a Prefent of Goods ; a Lifl whereof will be read 
to you at the Clofe of our Anfwer. They are at John Harris's, and the In- 
terpreter will go along with you, and deliver them to you there. In the 
Spring we propofe to fend Mr. PVeifer to you, and he will be furniihed with 
a proper Prefent to be diftributed to all the Indians at Ohio, at Canayiahaga, 
and about the Lake Erie. In Confirmation of what we fay, we give you this 
String of Wampum. 

Having receiv'd by the Traders a kind MefTage from the Canayiahaga In- 
dians, to let them fee v/e are pleafed with it, we have fent them a fmall Pre- 
fent of Powder and Lead, by Mr. Croghan, which you will inform them of, 
and likewife of our fijrther Intentions in their Favour, with this String of 
Wampum, wliich is given you for that Purpofe. 

The Prefident and Council at your Recommendation will take Care to give 
Scaichady a Prefent for his own private Ufe, and his old Friend Mr. Logan 
will do the fame. 

A String of U\unpum, 


C 8 ] 

The Indian Speaker having confulted with Scatohady, took up the Belt and 
Strings of Wampum in the Order they were prefcnted, and repeating the 
Suhftance of every Paragraph, exprefs'd high Satisfaction at what the Council 
had faid, and promis'd to fend the String of Wampum to the Camyiabaga 
Indians, who being their own Flefli and Blood, they were pleafed with the 
Regards fhewn to them. And in Teftimony of their intire Satisfaftion and 
Devotion to the Englijh Intereft, they gave the Indian Marks of Approbation j 
and danc'd the Warrior Dance. 

A true Copy, 
Nov, 2^. 17^7. Richard Peters, Secretary, 






Members of the COUNCIL of the 

Province of P E N N SY L FA N I A, 

At the Town oi L A N C A S T E R, 

Withfomc Chiefs of the SIX NATIONS at OHIO, and 
others, for the Admiffion of the Twightwee Nation into the 
Alliance of his Majesty, &c. in the Month of y^/y, 1748. 


Printed and Sold by B. FRANKLIN, at the New 
Printing-office, near the Market. MDCCXLVIII. 


To the Honourable the 


O F T H E 

Province of Pennsylvania, 

WE, the Subfcribers, having been honoured 
with a Commiffion, authorizing us to hold 
a Treaty with fome of the Six Nations., Twigtwees, 
and others, at Lancafler, do make the following 
Report of our Proceedings therein. 

W E hope what we have done will be of Service 
to the Province, and to your Satisfaction. We are. 

Honourable Gentlemen, 

Tour moft Obedient, 

Humble Servants, 
Benjamin Shoemaker, 
Jofeph Turner. 
Thomas Hopkinfon. 
''*'^?Jh8.^"'' William Logan. 


f I ] 

TREATY, &c. 

At the Court -Houfe in Lancafter, Tuefday, July 19. 1748. 

Benjamin Shoemaker^ y^f^P^ Turner, 
Thomas Hopkinfon, William Logan, 


The Magijirates and Inhabitants of Lancafter County, Fifty-Jive Indians of 
feveral Nations, viz. of the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawonefe, Nanti- 
cokes, and Twightwees ; Conrad Weifer, Efq-, Interpreter for the Six Na- 
tion Indians ; Mr. Andrew Montour, Interpreter for the Shawonefe and 

A PROCLAMATION was made for Silence, and then a Commif- 
fion, in His Majefty's Name, under the Great Seal of the Province, 
was read, conftituting the honourable Benjamin Shoemaker, Jofeph 
Turner, Thomas Hopkinfon, and William Logan, Efquires, Commil- 
fioners to treat with thefe Indians ; and the Interpreter was order'd to tell them 
the Purport thereof, and to bid them heartily welcome among their Brethren. 

The Commiffioners having been inf. med that Scarrcwyady, a Chief of the 
Oneido Nation, living at Ohio, was appi inted Speaker for the Indians, but was 
fo much hurt by a Fall, that he was unable to attend ; order'd the Interpreter 
to tell them, that they condoled with them on this unfortunate Accident, but 
hoped, as wh^t they came to tranfadl was of a publick Nature, aiid well 
known to them all, this would occafion no Delay. As the Government had 
fhevyn them great Indulgence, in granting them a Council at Lancajier, fo far 
from the ufual Place of Bufinefs, and in k' hot a Seafon, it was expeded they 
would not detain the Commiffioners, but deliver what they had to fay To- 
morrow Morning at Ten o' Clock ; -and further, to defire they would ufe no 
Manner of Referve, but open their Hearts freely and fully, the CommiiTioners 
promifing to treat them with the fame Freedom and Plainnefs, 



[ ^ ] 

At the Court-houfe at Lancafter, Wednefday, July 20. 1748. 

Benjamin Shoemaker, Jofeph Turner, 
'Thomas Hopkinfon, William Logan, 


The Magiftrates, and many of the Inhabitants of Lancafter County, 
The fame Indians as Tejlerday. 

THE Interpreter inform'd the Commiffioners, that Scarrowyady fHU con- 
tinuing ill, and unable to attend, had deputed Andrew Montour to deli- 
livcr his Speech, which the Indians defir'd might be receiv'd on their Behalf) 
the Subftance thereof having been deliberated upon, and fettled by them in 

The Commiffioners faying they had no Objection to this, Andrew Montour 
laid he was now going to fpeak for the Indians of the Six Nations, living ai 

Brethren, the Governor of Pennfylvania, and all the Governors of the great 
King of England, over the Seas ; 

You have often fent preffing MefTages to the Council Fire at Onondago, to 
engage in your Intereft as many of their Allies as they could influence : Thefe 
Meflages they have tranfmitted to us, defiring we would take all Opportuni- 
ties of complying with your Requeft ; in Confequence whereof we have now 
the Plcafure to prefent to you fome of the Chiefs of the Ticightwee Nation, 
a large and powerful Tribe, living on Ouahache, a great River running into 
Ohio, who come as Deputies fent by the whole Nation, with a Requeft thr.t 
you would be pleafed to admit them into your Amity. We join with them 
in the Petition; take their Hands, and let them, together with ours, be lock'd 
clofe in yours, and there held fafl : We have opened unto you the Occafion 
of our Vifit; and to make it acceptable, we lay down this String of Wam- 

Brethren, Onas, and all the King of 'En^2Ln6.' s Governors, 
It will be necelTary to lay before you what has palled between the Tnvigh- 
twees and us, previous- to our coming here, that you may be fenfible of our 
Zeal for your Service, and of the ardent Defire of that Nation to enter ijito 
your Alliance. 

Laft: Fall they fent a Meflage addreffed to all the Tribes of Indians at Ohio 
and elfewhere, in Amity with the Englifi, which was delivered to the Shawo- 
nefe, as living the neareft to them, and by them communicated to us to this 

" We, the Twightwees, are defirous to ertter into the Chain of Friendfhip 
" with the Englijh ; and as you are the next to us of the Indians in their Al- 
" liance, we entreat you to figniiy this our Defire to the other Indians, and 


[ 3 ] 

'* that you and they will open us a Council Road to the Englijh Covern- 
" ments : Make it lb open and clear for us, that neither we, nor our 
" Wives or Children, may hurt their Feet againft any Log or Stump; and 
" wlicn once you have cleared a Road for us, we afllire you we will keep it 
" fo, and it fhall not be in the Power of Omnt'io to block up or obftrud the 
" PaiTage. We fiirther defire of you, that when you have cleared a Council 
" Road for us to the Englifi, you, and the other Indians, will join your In- 
■ " tereft to recommend us in the moft effedhial Manner to them to be admit- 
" ted into their Chain." Upon receipt of thisMeffage from the Twightwees, 
the fallowing Anfwer was fent them. 

Brethren, the Twightwees, 
" We received your String of Wampum exprcfling your Defire to enter in- 
" to Friendlhip with our Brethren the Englifi, and praying our Afliftance 
" to obtain this for you. We are glad you are in this Difpolition, and wou'd 
" by all Means encourage you in it j but we are afraid left you (hould have 
*' taken this Refolution too haftily. Are you Proof againft the Solicitations 
" that the Governor of G?«^i/a and his People will certainly ufe to engage 
" your Adherence to him ? Can you witliiland his Refentment ? Coniider 
" this well, left when we fhall have recommended you to our Brethren the 
" Englijh, you fliou'd prove unfteady, and fo we ftiou'd lofe their Efteem. 
" Take, therefore, we urge you, Time to coniider, and let us know your 
" Mind, and we will give you all the Affiftance in our Power." 

The Twightwees having received this Anfwer, fent in the Spring a fecond 
Meff^, addrefled to all the Indians on Ohio in Alliance with the Englijfj, to 
this purport : 

" Our Melfage in the Fall was not fent rafhly or unadvifedly. We 
" thought many Nights and Days of this Affair. We weighed every Thing 
" well relating thereto before we took the Refolution of feeking the Friend- 
" fhip of the Englijh, and we now repeat to you our AlTurances, that this 
" Rcqueft does not come from the Mouth only ; no, it comes from the Heart, 
" and is what we ardently wifh to accomplifh ; and that we may nof fail of 
" Succelsy we defire your Afliftance, and that of all the Indians in the 
" Englifh Chain, to help us to obtain this Favour ; and particularly we de- 
" fire fome of you will go along with us, and prefent us to Onas." 

We have now faidifuly related what pafled between the Twightwees and us. 
We deliver over to you the Strings of Wampum which we received with their 
MelTages. Their Nation has fent thirty Beaver Skins, which we defire you 
would accept ; and now be pleafed to hear what their Deputies have to fay. 
Here were laid dmen two Strings of IVatnpum, and 30 Beaver Skins. 

Then Andrew Montour acquainted the Commiflioners, that he was now 
going to be the Mouth of the Twightwee Deputies. 

We prefent to you the Calumet Pipe, and pray we may be admitted to be- 
come a Link in your Chain of Friendfliip, and give you the ftrongeft Aflii- 



[ 4 ] 

ranees, if this Favour be granted to us, that wc will keep it bright as long as 

the Rivers run. 

Here the Deputies laid down a Cakimet Pipe, niuith a long Stem, curi- 
oujly wrought, and wrapp'd round it)ith (Vampum offeveral Colours) 
ana Jill' d with Tobacco, which wasfmoked by the Commiffioners and the 
Indians according to Cujiom. 

We the Deputies of the Twightwees, have it in Charge fiirther to tell you, 
that our Nation received a Calumet Pipe from fome of the Allies, confiftbg 
of twelve Towns or Nations, with a MefTage to this Effedl : That they had 
a Report among them that we intended to folicit the Englijh to be received 
into their Friendship and Alliance : That if fuch Report was true, they defired 
us to acquaint them with our Succefs, that they might apply for the fame 
Favour, which they earneftly defire, and faid ti.ey would wait a Day and 
a Night for an Anfwer.:): Then the Deputies offered another Pipe to the 
Commiffioners, not to keep, but that they might fpeak to it, and return it, with 
their Anfwer. 

Andrew Montour faid he was now going to refume the Speech of the Six 
Nation Indians at Ohio. 

You have now heard the Twighfwees fpeak for themfelves. We heartily 
join with them in their Petition. They are numerous, and, tho' poor, yet 
they are worthy of your Friend/hip, and, as fuch we mofl heartily recommend 
them to you by this Bundle of Skins. 

Here they laid down a Bundle of Deer Skins. 

We beg Leave before we conclude to become Interceflbrs for the Sbawo- 
nefe, who have given you juft Caufe of Complaint. They have told us, that 
the Governor of Pennsylvania fent them a Letter fome Years ago, requiring 
them to come down ; but being confcious they had afted wrong, they had de- 
lay'd hitherto to do it ; and have taken this Opportunity of our coming, to 
make ufe of us ; defiring us to afk that ior them which they dare not afk for 
themfelves ; that is, That they may be receiv'd again into Favour, they lia- 
ving owned their Fault, and given us the ftrongeft Affurances of their better 
Behaviour for the fliture. Forgive us, therefore, if we entreat you wou'd be 
pleas'd to drop your Refentment ; and however they have behav'd hitherto, 
we hope a Senfe of your Goodnefs will prevail with them to become good 
and feithfiil Allies for the future. 

Gave a String of Wampum. 

Andrews Montour informing the Commiffioners he had delivered all that 
was given him in Charge to fay at prefent, the Indians withdrew. 


iN. £. A Day and a Night m the hJien Language Cgnifiej a whole Year. 


[ 5 ] 

At a Meeting of the Commijfioners held at Lancafter, the 21/? July, 1748; 

P .R E S E N T, 

Benjamin Shoemaker, Jofeph Turner, '? r-r 
Thomas Hopkinfon, PVilliam Logan, ^ " 

THE Secretary having fettled the Minutes of Yefterday, the fame were taken 
into Confideration, and tliat Part thereof which relates to the Shawonefe 
not giving the Commiffioners Satisfaction, Mr. Weifer was fent to Scarroivyady 
to confult with him thereupon ; who return'd, and inform'd the Board, that 
according to Order he had confulted with Scarroioyadyy^nd he, in thePrefence 
oi Andrew Montour, deliver'd himlelf as follows : 

" Neucheconno, Kekewatcheky, Sonatzioii-anah, and Sequeheton, Chiefs of 
" the Shawonefe, now left at Allegheny, met in Council, and addrefs'd them- 
" felves to the Delaware!, and to the Six Nations on Ohio, m the following 
" Manner : 

Grand Fathers and Brethren, 
" We the Shawonefe have been mifled, and have carried on a private Cor- 
" refpondence with the French, without letting you, or our Brethren, the En- 
" glijh, know of it. We travell'd fecretly thro' the Bufhes to Canada, and 
" the French promifed us great Things, but we find ourfelves deceiv'd. We 
" are forry that we had any Thing to do with them : We now find that we 
" cou'd not fee, altho' the Sun did fhine ; We earncftly defire you wou'd in- 
" tercede with our Brethren,the Fnglijh,fir us who are left at Ohio, that we 
" may be permitted to be reftor'd to the Chain of Friendlhip, and be looked 
" upon as heretofore the lame Flefli with them. Thus far the Shawonefe "*." 

Whereupon the Indians of the Six Nations, and the Delawares, having re- 
ceived thefe Affurances of their Concern for their paft Behaviour, undertook 
to become their Interceflbrs, and have brought along with them three of the 
principal Shawonefe, to make their SubmilTions in Perfon. 

At the Court Houfe at Lancafter, Friday the zzd July, 
Benjamin Shoemaker, Jofeph Turner, 
Thomas Hopkinjon, IVilliam Lcgan, 

The Magijlrates and many of the Inhabitants o/" Lancafter County, 
The fame Indians as on IVednefday. 

The Conunijioners order' d the Interpreter to let the Indians knew they were 
going to giie then: an Anfwer. 

Brethren, you who live at Ohio, of the Six Nations, and others, 

WE arc concern'd that Scarrowyady continues fo ill as not to be able to at- 
tend, but are pleas'd to hear he is in a fair Way of Recovery, and that 
he couM give the necelLry Inftrudlions to Mr. Andrew Montcur about the Bu- 
E fmels 

• Some of the Sha^.vonefe were feduc'd by Petir Chartiir, a noted Indian Trader and Inhabitant of 
Pennfylvaniii, at the Beginning of (^& French War, and remov'd from their Towns to be nearer to the 
French Settxments on the Mijjijpppi. Some Time afier, feveral of thefe Deferters return'd ; of which 
Neucheconio and his Party were fome ; thefe, it feems, together with Kaie^atchtky, the old Shanjuoneft 
King, and his Friends, who had withftood the Sollicitations of Chartier, join'd together, and apply "<t 
tn this fubmiHive Manner to Scarronvyad^-. 


[ 6 ] 

finefs which brought you here ; We take it for granted, that ydur Sentiments 
are fully and tnily exprels'd in the Speeches deiiver'd, and fhali therefore an- 
fwer the feveral Matters contain'd therein in the Order they were fpoke. 

Brethren of the Six Nations, and others^ living at Ohio, 
It gives us ho. fmall Satisfaftion to obferve the Regard you have Ihewn to 
the Meffages fent you by the Governors of his Majefty's Provinces, in en- 
deavouring to gain over to His Majefty's Ifttereft as many of your Allies as 
you cou'd influence : This is agreable to your Duty, and was recommended to 
you in a particular Manner by the Governor of this Province at the Com- 
mencement of the French War. As the Twightwees fhew'd fo great an In- 
drnation to enter into our Friendlhip, and defir'd you to conduit them hither, 
the Part you have adted on this Occafion was kind and prudent, and we think 
ourfelves oblig'd to you for encouraging them, and fhewing them the Way. 
Our Approbation of jour CondtiSl is tejiijied by this String ef Wampum. 

As there is Reafon to think from the Manner in which the Twightwees have 
made their Application for a Council Road to the Englijh Provinces, that it is 
not a fudden, or a hafty Step, but well confider'd by them, and may take its 
Rife- from the different Treatment which Indians of all Nations meet with 
at- the Hands of the Englijh, from what they experience while in thp French 
Interef^, we are inclinable to think them fincere, and that when admitted in- 
to our Chain, they will not lightly break it. 

A Council Road to this Province is a Meafure which nearly concerns you, 
as it is to be laid out thro' your Towns, and no doubt you have thought well 
of this, and conceive you may depend on the Sincerity of their ProfefTions, 
and that it may be for our mutual Benefit, or you wou'd not join with them 
in making this Requeft. At your Inftance therefore, and from the Opinion 
we have of your Prudence and Integrity, we confent that fuch Road may be 
opened ; and it may be depended on, that on our Parts it will always be kept 
dean , not the leafi Obftrudtion fhall be fuffer'd to remain in it. In Confir- 
mation whereof 

We give this String of Wampum. 

Brethren of the Twightwee Nation, 
At the IntercefTion of our good Friends and Allies the Six Nations, we 
have granted you a Council Road, whereby you have free Accefs to any 
of His Majefty's Provinces ; we admit you into our Friendfhip and Alli- 
ance, and therefore now call you Brethren, an Appellation which we hold 
Ikcred, and in which is included every Thing that is dear. It obliges us to 
give you AfTiftance on all Occafions, to exercife unfeign'd Affeftion towards 
you, to take you into our Bofoms, to ufe our Eyes, and Ears, and Hands, as 
well for you, as for ourfelves. Nothing is put in Competition by an Englijl:- 
man with the Faith and Honour due to thofe whom our gracious King pleafes 
to take into his Protection, admit into his Chain of Friendlhip, and make 
them our Fellow Subjects : From that Moment they become our own Flefli 
and Blood, and what hurts them will equally hurt us. Do you, on your 
Parts, look upon this important Name of Brethren in the fame Light ; You 
muft no more think of Onontio, and his Children ; all that fort of Relation- 
ftiip now ceafes ; His Majefty's Friends are your Friends, and His Majefty's 



[ 7 1 

Enemies are Your Enemies. On thefe Conditions we accept your Calumet 
Pipe, and ihall lay it up very carefulfy, that it may be always ready for Uib 
when you and we come together. In Token of our Re^dinefs to receive you 
iQto our Chain ot Friendship, we prefent you 

JVitb this dnuble Belt of Wampum^ as an Emblem of mr Union. 

Brethren of t fie Twlgthwee Nation, 
We underftand that by an antient Cuftom obferv'd by your Anceftors, the 
Delivery and Acceptance of the Calumet Pipe are the Cererrionies which 
render valid, and bind faft your Alliances : We muft now tell you what our 
Ufages are on thefe Occafions. The Englijh when they confent to take any 
Nation into their Alliance, draw up a Compad: in Writing, which is faith- 
fully intepreted to the contradling PartieSj and when maturely coniidcr'd, and 
clearly and fully underftood by each Side, their Aifent is declar'd in the moft 
publick Manner, and the Stipulation render'd authentick by fealing the In- 
ftrument with Seals, whereon are engraven their Families Arms, writing 
their Names, and publiHiing it as their Ad: and Deed, done without Force 
or Conftraint, freely and voluntarily. This is the EiigliJ)} Method of rati- 
fying Treaties ; this is the grand Security each gives of his Faith ; and our 
Brethren of the Six Nations, the Delawares, Sbawonefi; and all other Indian 
Nations, when they firft enter'd into the Chain of Friendlliip with us, execu- 
ted Inrtruments of this Nature ; and as you are now one People with us, in 
the farne Manner with all other of our Indian Allies, it will be expetted by 
this, and His Majefty's other Governments, that you will do the fame. For 
your Satisfad ion we now Hiew you fome of the Deeds that the Indians exe- 
cuted when they firft enter'd into our Alliance. 

Brethren, Deputies of the Twigtwees, 
You fay fome of your Allties having heard of your Intentions to apply for 
Admittance into the Friendihip and Alliance with the Etiglijb, defued you 
to acquaint them with the Succefs of fuch Application, to the End that they 
might have an Opportunity of alking the lame Favour. As we don't know the 
Names of thofe of your Allies, their Number or Situation, we cannot be more 
particular at prefent on this Head, than to tell you, that we are always ready to 
receive favourably the Applications of all thofe whoni our Brethren of the Six 
Nations lliall recommend as worthy of our Friendihip and Regard. 

In Tejlimony -wbcreoj ive have wrapped a String cf IVantpum round the 
Calumet Pipe ft nt by your Allies. 

Brethren of the Six Nations, (iff, at Ohio, 
You perceive that at your Requell we have received the Twightwees into 
our Friendihip : We take kindly your conducing them to us for that End ; 
and as a Proof of our being well pleafed with your Conduct on this Occalion, 
we have ordered our Interpreter to deliver to you at Mr. Croghan's fome 
Englijh Goods, that are lodged there for the ufe of the Indians. ' 

Your IntercelTion for the Shci'u-'onefe puts us under Difficulties, It is at leaft 
two Years fince the Governor of Pennjyhania wrote to Cackeii'atcheka a Let- 
ter, wherein he condcfcended, out of regard to him, and a few other Shaivo- 
nejg, who preferved their Fidelity, to offer thofe who broke the Chain a Par- 
don on their Submiffion, on their Return tO the Towns they had deferted, 



[ 8 ] 

and on their coming down to Philadelphia to evidence in Perfon the Sincerity 
of their Repentance. This they fliould have immediately compHed with, 
and they would have readily been admitted into Favour ; but as they did not 
do it, what can be faid for them ? You who live amongll: them beft know 
their Difpofitions, and wou'd not, it may be hoped, become Mediators for 
them, were you not perfuaded they wou'd return to their Duty. Some of 
them, it may be allowed, are weak People, find were preverted from their 
Duty by the Perfwafions of others; but this cannot be thought to be the Cafe 
of Neucheconm, and a few more. As therefore you have taken upon you the 
Office of Interceffors, take this String of Wampum, and therewith chaftife 
Neucheconm and his Party in fuch Terms as fhall carry a proper Severity with 
them, tho' the Expreffionsare left to your Difcretion; and then tell the delin- 
quent Shawoneje, that we will forget what is pafs'd, and expert a more 
pundhial Regard to their Engagements hereafter. 

Here was deliver' d a String of IVampum. 

'Tis but Juftice to diftinguifh the Good from the Bad ; Cackewafcheky 3rtd 
his Friends, who had Virtue enough to refifl the many fine Promifes made 
by the Emiffaries of the French, will ever be remember'd with Gratitude, 
and challenge our beft Services. To teftify our Regard for thefe, we prefent 
them with this 

Belt of Wampum. 

And have order'd our Interpreter, who is going to Ohio, to give them a 
Prefent of Goods. 

The Commiffioners gave a handfome Entertainment to the Deputies of the 
twightwees, and the Indians who conduced them from Ohio, and after Din- 
ner enter'd into a free Converfation with them about theNumbers and Situa- 
tion of their Towns, and thofe of their Allies ; and by their Informations it 
appears that the River Ouahache takes its Rile from a Lake at a fmall Diftance 
from the Weft-End of Lake Erie, from which it runs South Wefterly four 
or 500 Miles, and falls into the Ohio, about three hundred Miles from the 
MiJJiJJippi ; that on this River, and another River call'd the Hatchet, the 
Twightwees and their Allies have twenty Towns, and that they count One 
Thoufand fighting Men ; that it is a plain Country, and of a rich Soil, aboun- 
ding with Game. The principal Deputy of the T'wight'wces laid down with 
Chalk the Courfes of the Mijjiffippi, of Ouabachc and of Ohio, marking the 
Situation of their own Towns, of Lake Erie, and of two Forts that the French 
have on the Mijjiffippi ; whereby it is manifeft, that if thefe Indians and their 
AUies prove faithfial to the Englijh, the French will be depriv'd of the moft 
convenient and neareft Communication with their Forts on the MiJJiJippi, 
the ready Road lying thro' their Nations, and that there will be nothing to 
interrupt an Intercourfe between this Province and that great River. 


[ 9 ] 

jit the Court-Houfe at Lancafler, Friday, July 22. 1748. P. M. 

The fame as in the Morning. 

Taminy Buck, one of the Chiefs of the Shawonefe, flood up, and fpoke as 
ftilows : 

WE, the Shawonefe, fenfible of our ungrateful Returns for the many Fa- 
vours we have been all along receiving from our Brethren the En- 
glijh, ever fince we firft made the Chain of Friendfhip, came along the 
Road with our Eyes looking down to the Earth, and have not taken them 
from thence till this Morning, when you were pleafed to chaftife us, and'then 
pardon us. We have been a foolifh People, and afted wrong, tho' the Sun 
Ihone bright, and fhew'd us very clearly what was our Duty. We arc forry 
for what we have done, and promife better Behaviour for the future. We 
produce to you a Certificate of the Renewal of our Friendfhip in the Year 
1739 by the Proprietor and Governor. Be pleafed to fign it afrefli, that it 
may appear to the World we are now admitted into your Friendfhip, and all 
former Crimes are buried, and intirely forgot. 

The Commiffioners recciv'd the Deed, but reflifed to fign it, letting them 
know they were forgiven on Condition of better Behaviour for the future ; 
'.nd when they fhall have performed that Condition, it will be time enough 
Jo apply for fuch Tefliimonials. Orders were given for mending their Guns 
and Hatchets, and then the Twightwees were told that the Secretary was pre- 
paring an Inftrument for rendering authentick our Treaty of Friendfhip with 
them, which wou'd be ready at Nine o' Clock in the Morning, to which 
rime the Commiffioners adjourn'd. 

./it the Court-houfe at Lancafler, Saturday the 23d July 174S. 

Benjamin Shoemaker, Jofeph I'urner, 1 p - 

Thomas Hopkitifon, William Logan, ) " 

The Magiflrates, and many of the Inhabitants of Lancafler County, 

The fame Indians as Yeflerday. 

THE Inftrument and Counterpart having been prepar'd and approv'd by 
the CommifTioncrs, the Contents thereof were read, and carefully In- 
terpreted to, and approv'd by the Indians, and then they were executed by 
t.'ie Commiirior.ers, and the three Deputies of the Twightwees, the other In- 
dians mention'd therein figJiing as Witnelles, together with the Magiflrates 
..nd Inhabitants prefcnt. 

The Commiflioners then enquired if the Indians had any particular News 
to communicate, and, alter feme Time ipent in Conference, Suchraquery 
Ipoke as follows : 

F The 


[ ,o ] 

The Indians of the feveral Nations, living at Ohio, return you Thanks 
for your Acceptance of their good Offices in condudting the 'Twightwees, and 
admitting them into your AlUance ; Ukewife for your Goodnefs in accepting 
their Mediation on Behalf of the Shawonefe, and thereupon forgiving their 
late Breach of Faith. Our new Brethren the Twightwees tell us, that they 
have brought a few Skin? to begin a Trade, and they defire you will be 
pleafed to order the Traders to put lefs Stones into their Scales, that their 
Skins may weigh more, and that they may allow a good Price for them, 
which -will encourage them and their Nation to trade more largely with you. 
This the Commiffioners promifed to do. 

The Commiffioners informed the Indians, that there was likely to be a 
Peace between the King of England and the French King ; that the News 
was but juft arriv'd, and imperfedtly told ; but that there v/as actually a Cet- 
fation of Arms. The Indians making no Reply, the Commiffiioners, after 
ordering a Prefent to the I'wightwce Deputies, rofe, and put an End to the 



r 1 



R E A T 




A T 



In October, 1753. 


Printed and Sold by B. F R A N K L I N, and D. H A L L 

, at the 

New-Printing-Office, near the Market. MDCCLIII 


[ 3 ] 


T R E A T T. sic. 

To the Honourable JAMES HAMILTON, Efq; Lieutenant-Govsr- 
nor, a?td Commander in Chief, of the Province of Pennfylvania, and 
Cou?ities of New-Caftle, Kent and SufTex, upon Delaware, 

The R E P R T of Richard Peters, Isaac Norris, and Benjamin 
Franklin, Efquires, Commifftoners appointed to treat with fonic Chiefs of 
the Ohio Indians, at Carlifle, in the County of Cumberland, by a Com- 
miffion, bearing Date the 2 2d Day of September, 1753. 

May it -pkiife the Governor, 

O T knowing but the Indians might be waiting at Carlijle, we made all the Difpatch poffi- 
ble, as foon as we had received our Commiflion, and arrived there on the Twenty-fixth, ^ 
but were agreeably furprizcd to find that they came there only that Day. 

Immediately on our Arrival we conferred ^\t]\ Andrew Montour, and George Croghan, in order to 
know from them what had occafioned the prefent coming of the Indians, that we might, by their In- 
telligence, regulate our firfl: Intercourfe with them ; and were informed, that tho* their principal Defign, 
when they left Ohio, was to hold a Treaty with the Government of Virginia, at fVinchefter, where 
they had accordingly been ; yet they intended a Vifit to this Province, to which they had been fre- 
quently encouraged by Andrew Montour, who told them, he had the Governor's repeated Orders to 
invite them to come and fee him, and alTured them of an hearty Welcome ; and that they had more- 
over fomc important Matters to propofe and tranfaft with this Government. 

The Commiflioners finding this to be the Cafe, and that thefe Indians were fome of the mod confi- 
derable Perfons of the Six Nations, Dslawares, Sbawonefe, with Deputies from the ^wightweis, and 
Owendaets, met them in Council, in which the Commiflioners declared the Contents of their Commif- 
fion, acknowledged the Governor's Invitation, and bid them heartily welcome among their Brethren of 
Pennfylvania, to whom their Vifit was extremely agretdhle.— Conrad Weifer and Andrew Montour 
interpreting between the CommifTioners and Indians, and feveral Magiitrates, and others, of the p'in- 
cipal Inhabitants of the County, favouring them with their Prefence. 

The Twighlwees and Delawares having had feveral of their great Men cut ofF by the French and 
their Indians, and all the Chiefs of the Owendaets being lately dead, it became necelTary to condole 
their Lofs ; and no Bufinefs could be begu;i, agreeable to the Indian Cultoms, till the Condolances 
were pafled ; and as thefe could not be made, with the ufual Ceremonies, for want of the Goods, 
which were not arrived, and it was uncertain when they would, the Commiflioners were put to fome 
Difficulties, and ordered the Interpreters to apply to Scarrooyady, an Oneido Chief, who had the Con- 
duit of the Treaty in Virginia, and was a Perfon of great Weight in their Councils, and to afk his O- 
pinion, whether the Condolances would be accepted by Belts and Strings, and Lifts of the particular 
Goods intended to be given, with Aflijrances of their Delivery as foon as they fliould come. Scarroo- 
yady was plcafcd with the Application-, but frankly declared, that the Indians could not proceed to Bufi- 
nefs while the Blood remained on their Garments, and that the Condohmces could not be accepted un- 
lefs the Goods, intended to cover the Graves, were aftually fpread on the Ground before them. A 
MeflTenger was therefore forthwith fent to meet and haften the Waggoners, fince every Thing muft 
flop till the Goods came. 

It was then agreed to confer with Scarrcoyady, and fome other of the Chiefs of the Shawonefe and 
Delawares, on the State of Affairs at Ohio, and from them the Commiflioners learned, in fundry Con- 
ferences, the following Particulars, viz. 

" That when the Governor of Pen;:fAvania& Exprefs arrived at Ohio, with the Account of the 
March of a large French Army to the Heacs of Ohio, with Intent to take PoflTeflloii of that Country, 
it alarmed the Indians fo much, that the Delawares, at JVenin^o, an Indian Town, fituate high up on 
Ohio River, went, agreeable to a Cuftom eftabhfhcd among the Indians, and forbad, by a formal No- 
(ice, the Commander of that Armament, then advanced to the Strr.its, between Lake Ontario and 
Lake Erie, to continue hi3 March, at leaft not to prefume to farther than Niagara . This had 



[ 4 ] 

not however any Effeft, but, notwithftanding this Notice, the French continued their March •, which, 
IZ^ii-j being afterwards taken into Confideration by the Council, ac Logs-Town^ they ordered fome of that 
principal Indians to give the French a fecond Notice to leave their Country, and return Home ; who 
meeting them on a River running into Lake Erie, a little above Weningo, addrefled the Commander 
in thefe Words : 

the fecond Notice delivered to the Commander of the French Army, then near Weningo. 

Father Onontio, 
Your Children on Ohio arc alarmed to hear of your coming fo far this Way. We at firft heard 
you came to dcftroy us ; our Women left off planting, and our Warriors prepared for War. We 
h^e fince heard you came to vifit us as Friends, without Defign to hurt us ; but then we wondered 
you came with fo ftrong a Body. If you have had any Caufe of Complaint, you might have fpoke 
to Orms, or Ccrlaer (meaning the Governors of Pennfylvania, and New-Tork) and not come to difturb 
us here. We have a Fire at Logi-Town, where are the Delawares, and Shawonefe, and Brother OnaT ; 
you might have fcnt Deputies there, and faid openly what you came about, if you had thought amifs 
cf the Englijh being there ■■, and we invite you to do it nowj before you proceed any fiirther. 

Ihe French Officer's Anfwer. 
I FIND you come to give me an Invitation to your Council Fire, with a Defign, as I fuppofe, to 
call me to Account for coming here. I muft let you know that my Heart is good to you -, I mean 
DO Hurt to you -, I am come by the great King's Command, to do you, my Children, Good. You 
feem to think I carry my Hatchet under my Coat ; I always carry it openly, not to ftrike you, but 
thofe that fhall oppofe me. I cannot come to your Council Fire, nor can I return, or flay here •, I am 
fo heavy a Body that the Stream will carry me down, and down I fhall go, unlefs you pull off my 
Arm : But this I will tell you, I am commanded to build four ftrong Houfes, viz. at Weningo, Mo- 
hongialo Forks, Logs -Town, and Beaver Creek, and this I will do. As to what concerns Onas, and Affa- 
Tagoa (meaning the Governors of Petinfylvania and Virginia) I have fpoke to them, and let them 
know they muft go oft" the Land, and I (hall fpeak to them again ; if they will not hear me, it is their 
Fault, I will take them by the Arm, and throw them over the Hills. All the Land and Waters on 
this Side Allegheny Hills are mine, on the other Side theirs ; this is agreed on between the two Crowns 
over the great Waters. I do not hke your felling your Lands to the Englijh -, they fhall draw you 
into no more foolifh Bargains. I will take Care of your Lands for you, and of you. The Englijb 
give you no Goods but for Land, we give you our Goods for nothing." 

We were fiirther told by Scarrooyady, that when the Anfwer to this MefTage was brought to Logs- 
Town, another Council was held, confifting of the Six Nations, Delawares, and Shawonefe, who un- 
animoufly agreed to divide themfelves into two Parties, one to go to Virginia, and Pennfyhania, 
with Scarrooyady, and the other to go with the Half King to the French Commander, who had it in 
Charge to make the following Declaration, as their third and laft Notice. 

•The third Notice, delivered by the Half King to the Commander of the French Fortes. 

You fay you cannot come to our Council Fire at Logs-Town, vre therefore now come to you, to 
know what is in your Heart. You remember when you were tired with the War (meaning Queen 
^mie's War) you of your own Accord fent for us, defiring to make Peace with us ; when we came, 
you faid to us. Children, we make a Coi^ncil Fire for you ; we want to talk with you, but we mufl; 
firfl: eat all with one Spoon out of thi? Silver Bow], and all drink out of this Silver Cup ; let us ex- 
change Hatchets ; let us bury our Hatchets in this bottomlefs Hole ; and now we will make a plain 
Road to all your Countries, fo clear, that Onontio may fit here and fee you all eat and drink out of 
the Bowl and Cup, which he has provided for you. Upon this Application of yours we confented 
to make Peace ; and when the Peace was concluded on both Sides, you made a Iblemn Declaration, 
faying. Whoever fhall hereafter tranfgrefs this Peace, let the TranfgrefTor be chaftifed with a Rod, 
even tho' it be I, your Father. 

Now, Father, notwithftanding this folemn Declaration of yours, you have whipped feveral oF your 
Children ; you know beft why. Of late you have chaftifed the Twigbtwces very feverely, without tell- 
ing us the Reafon ; and now you are come with a ftrong Band on our Land, and have, contrary to 
your Engagement, taken up the Hatchet without any previous Parley. Thefe Things are a Breach of 
the Peace ; they are contrary to your own Declarations : Therefore, now I come to forbid you. I 
will ftrikcover all this Land with my Rod, let it hurt who it will. I tell you, in plain Words, you 
muft go off this Land. You fay you have a ftrong Body, a ftrong Neck, and a ftrong Voice, that 
when you fpeak all the Indians, muft hear you. It is true, you are a ftrong Body, and ours is but 
weak, yet we are not afraid of you. We forbid you to come any further ; turn back to the Place 
from whence you came. 

ScARRooYAoy, who was the Speaker in thefe Conferences, when he had finiftied this Relation, gave 
his Reafon for fetting forth thefe three Meflages to the French in fo diftinft a Manner ; becaufe, " faid 
he, the Great Being who hves above, has ordered us to fend tlirce MefTages of Peace before wc make 
War :— And as the Half King has, before this Time, delivered the third and laft Mefiage, we have 
r/jthing now to do but to ftrike the French. 



. . C 5 ] 

THfe Cotnmiffionirrs *ete likewife inrormed, by Mr. Croghan, that the Ohio Indians had received 
from the Virginia Governfnent a large Number of Arms in the Spring, and that at their prefTinc^ In- 
ftances a fuitable Quantity of Ammunition was ordered in the Treaty at irwchejler to be Jod"ed for 
them, in a Place of Security, on this Side the Ohio, which was committed to the Care of three Per- 
ions, viz. Guejl, IVilliam Trent, and Jndreiti Montour, who were impowered to diftribute 

them to the Indians as their Occafions and Behaviour fhould require. That ail the Tribes fettled at or 
near Allegheny would take their Meafures from the Encouragement which thefc Indians fhould find' in 
the Province of Virginia -, and that the kind Intentions of this Government in the Appropriation of a 
large Sum of Money for the Ufe of thefe Indians, in cafe they fhould be diflreifed by their Enemies 
and their Hunting and Planting prevented, were well known to them by the repeated Informations d 
Andrew Montour and the Traders. 

CONRAD IVEISER, to whom it was carneftly recommended by the CommifTioners, to procure 
all the Information pofTiblc from the Indians of his Acquaintance, touching their Condition and Difpofi- 
tion, and the real Defigns of the French, did likewife acquaint us, that all Perlons at Ohio would have 
their Eyes on the Reception of thofe Indians, now at Cariijle, and judge of the Affeftion of this Pro- 
vince by their Treatment of them ; and that as the intended Prcfent was no Secret to thofe Indians, it 
■was his Opinion, that the Whole fhould, at this Time, be diftributed ; for if any Thino- can, fuch a 
generous Donation muft needs attach the Indians entirely to the Englijh. 

These feveral Matters being taken into Confideration by the CommifTioners, and the Governor 
having given them exprefs Direitions to accommodate themfelves to the Circumflances of the Indians, 
as they fhould appear in examining them at the Place of Treaty, we were unanimoufly of Opinion, 
that an Addition fhould be made to the Goods bought at Philadelphia, in which a Regard fhould b$ 
had to fuch Articles as were omitted or fupplied in lefs Quantities than was fuitable to the prefent 
Wants of the Indians. On this Refolution the Lifts of Goods were examined, and an additional Quan- 
tity bought of John Carfon, at the Philadelphia Price, and ufual Rate of Carriage. 

During thefe Confultations, it was rumoured that the Half King was returned to Logs-Town, and 
had received an unfatisfaftory Anfwer, which was confirmed, but not in fuch Manner as could be po- 
fitively relied on, by a Brother of Andrew Montour, and another Perfon who came direftly from Al- 
legheny. This alarmed the CommifTioners, and made them willing to poflpone Bufinefs till they fhould 
know the Certainty thereof, judging, that if the Half King was returned, he would certainly fend a 
MefTenger Exprefs to Carlijle, with an Account of what was done by him ; and from this the Com- 
mifTioners might take their Meafures in the Diftribution of the Prcfent. 

A Letter, wrote by Taaf, and Cullender, two Indian Traders, dated the Twenty-eighth Day of 
September, from a Place fituate a little on this Side Allegheny River, diretled to IVilliam Buchanan, was 
given him the Morning of the firft Day of O^ober, and he immediately laid it before the Commif- 
fioners for their Pcrufal. In this Letter an Account is given, the Half King was returned, and 
had been received in a very contemptuous Manner by the French Commander, who was then preparing 
with his Forces to come down the River -, and that the Half King, on his Return, fhed Tears, and 
had aftually warned the Englifh Traders not to pafs the Ohio, nor to venture either their Perfons or 
their Goods, for the French would certainly hurt them. On this News the Conferences with Scarroo- 
yady, and the Chiefs of the Six Nations, Delawares, and Shawonefe, were renewed, and the Letter 
read to them, at which they appeared greatly alarmed ; but, after a fhort Paufe, Scarrooyady, addrefTing 
liimfelf to the Delawares and Shawonefe, fpoke in thefe Words : 

Brethren and Coufins, 
I LOOK on this Letter as if it had been a McfTage from the Half King himfelf : We may expeft no 
other Account of the Refult of his Journey. However, I advife you to be flil), and neither fay nor 
do any Thing till we get Home, and I fee my Friend and Brother the Half King, and then we fhall 
know what is to be done. 

The Forms of the Condolances, vhich depend entirely on Indian Cnfloms, were fettled in Qon^e- 
tences vi'ith Scarrosyady, and Cayanguileguoa, a knCihlc Indian, of the ik&^w.^ Nation, and a Perfon 
intimate with and much confulted by Scarrosyady, in which it was agreed to take the Six Nations a- 
long with us in thefe Codolances ; and accordingly the proper Belts and Strings were made ready, 
and Scarrooyady prepared himfelf to exprefs the Sentiments of both in the Indian Manner. And aes 
the Goods arrived this Morning before Break of Day, the feveral Sorts ufed on thefe Occafions were 
laid out i and the Indians were told that the CommifTioners would fpeak to theni at Eleven a Clock. 

^t a Meeting of the Corr.mijfioners, and Indians, at Carliflc, the firfi Day of Odlober, 1753. 
Richard Peters, j 

Isaac Norris, > Efquires, CommifTioners. 

Benjamin Franklin, J 
The Deputies of the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawonefe^ Twightwees, and Owendaets'. 

A^Rfw MoNro'uR,} I"-P-- ]ZTZu:To.J^^^^^^^^' Members of AfTembly. 

The Magiftrates, and feveral other Gentlemen and Freeholders of the County of Cumberland. 
The Speech of the Commiffioners. 
Brethren, Six Nations, Delawares, Shawonefe, Twightwees, and Owendaets, 

THOUGH the City of Philadelphia be the Place where all Indians fhould go, who have Bufi- 
nefs to tranfadt with this Government, ) ct at your Requell, fignificd to Colonel Fairfax, ac 
M'lndeflir, ajid by him commuiiic.itcd to our Governor, by an Exprefs to Fbiladelpbia, he has been 

U pleafed 

1 753- 


C 6 3 

1753. pleafed on tfils particular Occafion to difpenfe with your coming there, and has done us the Honour 
---v*^ to depute us to receive and treat with you at this Town, in his Place and Stead ; this is fet forth in 

his Commiffion, which we now produce to you, under the Great Seal of this Province, the authentick 

Sign and Teftimony of all Afts of Government, 

By this String we acquaint you, that the Six Nations do, at our Requeft, join with us in condo- 
Ting the Loffes you have of late fuftamed by the Deaths of feveral of your Chiefs and principal Men i 
and that Scarrooyady is to deliver for both what has been agreed to be faid on this melancholy Occafion, 

Here tbt Cammijfi oners gave a String of fp^ampum. 

then Scarrooyady fpokt as follows : 

Brethren, the Twightwees and Shawonefe, 
It has pleafed Him who is above, that we fliall meet here To-day, and fee one another -, I and my 
Brother Onas join together to fpeak to you. As we know that your Seats at Home are bloody, we 
wipe away the Blood, and fet your Scats in Order at your Council Fire, that you may fit and 
confult again in Peace and Comfort as formerly ; that you may hold the antient Union, and ftrengthcn 
it, and continue your old friendly Correfpondencc. 

Here a String was given. 
Brethren, Twightwees, «»</ Shawonefe, 
We fuppofc that the Blood is now walhed off. We jointly, with our Brother Onas, dig a Grave 
for your Warriors, killed in your Country •, and we bury their Bones decently ; wrapping them up 
in thefe Blankets ; and with thcfe we cover their Graves. 

Here the Goods were given to the Twightwees, and Shawonefe. 

Brethren, Twightwees, and Shawonefe, 
I, and my Brother Onas, joindy condole with the Chiefs of your Towns, your Women and Chil- 
dren, for the Lofs you have fUftained. We partake of your Grief, and mix our Tears with yours. 
We wipe your Tears from your Eyes, that you may fee the Sun, and that every Thir^ may become 
cltar and pleafant to your Sight \ and we defire you would mourn no more. 

Here a Belt was given. 
The fame was faid to the Dehwares, mutatis mutandis. 

And then he fpoke to the Owendaets, in thefe Words ; 

Our Children, and Brethren, the Owendaets, 
You have heard what I and my Brother Onas have jointly faid to the Twightwees, Shawonefe^ and 
Dekwares : We now come to fpeak to you. We are informed that your good old wife Men are all 
dead, and you have no more left. 

Ws muft let you know, that there was a Friendfliip eftabliflied by our and your Grandfathers ; and 
a mutual Council Fire was kindled. In this Friendfliip all thofe then under tlie Ground, who had not 
yet obtained Eyes or Faces (that is, thofe unborn) were included •, and it was then mutually promifed 
to tell the fame to their Children, and Childrens Children : But fo many great Men of your Nation 
have died in fo Ihort a Time, that none but Youths are left ; and this maker, us afraid, left that Treaty, 
fo foiemnly eftabliflied by your Anceftors, fliould be forgotten by you : We therefore now come to 
temind yoH of it, and renew k ) wc re-kindlc the old Fire, and put on frclh Fuel. 

Her: a String was given. 

The other Speeches, of burying the Dead, (^e. were the fame as thofe to the Twigbtweesy Sea 

After each had been fpoken to, Scarrooyad;/ proceeded thus : 

Brethren^ DeJawareSj Shawonefe, Twightwees, a»i Owendaets, 
We, the Engtifi, and Six Nations, do now exhort every one of you to do your utmoft to prc- 
fcrve this Union and Friendfliip, which has fo long and happily continued among us : Let us keep 
the Chain from rutting, and prevent every Thing that may hurt or break it, from what Quarter fo- 
cver it may come. 

Then the Goods allotted for each Nation, as a Fcfent of Condolance, were taken away by each," 
•nd the Council adjourn'd to the next Day. 

./it a Meeting of the Commijioners, and Indians, at Carlifle, tbe zd of Oflober, 1753. 


The Commjflioners, The fame Indians as Yefl:erday, 

The Magiftrates, and feveral Gentlemen of the County. 
The Speech of the CommiJJioners. 
Brethren, Six Nations, Dekwares, Shawonefe, Twightwees, and Owendaets, 

NO W that your Hearts arc eafed of their Grief, and wc behold one anotiier with chearful Coun- 
renances, wc let you know that the Governor, and good People of Pennfylvania, did not fend 
as M rweivc ysu tmpty-handsd j bwt put fomcthing into owr Pockni, to be givco to fuch as fliould 



[ 7 1 

ftrour US' with tRw frrendly Virn? r Thefe Goods we therefore requeft you would accept oF, and divide 
amongft all that are of your Company, in fuch Proporrions as fhall be agreeable to you. You know " 
how to do this better than we. What we principally defire, is, that you will confider this Prefent as 
a Token of our cordial Efteem for you ; and ufe it with a Frugality becoming your Circumftances, 
which call at this Time for more than ordinary Cire. 

WiTR Fleafure we behold here the Deputies of five different Nations, viz. the United Six Nations, 
the Dekwargf, the Shawonefe., the ^wightwees, and the Owendaets. Be pleafcd to caft your Eyes to- 
wards thb Belt, whereon fix Figures are delineated, holding one another by the Hands. This is a 
juft Refemblance of our prefent Union : The five firft Figures reprefenting the five Nations, to which 
you belong, as the fixth does the Government of Peimfyhania ; with whom you are linked in a clofe 
and firm Union. In whatever Part the Belt is broke, all the Wainpum runs off, and renders the 
Whole of no Strength or Confiftency. In like iVIanner, fliould you break Faith with one another, 
or with this Government, the Union is diflblved. We would therefore hereby place before you the 
Neceflity of preserving your Faith entire to one another, as well as to this Government. Do not fe- 
parate : Do not part on any Score. Let no Differences nor Jcaloufies lubfift a Moment between 
Nation and ^3ation ; but join all together as one Man, fincerely and heartily. We on our Part ihall 
always perform our Engagements to every one of you. In Teftimony whereof, we prefent you witft 
this Belt. 

Here the Belt was given. 

We have only this one Thing further to fay at this Time : Whatever Anfwers you may have 
to give, or Bufinefs to tranfadt with us, we defire you would ufe Difpatch -, as it may be dange- 
irous to you, and incommo^Jious to us, to be kept long from our Homes, at this Seafon of the Year. 

At a Meeting of the CommijjioTierSy <?«</ Indians, the -^d o^ Oftober, i^^i- 


The Commifiioners, The fame Indians as before. 

Several Gentlemen of the County. 

Scarrooyady, Spealcer. 


Brother Onas, 

H A T we have now to fay, I am going to ipeak, in BehaJf of the Ttuightwees, Shaxostujn 
Dekwares, and Owendaets. 

You have, like a true and affectionate Brother, comforted Us in our AfBiftion. You have wiped 
away the Blood from our Seats, and fet them again in order. You have wrapped up die Bones ot 
our Warriors, and covered the Graves of our wife Men ; and wiped the Tears from our Eyes, and 
the Eyes of our Women and Children : So that we now fee the Sur,, and all Things are become 
pleafant to our Sight. We rtiall not fail to acquaint our feveral Nations with your Kindnefs. Wc 
fliall take Care that it be always remembered by us ; and believe it will be attended With fuitablc Re- 
turns of Love and Affedion. 

Then one of the Tmghtwees Jlood up, and /poke as follo-Jis : (Scarrooyady Interpreter.) 

Brother Onas, 
The Outawas, Cheefaivays, and the Frtnch, have ftruck us.— The Stroke was heavy, and hard to 
be borne, for thereby wc loll our King, and feveral of our Warriors ■, but the Lois our Brethren, the 
Englijh, fuffered, we grieve for moft. The Love we have had for the Englijh, from our firft Know- 
ledge of them, ftill continues in our Breafts i and we fhall ever retain the fame ardent Affection for 
them.— We cover the Graves of the Englijh with this Beaver Blanket. We mourn for them more 
than for our own People. 

Here hefpread on the Floor fme Beaver Skins, fewed together in the Form of a large Blanket. 

ThtH Sarroayidy /poke as follows: 
Brother Onas, 
I SPEAK now on Behalf of all the Indians prefent, in Anfwcr to what you faid when you gave us 
the Goods and Belt. What you have faid to us Yeftcrday is very kind, and pleafes us exceedingly. 
The Speech which accompanied the Belt, is particulariy of great Moment. We will take the Belt 
home to Ohio, where there is a greater and wifer Council than us, arid confider it, and return you a 
full Anfwcr. We return you Thanks for the Prefenf. 

Gave a String, 
Brother Onas; 
Last Spring, when you heard of the March of the French Army, you were fo good as to fend 
lis Word, that we might be on our Guard i Wc thank you for this friendly Notice. 

Brother Onas, 
Your People not only trade with us in our Towns, but difperfe themfelves over a large and wide 
tttcndfd Country, in wli'ch refide many Nations : At one End live the fwightwees, and at the other 



[ 8 ] 

End the Caghnazvazas, and JdironSacks ; thefe you muft comprehend in your Chain of Friendfliip , 
they are, and will be, your Brethren, let Onontio fay what he will. 

Gave a String. 

Brother Onas, 
I DESIRE you would hear and take Notice of what I am about to fay now. The Governor of Vir- 
ginia defired Leave to build aftrong Houfe on Ohio, which came to the Ears of the Governor of Ca- 
r.ada ; and wc fuppofc this cauled him to invade our Country. We do not know his Intent ; becaufe 
he fpeaks with two Tongues. So foon as we know his Heart, we fliall be able to know what to doj 
and fhall fpeak accordingly to him. Wc defire that Fennfylvania znA Virginia would at prefent for- 
bear fettling on our Lands, over the Allegheny Hills. We a'dvife you rather to call your People back 
on this Side the Hills, left Damage fhould be done, and you think ill of us. But to keep up our 
Correfpondencc with our Brother Onas, we v;ill appoint fome Place on the Hills, or near them ; and we 
do appoint George Croghan, on our Part, and defire you to appoint another on your Part, by a formal 
Writing, under the Governor's Hand. Let none of your People fettle beyond where they are now j 
nor on the Juniata Lands, till the Affair is fettled between us and the French. At prefent, George 
Croghan'% Houfe, at Juniata, may be the Place where any Thing may be fent to us. We defire a 
Commiffion may be given to the Perfon intrufted by the Government oi Pennfylvania ; and that he may 
be direfted to warn People from fettling the Indians Lands, and impowered to remove them. 

Gave a Belt and String: 

Brother Onas, 
All we who are here defire you will hear what we are going to fay, and regard it as a Matter of 
Moment : The French look on the great Number of your Traders at Ohio with Envy ; they fear 
they fhall lofe their Trade. You have more Traders than are neceffary -, and they fpread themfelves 
over our wide Country, at fuch great Diftances, that we cannot fee them, orproteft them. We de- 
fire you will call back the great Number of your Traders, and let only three Setts of Traders remain j 
and order thefe to ftay in three Places, which we have appointed for their Refidence, viz. Logs-Town, 
the Mouth of Cana-wa, and the Mouth of Mohongely ■, the Indians will then come to them, and buy 
their Goods in thefe Places, and no where elfe. We fliall likewife look on them under our Care, and 
ihall be accountable for then*. We have fettled this Point with Virginia in the fame Manner. 

Gave a String. 

Brother Onas, 
The Er.glij}} Goods are fold at too dear a Rate to us. If only honcft and foher Men were to deal 
with us, we think they might afford the Goods cheaper : We defire therefore, that you will take ef- 
fectual Care hereafter, that- none but fuch be fuffered to' come out to trade with us. 

Gave a String. 

Brother Onas, 
Your Traders now bring fcarce any Thing but Rum and Flour: They bring little Powder and 
Lead, or other valuable Goods. The Rum ruins us. We beg you would prevent its co.Tiing in fuch 
Quantities, by regulating the Traders. We never underftood the Trade was to be for Whifkey and 
Flour. We defire it may be forbidden, and none fold in the Indian Country ; but that if the Indians 
will have any, they may go among the Inhabitants, and deal with them for it. When thefe Whifkey 
Traders come,' they bring thirty er forty Cags, and put them down before us, and make us drink ; 
and get all the Skins that Ihould go to pay the Debts we have contracfted for Goods bought of the 
Fair Traders ; and by this Means, we not only ruin ourfelves, but them too. Thefe wicked Whifkey 
Sellers, when they have once got the Indians in Liquor, make them fell their very Clothes from their 
Backs.— In Ibort, if this Praftice be continued, we muft be inevitably ruined : We moft earneftlj 
therefore befeech you to remedy it. 

A treble String. 

Brother OnaS, 
I HAVE now done with generals ; but have fomething to fay for particular Nations. 

The Shaivonefe heard fome News fince they came here, which troubled their Minds ; on whicH 
they addrefied themfelves to their Grandfithers, the Delawares; and faid. Grandfathers, we will live 
and die with you, and the Six Nations; We, our Wives and Children ; and Children yet unborn. 

N. B. This was occafioned by Conrad Weifer'j having told them in private Converfation, that 
while he was in the Mohock Country, he was informed, that the Frencli intended to drive 
away the Shawonefe (as well as she Englifli) from Ohio. 

ScARRcoYADY then proceeded, and faid, I have fomething farther to fay on Behalf of the Shawonefe. 

Brother Onas, 
At the Beginning of the Summer, when the News was brought to us, of the Approach of the 
French, the Shawonefe made this Speech to their Uncles, the Delawares, faying, " Uncles, you have 
often told us, that we were a fenfible and difcreet People -, but wc loft all our Senfe and Wits, when 
we flipp'd out of your Arms ; however, we are now in one another's Arms again, and hope we 
Ihall flip out no more. Wc remember, and arc returned to our former Friendfliip, and hope it will 
alwayj continue. In Teftimony whereof, we give you, our Uncles, a String of ten Rows." 

The Shawonefe likewife, at the fame time, fent a Speech to the Six Natipns, faying, " Our Brethren, 
the Englijh, have treated us as People that had Wit : The French deceived us : But we now tura 
our Heads about, and are looking perpetually to the Country of the Six Nations, and our Brethren, the 
Englifbi and defire you to make an Apology for us ; and they gave eight Striiigs of Wampum." 



[ 9 ] 

The Bdawares and Six Nations do therefore give up thefe Strings to Onas, and recommend the Shaw- 
c;:e[e to him as a People who have feen their Error, and are their and our very good Friends. 

Gave eight Strings. 
Brother Onas, 
iiEf ORE I finifh, I muft tell you, we all earneftly requeft you will pleafe to lay all our prefent Tran- 
iaftions before the Council of Oiwndago, that they jnay know we do nothing in the Dark. They may 
perhaps think of us, as if we did not know what we were doing ; or wanted to conceal from them 
what we do with our Brethren -, but it is otherwife ; and therefore make them acquainted with all our 
Proceedings : This is what we have likewife defired of the Virginians when we treated with them at 

Brother Onas, 
I FORGOT fomething which I muft now fay to you ; it is to defire you would afTift us with fomc 
Horfes to carry our Goods ; becaufe you have given us more than wc can carry ourfelves. Our Wo- 
men and young People prefent you with this Bundle of Skins, defiring fome Spirits to make them 
chearful in their own Country ; not to drink here. 

Prefented a Bundle of Skins. 
Then he added : 

The Twightwees intended to fay fomething to you ; but they have midaid fome Strings, which has 
put their Speeches into Diforder ; thefe they will reftify, and fpeak to you in the Afternoon. 

Then the Indians withdrew. 

At a Meetir.g of the Commijjioners and Indians the 7,d of OiSober, 1753. P. M. 


The CommiiTioners, The fame Indians as before. 

The Magiftrates, and fcveral Gentlemen of the County. 

T'i'^ Twightwees _/^M^ by Andrew Montour. 
Brother Onas, 

HEARKEN what I have to fay to the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawonefe, and Eig'.ijh. 
The French have ftruck us -, but thp' we have been hurt, it is but on one Side ; the other Side is 
lafe. Our Arm on that Side is entire ■, and with it we l.iid hold on our Pipe, and have brought it along 
v/ith us, to fhew you it is as good as ever : And we fliail leave it with you, that it may be always 
ready for us and our Brethren to fmoak in when we meet together. 

Here he delivered over the Calumet, dkcorated with Jine Feathers. 
Brother Onas, 
We have a fingle Heart. We have but one Heart. Our Heart is green, and good, and found : 
This Shell, painted green on its hollow Side, is a Refemblance of it. 

The Country beyond us, towards the Setting of the Sun, where the French live, is all in Darknefs ; 
we can fee no Light there : But towards Sun- rifing, where the Englijh live, we fee Light ; and that is 
the Way we turn our Faces. Coiifider us as your faft Friends, and good Brethren. 

Here he delivered a Urge Shell, painted green on the Concave-fide^ with 

a String of IVatn-pum tied to it. 

Brother Onas, 

This Belt of Wampum \Vas formerly given to the King of the Piankajhas, one of our Tribes, by 

the Six Nations ; that if at any Time any of our People fhould be killed, or any Attack made on 

them by their Enemies, this Belt Ihould be fent with the News, and the Six Nations would believe it. 

The Twightwees, when they brought this Belt to the Lower Shawonefe Town, addreffcd themfdves 
to the Shawonefe, Six Nations, Delawares, and then to the Etiglifh, and faid 5 

We are an unhappy People : Wc have had fome of our Brethren, the Luglifh, killed and taken 
Piiloners in our Tov.ns. Perhaps our Brethren, the Engli/h, may thi .k, or be told, that we were the 
Caufe of their Death : We therefore apply to you the Shawonefe, &c. to adure the EngUfh wc were 
rot. The Attack was fo fuddcn, tliat it was not in our Power to fave them. And we hope, v/hen 
you deliver this Speech to the Englijh, they will not be prejudiced againft us, but look- on us as their 
BiLthren : Our Hearts are good towards thsm. 

A large^ Belt of fourteen Rows. 
One of our Kings, on his Death bed, delivered to his Son, the young Boy who fits next to me, 
thefe eight Strings of Wampum, and told him, Child, " 1 am in Friendlliip with the .iVjatcowy^, De- 
lawares, Six Nations, and Eiigli/h ; and I dclire you, if by any Misfortune I Ihould happen to die, or 
be killed by my Enemies, you would fend tliis String to them, and they will receive you in Friendfhip 
in my Stead. 

Delivers the Strings. 

'£ The 


L ^o J 

The following is a Speech of the Wife of the Piankcflm King, after her Hufband's Death, addref- 
fcd to the Sha'wonefe, Six Nations, Delawares, and Englijh : " Remember, Brethren, that my Huf- 
band took a faft Hold ©f the Chain of Friendfhip lubfifting between your Nations : Therefore f 
now deliver up his Child into your Care and Proteftion, and defire you would take Care of him ; and 
remember the Alliance his Father was in with you, aad not forget his Friendlhip, but continue kind 
to his Child," 

Gave four Strings Hack and white. 

Brethren, Shawonefe, Delawares, Six Nations, a)id Engliih, 
We acquaint all our Brethren, that we have prepared this Beaver Blanket as a Scat for all our Bre- 
thren to fit on in Council. In the Middle of it we have painted a green Circle, which is t|ie Colour 
and Refemblance of our Hearts ; which we dcfire our Brethren may believe arc fincerc towards our 
Alliance with them. 

Delivered a Beaver Blanket. 

Then Scarrooyady flood up and /aid : 
Brother Onas, 
The Shawonefe and Delawares delivered this Speech to the Six Nations, and defired they would de- 
liver it to the Englijh ; and now I deliver it on their Behalf. 

We acquaint you, that as the Wife of the Piankajha King delivered his Child to all the Nations, 
to be taken Care of, they defire that thofe Nations may be interceeded with, to take Care that the 
faid Child may be placed in his Father's Seat, when he comes to be a Man, to rule their People. And 
the Six Nations now, in Behalf of the Whole, requeft, that this Petition may not be forgot by the 
Englijh, but that they would fee the Requeft fulfilled. 

Gave four Strings. 

Then Scarrooyady defired the Six Nations CquncW might be made acquainted with all thefe Speeches : 
And added, that they had no more to fay ; but what tney have faid is from their Hearts. 

At a Meeting of the ComvitJJio!hrs, fl«J Indians, the j^th of OSLohtr, 1753, 


The Commiffioners, The fame Indians as before. 

The Gentlemen of the County. 

The Commiffioners, unwilling to lofe any Time, prepared their Anfwers early this Morning, and fent for the 
Indians ; who having feated themfelves, the following Speech was made to them : 


Brethren, Six Nations, Delawares, Shawonefe, Twightwees, and Owendaets, 
H E leveral Matters delivered by you Yefterday have been well confidered i and v/e are now 
going to return you our Anfwers. 

The Concern exprefled by the Twightwees for the Death and Imprifonment of the Englijh, with 
their Proteflions of Love and Eftcem, denotes a fincere and friendly Difpofition, which entitles them to 
our Thanks, and the Continuance of our Friendlhip ; this they may certainly depend on. 

You have recommended to us the feveral Nations, who, you fay, live in that great Extent ot 
Country, over which our Traders travel to difpofe of their Goods, and efpecially the TSight'jieis, 
Adirondacks, and Caghnavja7as, who you fay live at different Extremities, and have good Inclinations 
towards the Englif}j.--\\f ijtlicve you would not give them this Charaiffer unlefs they deferved it. 
Your Recommendations always will have a Weight with us, and v.'ill difpofe us in Favour of them, 
agreeable to your Rcqvicft. 

The feveral Articles which contain your Obfervations on the Indian Traders, and the loofc drag 
gling Manner in which that Trade is carried on, thro' Countries lying at great Uiftances from your 
Towns— Your Propofals to remedy this, by having named three Places for the Traders to refide in, 
under your Care and Proteftion, with a Requeff, that the Province would .-'.ppoint the particular Per- 
fons to be concerned in thr. Ti.'.de, for whom they will be anfwerablc— VN'hat you fay about the vaft 
Quantitiesot Rum, a.nd its ill Eflcds, and that no more may be brou.-jiit amongft you; .ill thefe have 
made a very ftrong JmprcfTion upon our Minds ; and was it now in our I'ower to reftity thefe Diforder?, 
and to put Matters on the Footing you propoff, we would do it wirh great Pleafure : But thefe are 
Affairs wliich more immediately concern tfic Government ; in thc-lc therefore, we ihall imitate your 
Example, by laying them before the Governor, afluring you, tlut our heartieft Reprefentations of the. 
Ncceffity of thefe Re^^uUtigns Ihal! not be wanting, being convinced, that unlefs fomcthing be 



C " ] 

fpeedily done in tliefe Matters, the good People of this Province can no longer expeft Safety or Profit i - 
in their Com.nerce, nor the Continuance of your Afteftion. v^ 

We will fend an Account to Onondaga of all that has been tranfafted between us. 

We will atTift you with Horfes for the Carriage of the Goods given you. 

We grant your Women and young Men their Requcft for Rum, on Condition it be not delivered 
to them until you Ihall have paiTed the Mountains. 

ScARROOYADY fo.Tie Diys ago defired us to give Orders for the Mending of your Guns, i^c. and 
we did fo ; being obliged to fend for a Gunfmith out of the Country, as no One of that Trade lived 
'in the Town -, who promifed to come : But having broke his Word, it has not been in our Pcv/er to 
comply with this Requeft. 

Here the Siring given with the Requeft was returned. 

Having delivered our general Anfwr, we fhall now proceed to give one to what was faid by 
particular Nations, as well by the Shavjonefe in the Forenoon, as by the Twight-wses m the After- 

Brethren, Delaware?, and Shawoncfe, 
We are glad to fee you in fuch good Difpofitions to each other. We entreat you to do every 
Thing you can to preferve the Continuance of this agreeable Harmony. The Shawonefe may be 
aflured v/e retain no Manner of Remembrance of their former Mifcarriages : We are perfecfly recon- 
ciled, and oi'.r Eluem ibr their Nation is the fame as ever. 

Gave a large Stniig. 
Brethren, T wight wees, 
We fliall take your (everal Prefents, Shells, Strings, Beaver Blanket, and Calumet Pipe, with us, 
and deliver them to the Governor ; that thefe, and the feveral Things faid at the Delivery of them, 
may remain in tlic Council Chamber, at Philadelphia, for our mutual Ufe and Remembrance, when- 
ever it Iliall pleafe the Great Being, who fits above, to bring us together in Council again. 

Gave a hng String. 
V/e defire you v/i!I fend thefe two Strouds to the young King, as an Acknowledgment of cur 
affeftionate Remembrance of his Father's Love to us, and of our Good-will to him. 

B;; pleaiL-tl to j>n"f(-nt to the Widow of the Pi.wkajha King, our late hearty Friend, thefe Hand- 
kercliicfb, to wipe tlic Tears from her Eyes -, and likewife give her Son thefe two Strouds to clothe 

Here two Handkerchiefs and two Strouds were gkien. 
Brethren Twightwees, 
We affure you we entertain no hard Thoughts of you ; nor in any wife injpute to you the Mi:- 
fortune that befel the Englijh in your Town ; it was the Chance of War : We were ftruck together ; 
we fell together ; and we lament your Lofs equally with our own. 

Brethren, Si): Nations, Delawares, ijhawonefe, Twightwees, and Owendaets, 
We have now finilhed our Anfwers ; and we hope they will be agrcealile to you : Whatever we 
have faid, has been with a hearty Good-will towards you ; our Hearts have accompanied our Fro- 
fc/Tions, and you will always find our Aiftions agreeable to them. Then the Commiliioners were 
filent ; and, after a Space of Time, renewed their Speeches to them. 

Brethren, Six Nations, Delawares, Shawonefe, Twightwees, and Owendaets, 
We have fomething to fay to you, to which we entreat you v/ill gire your clofeft Attention, fine? 
k concerns both us and you very much. 

We have held a Council on the prefent Situation of your Affairs. We have Reafon to think, 
from t!ie Advices of Taaf and Callender, that it would be too great a Rifque, coirildering the pre- 
iii-^^ Diforder Things ^rc in at Obis, to encreafc t]\^ Quantity of Goods already given you ; Wc 
therefore acquaint you, that, though the Governor has furnilTied us wiih a larger Prefent of Goods, 
to put into your publick Storc-houfe, as a general Stock, for your Support and Service, and we did 
intend to have fent them along v.'ith you i we have, on this late difagreeable Piece of News, altered 
our Minds, and determined, that the Goods Ihall not be delivered till the Governor be made ac- 
quainted with your prefent Circumllances, and iTiall give his cwn Orders for the Dilpofal of them. 
And that they may lie ready for your Ufe, to be applied for, whenever the Delivery may be i'i'ie, 
feafonable, and likely to do you the nioll Service , we have commkted them to the Care of your 
good Friend George Crogban, who is to tranfmit to the Governor, by Exprefs, a true and faithful Ac- 
Count how your Matters are likely to turn cut; and ar^ the Governor's Order, and not otherwife, to 
put you into the PolTcfTicn of them. 

This ue hope you will think a prudent C:iV!t!o.;. arj a Te(^i:nonv of our Care for your reai Good 
.-id \Vei'.ire. 



[ i^ '] 

r53. Bre.'hren, 

V— «-' We have a Favour of a particular Nature to requefl from your Speaker, Scarrcojady, in wIiicFi 

we exptft your Concurrence, and joint Intereft ; and therefore mak^ it to hiin in your Prtfcnce, 

Here the Commiflioncrs applying to Scarroeyady, fpoke as follows : 

Refte^ed Chief and Brother Scarrooyady, 
We have been informed by Andrew Montour, and George Croghan, that you did at JFincheJler, in 
pubiick Council, undertake to go to Carolina, to foUicit the Rtleafe of fome Warriors of the Shawo- 
nefe Natiot), who are faid to be detained in the pubiick Prifon of Charles-Town, on Account of fome 
Mifchief committed by them, or their Companions, in the inhabited Part of that Province; and 
thefe two Perfons, who are your very good Friends, have given it as their Opinion, if, after you 
know what has pafled at Ohio, you Ihall now leave tliis Company of Indians, and not return with 
them to their Families, and afiift in the Cohfultations with one Half King, and their other Chiefs, 
what Meafures to take in this unhappy Situation of your Affairs, all may be irrecoverably loft at 
Allegheny, and the Lofs with Juftice be laid at your Door. You may, perhaps, be afraid to clifobiigc 
the Sbawonefe, as it was at their Inffance you undertook this Journey -, but we intend to fpeak to 
them, and have no Doubt of obtaining their Confent -, convinc'd as we are, that the Releafe of thefe 
Prifoners will be fooner and more effeftually procur'd by the joint Interpofition of the Governors of 
Pennfylvania and Virginia, than by your pcrfotial Sollicitation -, in as much as our Governor, to whom 
we fhall very heartily recommend this Affair, can fend, with greater Difpatch, his Letters to Caro- 
lina, than you can perform the Journey ; for at this Seafon, Opportunities prefent every Day of fend- 
ing by Sea to Charles-Town ; and an Exprefs by Land may be difpatched to Governor Dunwiddie, as 
foon as we return to Philadelphia. 

Gave a String. 

The Shawonefe Chiefs expreffing DifTatisfaiftion at this Endeavour of the CommifTioners to ffop 
Scarrooyady, it gave us fome Trouble to fatisfy them, and obtain their Confent ; but at laft it was ef- 
feded ; and when this was fignified to Scarrooyady, he made this Anfwcr. 

Brother Onas, 
1 WILL take your Advice, and not go to Virginia at this Time, — but go Home, and do every 
Thing in my Power for the common Good. And fince we are here now together, with a great deal 
of Pleafure I muft acquaint you, that we have fet a Horn on Andrew Montour's Head, and that 
you may believe what he fays to be true, between the Six Nations and you, they have made him one 
of their Counfellors, and a great Man among them, and love him dearly. 

Scarrooyady gave a large Belt to Andrew Montour, and 
the Commijfioners agreed to it. 

After this Difficulty was got over, nothing clfe remained to be done -, and as the Abfence of 
thefe Indians was dangerous, the Commiffioners put an End to the Treaty, and took their Leave of 
them, making private Prefents at parting, to fuch of the Chiefs, and others, as were recomn>ended 
by the Interpreters to their particular Notice. 

Thus, may it pleafe the Governor, we have given a full and jufl Account of all our Proceedings, 
and we hope our Conduft will meet with his Approbation. But, in Juflice to thefe Indians, and the 
Promifes we made them, we cannot clofe our Report, without talcing Notice, Thpt the Quantities 
of ftrong Liquors fold to thefe Indians in the Places of their Refidence, and during their Hunting Sea- 
fons, from all Parts of the Counties over Safquehannah, have encreafed of late to an inconceivable 
Degree, fo as to keep thefe poor Indians continually under the Force of Liquor, that they are here- 
by become dilTolute, enfeebled and indolent when fober, and untradtable and mifchievous in their 
Liquor, always quarrelling, and often murdering one another : That the Traders are under no Bonds, 
nor give any Security for their Obfervance of the Laws, and their good Behaviour -, and by their 
own Intemperance, unfair Dealings, and Irregularities, will, it is to be feared, entirely eftrange the 
Affeftions of the Indians from the Englifh ; deprive them of their natural Strength and Aftivity, and 
oblige them either to abandon their Country, or lubmit to any Terms, be they ever fo imreafonable, 
from the French. Thefe Truths, may it pleafe the Governor, are of fo intcrefting a Nature, that 
we fhall ffand excufcd in recommending in the moft earneft Manner, the deplorable State of thefe 
Indians, and the heavy Difcouragements under which our Commerce with them at prefent labours, 
to the Governor's mofl fcrioug Confidcration, that fome good and fpeedy Remedies may be provided, 
before it be too late, 

November i, 1753. ISAAC N O R R I S, 




N U 

O F 




In the Months of fuly and November^ 1756 5 


Two MESSAGES fent by the Government to the 
Indians redding on Safquehannah ; and the REPORT of the Com- 
mittee appointed by the Assembly to attend the GOVERNOR at 
the laft of the faid Conferences. 


Printed and Sold by B. F R A N K L I N, and D. H A L L, at the 
New-Printrng-Officey near the Market. MDCCLVII. 


f 3 3 


O F 



After the Ending of the Conferences between Scarroyady and fome of the Peo- 
ple called Quakers, the three Indians, Newcaftlc, Jagrea, and William 
Locquies, beifig prepared to fet out for Wioming, the Governor (ivho, 
duriiig thefe Conferences^ received Me f ages from the Governor of New- 
York) delivered them the following Meffage to the Delaware and Shawanefe 
Indians, living on Safquehannah, viz, 

BRETHREN, April 26, 1756. 

IH A V E received an Account from Sir William Joknfon, fent me by Sir Charles Hardy, 1736. 
Governor of New~Tork, that, immediately after the Council held at Fort Jobifon, De- v.-»y~^ 
puties were dilpatched by the Six Nations to Atfaniiigo, and that they convened die 
Delaivares, Shawanefe, and other Indians, from the feveral Towns on the Safquehannah, 
to the Number of Three Hundred, to whom they delivered Meflages from that Council, 
blaming them for taking up the Hatchet againft their Brethren the Englijh, and command- 
ing them to lay it down immediately j and that they had hearkened to this Meflage, and 

agreed to ftrike no more. What I tell you is in this Letter; [^Here the Gtniemor gave Mr, 

Weifer Sir Charles Hardy '^ Letter of the i bth of April, to i^iterpret to them. And when he 
had made them underfland what Sir Charles Hardy had wrote, the Governor took a Belt in his 
Hand, a7rd proceeded.'] 

I think it neceflary that the Indians at Wioming, as well Enemies as Friends, {hould know, 
thzt Sir Charles Hardy has fent this Account to me from Sir William Johnfon ; and as two of you 
are of the Six Nations, and one a Delaware, I think it proper that you (liould undertake to 
notify this to them ; and at the fame Time to let them know, as from yourfelves, that if 
they are fmcerely difpofed to Peace, and will deliver up the Englijh Prifoners to die Six 
Nations, and hearken to their Advice in laying down the Hatchet, and abide by fuch Terms 
as fhall be agreed on, you can venture to allure them, that tho' much Blood has been fpilt, 
and that the Englijh, in Refentment of this, are well prepared to avenge themfelves, yet 
they have fo great Regard for the Six Nations, that it will be in their Power to perfwade the 
Englijh not to profccute the War, but to accept fair, jufl: and honourable lerms ; and I 
provide you with this Belt, to deliver it to them with fuch a Speech. 

I (peak my own fincerc Inclinations, when I fay I am for Peace ; and not only my own, 
but the Sentiments of others, and particularly the earneft Delire of a Number of People, 
who are the Defcendants of thofe that came over with the firft Proprietor -, all thofe are ex- 
tremely delirous to interpofe with the Government, to receive the Submillion of the Dela- 
wares, and to overlook what is part, and cftablifh for the future a firnl and lafling Agree- 
ment, Peace and Affediion between us, and have repeatedly applied to me for diis Purpofc. 

As many Stories have been told to the Indians to our Prejudice, I defire you will unde- 
ceive them ; and pardcularly I do charge William Locquies to acquaint the Delawares, that 
thofe of their Tribe who live among us, have not liad any Miichief done them,' but are 
treated with our ufual Kindncfs, and arc at Liberty, ar.d live in Peace and Plenty among 

us. 1 charge you William Locquies, to declare the Truth to the Indians, and to aiTure 



[ 4 ] 

17^6. them that they have been Impofed on 5 and relate the Care that has Keen taken, as well by 
-— ^r— ^ the Government of New-Jerfey, as this, of all the Ind'uvjs who have llaid with us, and tlut 
they enjoy our Proteftion, and live as happily as evef.' 

A String. 
Paxifiojh, and fome other Shawa?iefe, and other Indians, have not broke Faith with us, but 
endeavoured to diiluade the Delawarcs from ftriking us.— —When they could hot fifcceed, 
they feparated from them, and now live together in fome Place near Wioming ; I would 
have you go to them, and let them likewife know tliis Account from Sir WilLtam 'johnjon^ 
and alTure them from me, that if they are mclined to come within the Inhabitants, you have 
my Orders to condudt them ; or if thejr do not incline to come now, but at any other 
Time, they will, on fending me a Mellage, be provided with a fafe Condudt, and meet 
with an hearty Welcome. — Let them know that Scarroyidy related to me what had pafled 
between him and them ; and that Aroas and David have likewife made me acquainted with 
wliat was faid by them when they were laft at IVioming. 

Then the Governor gave them a String to give to Paxinofa. 

Newcaftle, Jagrea, /7;7^ William Locquies, returned the Governor an A7ifwer', viz. 

That the Meflages were very good, and what they approved mightily, and would under- 
take the Journey, and deliver them faithfully ; but then they mull defire the Governor 
would make their Apology to Colonel Clapham, and tell l\im, that nothing but the Governor's 
Commands would have induced them to delay their coming to him. 

The Governor promifed h^ would ; and then told them, that Mr. Spangenberg was deHred 
to be prefent, " having fome Delaiuare Indians under his Care, diat he might hear what was 

delivered to them. He defired they would go by Way of Bethlehem, and take with them 

one or more of the Indians there, and that Mr. Spangenberg would prepare thofe Indians for 
their Vifit, and perfwade fome of them to accompany them to Wioming. 

The Meffengers returned, and on the 31ft of May, I'j^b, made tlie following Report, 
viz. 'That on their Arrival at Wioming, they found the Indians had left the Tovon, arid gone 
lip the River; they therefore proceeded to Teaogon, ivhere they met with a great Number of In- 
dians, and informed them they had brought a Mejjage from the Governor of Pennfylvania, and 
defired a Meeting of all their People in that Town and Jiear it ; which being obtained in two 
Days, they then delivered their Mefiige. — After which, Paxinofa, as Speaker of their Council^ 
>-cturncd the following Anfwer, viz. 

Brethren, The Governor, and Peopleof Pennfylvania, 

TH E dark Clouds overfpread our Country fo fuddenly, that we have been all at once fe- 
parated, and that dark Cloud got in between us ; and as it has pleafed the moft High 
to difpel it a little, fo that we can juft fee one another again, our Eyes are now running 
with Tears, becaufe of the melancholy Sight of feeing our Country covered with our own 
Blood (we mean yours and ours.) Give me Leave to wipe off the Tears from your Eyes, 
though at the fame Time my own Eyes run with Tears in Abundance for what has paffed. 

Gave a String. 
As you came a great Way, and through dangerous Places, where evil Spirits reign, who 
might have put feveral Things in your Way to obftruft your Bufmefs, this String ferves to 
clear your Mind, and the Paflage from your Heart to your Mouth, that you may fpeak freely 
to us. 

Gave a String. 

Teedyufcung, a Delaware Chief, fpoke tiext. 

Brother Onsis, a?id the People of Pennfylvznia, 
We rejoice to hear from you, and that you are willing to renew the old good Under- 
ilanding, and that you call to Mind the firft Treaties of FriendOiip made by Q/ias, our great 
Friend, deceafed, with our Fore-Fathers, when himfelf and his People firft came over here. 
We take hold of thefe Treaties with both our Hands, and defire you will do tlie fame, 
that a good Underftanding and true Friendfhip may be re-eftablilhed. Let us both take"hold 
of thefe Treaties with all our Strength, we befeech you j we on our Side will certainly do it. 

Gave a Belt. ■ 
Brother Onas, 
What you faid to us we took to Heart, and it entered into our Heart ; and we fpeak to 
you from our Heart -, and we will dc»l honeftly with you in every Refpedt. 

Gave a String. 


[ S ] 

Brother Onas, 
We defire fon will lock upon us with Eyes of Mercy. We are a very poor. People s our 
Wives and Children are almoft naked. We are void of Underftanding, and deftitute of the 
Ncceflaries of Life. Pity us. 

Ga-ve a Strings 

'The Delawares, Memfkies, and Mohickons, to Onas, and the People of Pcrmfylvania. 

There is a great Number of our People among you, and in a Manner confined) we de- 
fire you will fet them at Liberty, or rather give them a fafe Condud: to Ji'zcmi?ig, \vhere we 
intend to fettle as on your Fire Side ; there we \yill jointly with you kindle a Council-Fire, 
which fhall always burn, and we will be one People with you. 

Gave two Belts. 
Brother Onas, and all the People of 'PtnniyWz.nn, 
We had 'the Misfortune that a great and dark Cloud ovf rfpread our Country ; but by our 
"•Prudence, and that of our Uncles, the Six Nations, it is now almoft difpclled, and we fee the 
clear Heavens again. VJz \h&Delenjfares, the ShaivaneJ?, the Mohiekons, and Merti^ies, give 
you this String of Wampum, and defire you, that the Bitternefs which might-have gather- 
ed in this dark and unhajipy Time may be removed, and that you may by t>iis Means fpit 
it out; take or accept iliis as a certain Cure for that Purpofe, and pafs by all tliat is paft, and 
think on your poor foolifli Brethren with Mercy, and forget all the Evil done to you by 

Gavefeveral Strings ofWdrnpum, 
Brother Onas, 
What our Uncles the S;> iSJa/wzj required of us, in your and their Behalf, by their Dele- 
gates, at Otfaningo, we that live on the River Safquchannah have agreed to. We ha«e laid 
afide our Hatchet, and will nevet make:aife of it any more againil you or your Brethren, 
the Enghjh,: All our young Men have been- conililted about this, and all earneftly agree to it, 
and we now Ipeak in their Pxefence. 

V 3 rnuft give you this Caution, not to cliarge them with any Thing. that may be done by 
thet'Ww Indians, who are under the Influence of the French againft you. We aflure you, 
Our young Men will do no more Mifchief to your People. 

G<?w a String, _ 

At a CouNxiL held at Philadelphia, oti Tuefday, the Sth of June, 1756. 


The Honourable ROBERT HUNTER MORRIS, Efq; Lieutenant-Governor. 

Benjamin Shoemakj:r, Joseph Turner, j , , . . 
Richard Peters, John Mifflin, \ l"""^^- 

Captain Newcastle, . j^j. ^^^^ ^.^ ^^^.^^^^ 

Jagrea, or Satagarowves, J 

Conrad Weiser, Efq; Lnterpreter. 

The Governor and the People of 'Ptnv\iy\-vz.nii, to /^t" Indians or. Safquehannali, gathered nt 

I RETURN you the Thanks of this Government for the kind Reception you gave to 
my Meliengers : This I look upon as an AQ. of Fricndrhip, and a Token of your good 

A String of four Ro^s 
I am glad to find a good Spirit at laft prevailing amongft you, and that you hearkened to 
my Meflage, and laid it to Heart ; you will ever find us, your Brethren, fincerely difpofed 
to confult and aft for your truell Intereft, and in the feveral Matters which were or Oiall 
now be particularly promifed on our Part, you may reft aillircd we mean pimdually to per- 
form tliem, and exped; the iame Difpofition in you. 

,-/ String of four Rows. 
'J ' Brethren, 



[ 6 J 

1756. Brethren, i'/jf Shawanefe, Delawares, Memlliiis, ^n^Mohickons, _ 

.^v— ^ As you on your Parts have confirmed the Treaties and Leagues of Amity fubfifting betwecrt 
you and this Government, and givSn a Belt in Confirmation, thereof, and defire the lame be 
done on our Part ; I do now, by this Belt, ratify and confirm all former Treaties and Eit-: 
gagements, and aifure, that they fhall be moft inviolably oblerved as long as the Sun fliines. 

Here a large Belt was given. 
As Your Confirmation of former Treaties was accompanied with Profeflions of Sincerity, 
fo I make you the ftrongeil Affurances of Truth in the Confirmation this Government has 
now made. 

ASirhig of jvur Ronjes. 

That you and I may have an Opportunity of making thefe mutual Declarations at a publick 
Convention, I now kindle a Council-Fire at the Houfe of Conrad IVeifcr, ^vho is one of the 
Council of the Six Nations, and the publick Interpreter of the Pro\-ince. 

A largi' Belt of fourteen Rows. 

N. B. Mr. VJ €\itr faid it was nccejfary to name a particular "Place; hit the Indians V!ere, 
notwithjlanding this, always at Liberty to name another ; and he Sclieved, fromfometking 
Captain Newcaftle had dropped, the Indians would chufc the Forks-of-Deiaware. 

Having appointed a Place for us to meet in Council, I now clear the Roads to this Place, 
and remove me Logs and other Obftruftions out of it, fo that it may be perfectly fafe for 
every one defirous to ufe it to travel to their Bretliren when met in Council. 

A Belt of eight Rows, and eiglSt Strings tiodto it. 
It is offenfive to fee Blood fpilt upon the Road ufed by People who have lived in Friend- 
ihip together -, I therefore remove all Blood out of the Road that leads to the Co«ncil-Firp. 

A Belt of nine Rows. 
Your Indians who live among us go where they pleafe ; they live as we doj and enjoy 
their Liberty. We only hinder them from going to the Frontiers, where they might be 
miftaken for Enemies, and hurt or killed ; and that the Indians may know the Truth of this, 
we fend fome of them along witli our MeiTengcrs to Teaogon, who will declare what Treat- 
ment they have had from us. What few we have in Confinement fhall be fet at Liberty 
when the Council meets, and be brought there. 

A Spring. 
This laft is a very important Article, and what we abfolutely depend upon, That all Pri- 
foners taken on bodi Sides fhall be delivered up, as there can be no Sincerity on either Side 
where this is not done, and that in the moft faitliful and ample Manner, without keeping 
back a fingle Prifoner ; this Belt affures you that it fliall be punftually performed by us, and 
we expeft the fame pundually on your Side. 

7wo Belts, the one of f even, the other of eight Rows. 
You have mentioned to us the DiftreiTes you have been, and arc, in, for Want of NecelTa- 
ries ; thefe are owing to your having given Way to the Influences of an evil Spirit, and ibuck 
us your Brethren without any Caufe ; and as you have brought it on yourfclvcs, you have 
tlie lels Reafon to complain : But now that a good Spirit begins to fhew itfelf in you, and 
you defire to meet us in Council, I fhall bring with me a Sufficii^ncy of Clodies and Provi- 
fions to relieve thofe DiilrefTes. 

A String. 
As you have laid down the Hatchet, and defire the fame may be done by us. out- Mcf- 
fenger carries with him our Proclamation for Sufpenfion of HofHlities within the Limits there- 
in fpecified, of which we have informed the Six Natijis. 

Agreeable to the repeated Advice and Requeft of Scarroyady, and other Indians of the Six 
Nations, then refiding in this Province, I engaged to build a Fort at ShamoJcin, for the Protec- 
tion of our Friendly Indians, their Wives and Children ; and I now acquaint yora with the 
March of the Forces, in order to effedt this ufeful Work, that it may give no Umbrage ; 
the Commander having my Orders not to aft offcnlively. 


[ 7 ] 

Brethren, i-r 

You are to take Notice, that nothing propofed by me is to interfere with any Invitatron you »-— a 
may have received from Sir William Johnfo?!, or your Uncles, the Six Nations ; they have 
acquainted me, that a great Council is to be held in the Country of the Six Nations ; and 
thofe Indians at Teaogon are invited to it : I would have them by all Means give their At 
tendance there. You may go to either Place as you incline, for we are both in the Service of 
one King, and aft by his Direftion; 

Brother Newcaftle, 
I have now finifhed what I would have you fay in the Name of this Province to the In- 
dians gathered at Teaogon. You will adapt the leveral Articles to Indian Cuftoms, retaining 
the Spirit and Subftance of them. 

At a Conference held at Eafton, on Wednefday the 28th of July, 1756. 


the Honourable ROBERT HUNTER MORRIS, Efq; Lieutenant-Governor. 

William Logan, -J Joseph Fox, ") 

Richard Peters, lEfquires, of John Hughes, KCommiJJioners. 

Benjamin Chew, Ythe Cotmcil. William Edmonds, j 
John Mifflin, j 

Teedyuscung, the Delaware Chief, John Pumpshire, 1 t ^ j- 

andi^ other Chiefs, Joseph Peep y, ( ^''f A-f '"^ > 

Conrad Weiser, Efg; Interpreter Ben, j //^^ Delaware?. 
for the Six Nations. 

A large Company, conning of Officers of the Royal American Regiment, and of the Provin- 
cial Forces ^ Magtjlrates and Freeholders, of this and the neighbouring Province ; and aboui 
forty Citizens of the City of Philadelphia, chief y of the People called Quakers. 

The Governor acquainted the Indians he ivas going to f peak, and def red them to be attentive. 


BY a Belt which I fent by Neivcajlle^ and the other Indian Mefiengers, to Diahogo, I in- Conference : 
formed the Indians there, that I had kindled a Council Fire ; by another String I in- ^"fton. 
vited them to it) and by a String of Wampum I cleared the Road, that they might come in 
Safety to us. I allured you of an hi;arty Welcome as ibon as I came here, and of my 
Protedtion ; and I now, in the Name of this Government, again bid you welcome. As Captain 
Newcajlle brought me no Anfwer to fome Part of the Meffages I fent laft by him, I exped 
to receive them by you. I hope you come prepared to fpeak to us freely, fmcerely, and 
openly, and defire you may do fo. 

A String. 
To which Teedyufcung immediately anfwercd, 

Laft Spring you fent me a String; and as foon as I heard the good Words you fent, I was 
glad ; and as you told us, we believe it came from your Hearts, fo we felt it in our Hearts, 
and received what you faid widi Joy. 

The firft MefTages you fent me, came in the Spring; they toucned my Heart ; they gave 
me Abundance of Joy. I returned an Anfwer to them, and waited for your fecond MelTages, 
which came after fome Time, and were likewife very agreeable. By the laft you acquainted 
me that you had kindled a Council Fire, and invited me and my People to it. We accepted 
the Invitation ; and I came accordingly, and have ftaid fevcral Days, fmoalcing my Pipe 
with Patience, expeding to meet you here. We are ready to hear what you have to U\, 
and not only we, but five other Nations, in all ten Nations, are now turning their Eyes thi-j 
Wiy, and wait what will be fiid and done at tliis Meeting. 



[ 8 

I folemnly, and with the utmoft Sincerity, ' declare, that tlio' you may mink i am alor^ 
here, yet it will not be long before you will be convinced that I am here by the Appoint 
ment of ten Nations, among which are my Uncles the Six Isatiom, authorizing me to treat 
with you, and what I do they will all confirm. The Truth of this you will foon have 
made evident to you. 


Hearken to what I am going to fay : I declare, in the moft folemn Mannet, that what I 
now relate is the Truth. Abundance of Confufion, Diforder and Diftradtion lias arifcn 
among the Indians, from People taking upon them to be Kings, and Perfons of Authority. 
In every Tribe of Indians there have been fuch Pretenders, who have held Treaties, ibme- 
times publick, and fometimes in the Bufhes ; fometimes what thefe People did came to be 
known, but frequently it remained in Darknefs, or at lead no more was imparted to the 
Publick than they were pleafed to publifh. To fome they held up their Belts, but others 
never faw them ; this bred among the Indians great Heart-burnings and Quarrels, and I 
can aflure you, that the prefent Clouds do, in a great Meafure, owe their Rife to this wild 
and irregular Way of doing Bufinefs. — The Indians, fenfible of this Miftake of our An- 
ceftors, are now determined to put an End to this Multitude of Kings, and to -this dark 
Way of proceeding ; they have agreed to put the Management of their Affairs into the 
Hands of a very few, and thefe (hall no longer have it in their Power to huddle up and give 
partial Reprefentations of what is done. laffure you, that there are only two Kings appointed 
to tranfaft publick Bufinefs, of which I am one. For the future, Matters will go better on 
both Sides ; you as well as we will know who we are to deal with. We muft befeech the 
moft High to fcatter the Clouds which have arifen between us, that we may fettle Peace 
as heretofore. 

A String. 
Brethren, the Englifli, and particidarly the Goi;«-«cro/' Pennfylvania, 

You know you have invited me here ; I came therefore ; rriy Uncles, the Six Nations, will 
confirm what I fay. In your Melfages to the Indians at Diahogo you,fignified to us, that you 
heard we were in Want and Diftrefs, which to be fure we are, and pitied us and our poor 
Wives and Children. We took it kindly, and as a Word that came from your Heart. Now 
is the Time for you to look about, and aft the Part of a charitable and wife Man. — Be there- 
fore ftrong — be affured that, though Tarn poor, I will do my Share. Whatever Kindnefs 
y6u do to mc, or my People, (hall be publilhed to ten India;: Nations. We will not hide any 
Prefents you (hall give us; every Body fliall know that we have hear/i your good Words. 
We will not do as others, and fome of our Uncles, the Six Nations, have done, fneak away, 
and hide your Words and Prefents in the Bullies, but fhall publifh far and near, that all may 
join with us. Exert yourfelves now in the'beft Maner you can, and you will obtain your 

The Conclufion of my Words is no more than this ; the Matter in Hand is of too great 
Moment for one Man. I am but a MelTenger from the United Nations, though I aft as a 
Chief Man for the Delawares. I muft now hear what you have to fay to my People at this 
Council-Fire. If it be good, I fhall lay hold of it, and carry it to the United Nations, who 
will fmile and be pleafed to hear good News. If what you will fay be difagreeable, I will, 
notwithftanding, keep it clofe {here he clojed his Fiji) and deliver it faithfully to the United 
Nations, and let them, as they are my Superiors, do as they fee Caufe. 

Being afked if he had done, he faid he had for the prefent ; the main Thing, he added, 
is yet in my Breaft, laying his Hand to his Heart, but this will depend on what Words the 
Governor will fpeak to us. Then he repeated the Delaware Word, JVhip-pickJ'y, the liiine 
in Mohock Language as Jago, with great Earneftnefs, and in a very pathctick Tone. Mr. IVeifer, 
who knew the Word to have a very cxtenfive and forcible Senfe, defired the Interpreter to 
aik him what he meant by JVhifi-Jhickfy on this particular Occafion, and explained himfelf in 
the following Manner. Suppofe you want to remove a large Log of Wood, that requires 
many Hands, you muft take Pains to get as many together as will do the Bufinefs 5 if you 
fall fhort but one, though never fo weak an one, all the reft are to no Purpofe. Though 
this be in itfelf nothing, yet, if you cannot move the Log without it, you mull: (pare no Pains 
to- get it. tVhifi-fiickJy ; be ftrong ; look round youj enable us to engage every Indian Na- 
tion we can ; put the Means into our Hands ; be fure perform every Promife you have made 
to us ; in particular do not pinch Matters neither with us or other Indians ; we will help you ; 
but we are poor, and you are rich ; make us ftrong, and we will ufe our Strength for you ; 
and, befidesthis, what you do, do quickly; the Times are dangerous; they will not admit 
of Delay. — Whifi-pickfy ; do it effeftuallv, and do it with all pofiible Difpatch. 



i 9 J 

T/.ie Governor then [poke. 


I have heard with Attention all you have faid. I thank you for the Opcnnefb with which 

you have declared your Sentiments ; die Matters mentioned are of Importance ; I have laid 

them to Heart ; I will confider them widi my Council ; when I am prepared to fpeak, I will 

let you know; I will ufe Difpatch, the Times being, as you juftly obferve, very dangerous. 

At a Conference held at Eaflon, on Thurfday the 2(^tb. of July, 1756. 


The Honourable the Governor. 

The Gentlemen of the Council. The fame Indians. 

The Commiffioners. The fame Interpreters. 

The fame Audience. 

I A M going to Ipeak to you on the Affair we are -met about ; my Speech will contain Mat- 
ters of great Moment : By this String of Wampum therefore I open your Ears, that you 
may give a proper Attention. 

A String. 
The Inhabitants of tliis Province liave ever been a peaceable People, and remarkable for 
their Love and conftant Friendihip to the Six Nations, and other Indians m Alliance with them. 

When our Back Inhabitants were attacked laft Fall, we at firfl: were at a Lois to know from 
whence the Blow came ; and were much furprized when we were informed that it was given 
by our old Friends and Neighbours the Coufins of our Brethren the Six Nations ; we won- 
dered at it ; and the more fo, as we had not, to our Knowledge, given them any jull Caufe of 
Offence. — As foon as we knew this, we fent to the Six Nations, and informed them of it, 
and defired to know, whether tliis Blow had been ftruck by their Direftion, or with their Pri- 
vity or Confent: And on receiving Allurances from them, that itvvras nut 'done with their Con- 
fent, and that they gready difapproved fuch Condud, we made ready to revenge the Injury 
we had received, and we wanted neidier Men or Arms, Ammunition, nor Strength to do 
it, and to take Vengeancfe for the Lijury done us ; yet, when we had the Hatchet in our 
Hands, and were prepared not only to defend ourfelves, but to carr)' the War into the 
Country of thofe who had ftmck us, we fent again to the Six Nations, agreeable to the 
Treaties fubfilling between us, to acquaint them of our Intentions. They let us know they 
had held a Grand Council, at Fort Johnfon, on this Matter, and that Deputies from thence 
were fent to fummon a Meeting of Delawares and Shawanefe at Otfaningo, who were return- 
ed widi an Account, That dieir Nephews had, at their Interpofition, laid down the Hatchet, 
and would ftrike the Englifli no more. The Six Nations having received thefp Affurances 
from the Delaivares and ShaiCanefe, rcquefted us not to execute our hoftile Purpofes, but 
to fufpcnd Hoftilities ; declaring, that they would fully accommodate tliis Breach, and bring 
about a Peace. At this Requeft of the Six Nations, we kept our Warriors at Home, for 
guarding and protecting our Frontiers. I then fent Neircajlle, and otiier Indian Melfengers to 
you, to n'otify the Advices of the Six Nations, with refpedt to what had been determined at 
Otfaningo, inftrudling him, in cafe he found you fincerely difpofed for Peace, and inclined to 
return to vour Alliance with us, to affure you, on the Behalf of tliis Government, that we 
were willing to it, on juft and honourable Terms. Neisscajile, and the other Melfengers, re- 
turned with, your Anfwers; in which you acknowledged, you had been under the Influence 
of an Evil Spirit, but were well difpofed to return to your old Amity and Friendfliip ; at the 
fame Time letting us know, that you was forry for what had paffed ; that you was in Diftrefs, 
and defired we would pity your Diftreffes. To diew our Readinefs to enter into a Treaty, 
and our Sincerity in what Was faid by Nenvcajile, I fent him back again to you, to let you 
know, on the Behalf of this GoveriMnent, that I liad kindled a Council-Fire, invited all 
your People to it, cleared the Road, waOied off the Blood, and promifed, if your People 
would come to Council, and renew former Leagues, and do what is further necelTary on the 
Occafion, I would bring fomething with me to relieve your Dillreffes. — I thought it right to 
go through diis Account in this particular Manner, that you might know from myfelf what 
was the Subjeift of the Meffages fent by Nevccajiie, and what was the Subltance of the An- 
fwers I received by him. And now, I fuppofe (as I do not fee the Body c,i youv Indians 
here) your People, in general, did not believe Ncii-cnjilc, but fent you to know if he had my 

C Audiouty 



j_.^, Authority for the feveral Matters he delivered to you, and to hear them from my own 

, ;!— J Mouth. I do not blame you for this Caution, it befpeaks your Care. The Matters he was 

charged with being of the laft Concern, for the Satisfadion of all your People, how wide fo- 
cver they are difperfed, I do in this publick Affembly, in the Name of the Government, and 
People of this Province, affure you, that Captain Neivcajile afted by my Authority ; and in 
Confirmation of ■what I have faid, and that what he delivered, was by Authority from me, I 
give you this Belt. 

^ ^ A Belt. 

Being now convinced out of my Mouth, of the Sincerity of my Profeflions made to you 
by Captain Newcaftk, and of the Difpofitions of the People of this Province, to renew the 
antient Friendrtiip that fubfifted between JVilliam Benn and tlie Indians, I define you will re- 
port this to the Indians at Diahogo, and to the Six Natiojis, and to all the Indians far and near, 
as my Words, fpoken to them in the Name, and on the Behalf of the Government of Penn- 
fyhania. I invite them all to this Council-Fire ; the greater the Number that lliall come, 
"the more acceptable it will be to me. I invite, and defire you will bring with you, your 
whole People ; but then you muft bring here with you alfo all the Prifoners you have taken 
during thefe Difturbances ; I muft infift on this, as an Evidence of your Sincerity to make a 
lafting Peace, for, without it, though Peace may be made from the Teeth outwards, yet 
while you retain our Flefh and Blood in Slavery, it cannot be expefted we can be Friends 
with 30U, or that a Peace can come from our Hearts. I repeat this Article of die Prifoners 
as a neceiTary Condition of Peace, and defire you will confider it as fuch : If in this you 
deal with us finccrely, we Ihall efteem you fincere in every Thing elfe, and proceed to re- 
new our former Leagues and Covenants, and become again one Flelh as before. And I 
muft remind you (as we are ading in Conlbrt with the Six Nations) to bring Ibme of your 
Uncles along with you, that they may fee all diat pafles, and be Witnefles of the goodEffefts 
of their and our Meftages to you. 

^ ^ A Belt. 

In Teftimony of the Satisfa(ftion you have given all our People by your to this 
Council-Fire, they have put into my Hands a fmall Prefent for you and your young Men, 
which will be given you at any Time you ihall think proper. I have likewifc given Orders 
to the Captains of the Forts, on the Frontiers, to furnilh you with as much Provilions as you 
can carry, for the \Jk of the People yoil have left behind you. 

Only a few of you are now come down ; this Prefent of Goods therefore is but fmall ; 
wlien the Body of your Nation comes here, which I exped they will, and the Prifoners are 
delivered up, and a firm Peace made, larger Prefents will be given, and your Diftrefles re- 
lieved fn a more ample Manner. 

Great Works require ftrong Hands and many ; this is a good and a great one, the Work 
of Peace ; it requires ftrong Heads, and found Hearts ; we defire many fuch may be joined 
together : I therefore defire your Affiftance for Pennfylva7iia in diis Matter ; having great 
Influence with many who live far diftant from us, you are efteemed, and will be heard ; 
we therefore chufe you as Agent and Counfellor for this Province ; engage in it heartily. 
You ought to do it ; you owe it to the Country in which you was born ; you owe it to your 
Brethren the Englifi ; you owe it to your Uncles the Six Nations ; you owe it to your own 
People over which you prefide : We defire you will heartily undertake it, and ufe your ut- 
moft Endeavours to bring about this great and good Work we have now begun. 

A large Belt. 

Tcedyufcung anfwered, that he had received the Governor's Words kindly, and would, in 
a few Words, anfwer him. Then taking a large Belt in his Hand, he proceeded. 

At the very Time Newcaflle came with your laft Meflages, I was in Treaty widi the Six 
Nations, and then received this Authority from diem. [Lifting up the Belt.} This Celt de- 
notes, that the Six Nations, by their Chiefs, have lately renewed their Covenant Chains with 
us } formerly we were accounted Women, and employed only in Womens Bulinefs ; but 
now they have made Men of us, and as fuch we are now come to this Treaty. Having 
this Authority as a Man to make Peace, I have it in my Hand, but have not opened it ; but 
will loon declare it to the other Nations. This Belt holds together ten Nations ; we are in 
the Middle, between the Frejich and Etiglijh ; look at it. There are but two Chiefs of the 
ten Nations j they are now looking on, and their Attention is fixed, to fee who are difpofed 



L ^i J 

really for Peace. — This Belt further denotes, tliat whoever will not comply with the Terms 
of Peace, the ten Nations will join againft him and ftrike him ; fee the dangerous Circiitn- 
cumftances I am in ; ftrong Men on both Sides j Hatchets on both Sides ; whoever docs in- 
cline to Peace, him will I join. 

This is a good Day ; whoever will make Peace, let him lay hold of this Belt, and the 
Nations around (hall fee and know it. I defire to condudt myfelf according to your Words, 
which I will perform to the utmoft of my Power. I wifh the fame good Spirit that poflefled 
the good old Man William Perm, who was a Friend to the Indians, may inljjire the People 
of this Province at this Time. 

Then delivered the Belt. 

The Governor received it, and faid, I take hold of the Belt, and am pleafed with what 
has been faid ; it is all very good. 

Teedyufcung then explained the Belt, faying, it was fent him by the Six Nations, and he 
accepted of it : You fee, fays he, a Square in the Middle, meaning the Lands of the In- 
dians, and at one End the Figure of a Man, indicating the Englifi ; and at the otlier End 
another, meaning the Fr^wZi ; our Uncles told us, that both thefe coveted ourLandi; Vit 
let us join together to defend our Lands againft both, you Ihall be Partakers with us ot om 

Teedyufcung and his Son came and dined with the Governor -, and after Dinner, loine 
more of the Indians coming in, the Governor acquainted Teedyufaing that he had fomethini^ 
of Importance to communicate to him. The Governor then informed him. That as he 
was going to Council this Morning, he received a Letter from the Northern Frontiers, with 
very bad News, that gave him a great deal of Concern . By this Letter he received Advice, 
that fome Indiaris had killed four of our White People at the Mini/inks ; this occafioned our 
Forces to be upon their Guard, and a Party of them fell in with three Indians, and judging 
them to be Enemy Indians, one of them was killed in endeavouring to make his Efcape ; 
and then the Governor entered into the Particulars related in Van Etten's Letter. The Go- 
vernor faid, he did not know what Indians had done this Mifchief. If the Indian who was 
killed was our Friend, he was forry for it ; but if our Enemy, he was glad of it. 

Teedyufcung faid, that when he came here to Council, all the Indians thereabouts knew 
of it ; and therefore he believed it muf. be the French Indians that killed our People ; but 
that if his People were lb foolilh as to come on our Borders at this Time, and were killed any 
how, they muft take the Reward of their Folly. None of thefe private Deaths ought to attcil 
a publick Meafure ; nor would this make any Alterations in his Councils. 

At « Conference held at Eafton, on Friday, the ^oth of July, 1756. 

The Honourable the Governor, 
The Gentlemen of the Council. The fame Indians. 

The Commiffioners. The fame Interprerers. 

The fame Audience. 

The Goods were brought, and placed on the Council Table, and were delivered to the Indians, the 
Governor fpeaking as follows. 

I ACQUAINTED you Yeflerday, that the People of Pfw//;'/iwz/tf had put into my 
Hands a fmall Prefent to relieve you, and your Wives and Children, from tJieir prefent Di- 
ftreffes. I think it further neceflary to inform you. That a Part of this Prefent was given by 
the People called fakers (who are the Defcendants of thofe who firft came over to this 
Country with your old Friend William Penn) as a particular Teftimony of their Regard and 
AfFedtion for the Indians, and their earneft Defire to promote the good Work of Peace in 
which we are now engaged. 



[ i^ ] 

This is not only their Sentiments but my own, and thofe of tlie People of this Province ; 
who will all repice to fee this good Work of Peace perfefted ; and therefore, as you have 
now received from us this fublfantial Proof of our Difpofition to relieve your Diftreffes, you 
will be the better enabled to encourage others to return to their former Friendfhip with us, 
I fay. Brother, by this we give you a clear Teftimony of our Readinefs and good Difpofitions 
for Peace. Shew you the fame Readinefs, and comply with the Terms I have propofed 
to you. 

A Spring. 

I'eedyufiung returned Thanks ; and repeated his AfTurances of doing all in his Power to 
perfed a general Peace with the Indians. — From the Council, the Governor proceeded to ar 
Entertainment that was provided for the Indians, the Officers, and all the Company then i.. 
Town, accompanying him. 

'T'ccdyiifcung, whilft at Dinner, was fo well pleafed with his kind Reception and generous 
Entertainment, that he declared, in the warmefl: Manner, no Endeavours of his fhould be 
wanting to bring over to the Peace, all the Indians far and near, that he could fpeak or fend 
to ; and repeatedly defned the Governor would publifh what was done, through his and the 

neighbouring Provinces, and he would do the fame at Home. The Philadelphia fakers 

going after Dinner to take their Leave of him, he parted with them in a very affeftionate 
Manner ; but the other Part of the Company flaying, he entered into a free Converfation 
witli the Governor ; wherein he related many entertaining Particulars refpeding his Journey 
to Niagara, and afterwards made a Council Speech with a String of Wampum, faying : 

You are fo good, and received us fo kindly, I will alfo give you fome of that good To- 
bacco thJit the Six Nations have put into my Pipe ; you fliall fmoak of it yourfelves ; you will 
find it is good, and I will give of the fame Tobacco wherever I go (meaning the MelTage 
from the Six Nations to them, to be at Peace with the Englijh.) The fame Thing that I 
have offered to you I will offer to all the Indians, and at the fame time tell them, that you 
have fmoaked of this Tobacco ; but to do this requires me to be rich, and yet I am poor. — 
It will take up a long Time, as there are many Nations to fend the Pipe to ; but in two 
Months I hope to go my Rounds, and be here again with a large Number, of different Na- 
tions ; I fay it may be in two Months, but it may be longer, as the People live at a great 
Diftance from one another. I affure you I will execute every Thing you have defired of me, 
and let the Six Nations know all that has paffed between us ; and that I am your Agent and 
Counfellor in the Delaware Nation. 

A String. 
I would not have you miftake-me, as if I meant that I could prevail on the Ohio Indians: 
I cannot tell that they will leave off doing Mifchief — I hope you will flrengthen yourfelves 
againft them ; pray make yourfelves as ftrong as poffible on that Side. 1 muff warn you 
likewife of another Thing ; perhaps on the Eall Side of Safquehannah there may be Mifchief 
done by Indians in my Abfence ; but be affured it will not be by any of my People ; it will 
be by the French Indians from Ohio, who can eafily pafs over Safquehannah, and do what 
Mifchief they pleafe : Againft thefe, you muft be fure to arm yourfelves in the beft Manner 
you £an j remember I give you this Warning. 

A String. 

At « Council /^^/(S^fl/Eafton, on Friday, the 30//6 of July, 1756, P. M. 


The Honourable the Governor. 

William Logan, Benjamin Chew, j p- 

Richard Peters, John Mifflin. JE.qn"-- 

Conrad Weiser, Efquire. 

MR. WEISER was afk'd, Whether it was intended the Governor Hiould keep the 
Belt Teedyufcung gave, or return it ? Mr. Weifer anfwered, That having fome Doubts 
about it, he put the fame Qucftion to Neivcajlle, who laid the Belt was lent by the Six Na- 


[ 13 ] 

tkns to the Delawares, and as it \\'as given by them to the Governor, it ouglit to bo prefcrvcd 
among the Council Wampum, being a Belt of great Conlequence ; and it would be well to 
return another of a Fathom long, and at the Delivery of it, which nuiil: be in Council To- 
morrow, to make a proper Addrefs to Tecdyufcung, that he would be diligent, and carry it to 
all the Nations within his Inriuence. Ncwcajllc faid further. That Tecdyujcutig would want 
Abundance of Wampum, and if he had it not, the Caufe would fuffer exceedingly. He 
hoped the Council Bag was full, and defired it might be emptied into the Lap of "Tccdxufcung. 
Mr. IVcijer concurring in Opinion, and faying, that the French gave great Quantities of 
Wampum to their Indians,- and on Matters of Confpquence tjieir Belts were feveral Fathom 
long, and veiy wide, tlie Secretary was ordered to bring what Wampum he had into Coun- 
cil, "vi-z. P'ifteen Strings, and feven Belts, a Parcel of new black Wampum, amounting to 
feven Thoufand; and having no new white Wainpum, nor any proper Belts to give in Re- 
turn for Teedpifcung's Peace Belt, a Meffenger was fent to Bethlehem, and he returntd with 
five Thoufand ; upon which the Indian Women were employed to make a Belt of a Fathom 
long, and fixteen Beads wide ; in the Center of which was to be the Figure of a Man, mean- 
ing the Governor oiFennfyhania, and. on each Side five other Figures, meaning the ten Na- 
tions mentioned by T'eedyufcung. 

The King, who was very irregular in his Vifits, as well as in his Difcourfes, bolted all of 
a fudden into the Room, and with a high Tone of Voice fpoke as follows, viz. 

I defire all that I have faid, and youJiave faid to one another, may be taken down aright j 
fome fpeak in the Dark j do not let us do fo -, let all be clear and known. What is the Rea- 
fon the Governor holds Councils fo clofe in his Hands, and by Candle Light i" The Five Na- 
tions ufed to make him lit out of Doors like a Woman. — If the Five Nations ftill make him a 
Womar>, theymuft; but what is the Realbn the Governor makes him ^ Woman, meaning. 
Why does he confer with Indians without fending for him, . to be prefent and hear what 
was faid .' 

The Governor anfwered, That he holds Councils on a Hill ; has no Secrets ; never fits in 
Swamps, but fpeaks his Mind openly to the World ; what happens here he has a Right to 
hear : The Women were fent for to make a Belt, not to Council. The Six Nations may be 
wrong, they are not under his Direftion ; and therefore he is not anfweraWe for their Con- 
duct, if tliey have not treated the Delawares as Men. 

The Chief thanked the Governor, feemed well pleafed, and faid, To-morrow he would 
fpeak more, and what he had to fay was from the Six Nations : — He that won't make Peace 
muft die. 

A String. 

It was agreed in the Morning the Governor fhould deliver the new Belt, tlien in making, 
to Teedyufcung, with a proper Speech ; that by two Belts tied together, Ne-jocajUe and TeedyuJ- 
cung fhould be made joint Agents for this Government, and they be defired to confult to- 
gether, to love one another, and to ad for tlie heft ; that the new black Wampum, and all 
the Belts and Strings, Ihould be given to Teedyufcung, and a private Prefent made to him and 
his Interpreter, Ben. 




[ ^4 ] 

At a Council held at Eafton, on Saturday, the i\fi of jiuy, 1756 

The Honourable the Governor. 

The fame Members as before. 'Teed^'uscung, 

Conrad Weiser. Efq; Newcastle. 

"The Names of the Indians prefent at the treaty were taken down by Mr. Edmonds, and ordered 
to be entered, 

Mr. Weifer having enquired of Newcaftle -what Meffages had been received by the Delawares, at 
Diahogo, from the Six Nations, received the follotmng Information, which he took dtmn in 
Words that are the literal Interpretation of what NewczAle /aid, viz. " The large Belt^ given 
by Teedyufcung, was fent to the Delawares by the Council of the Six United Nations, with 
a Mejfage to the following Purport. 

Coujins, the Delaware Indians, 

YO U will remember that you are our Women j our Fore-Fathers made you fo, and put 
a Petticoat on you, and charged you to be true to us, and lie with no other Man ; 
but of late you have fufFered the String that tied your Petticoat to be cut loofe by the French, 
and you lay with them, and fo became a common Bawd, in which you afted very wrong, 
and deferve Chaftifement; but notwithftanding this, we have ftill an Efteem for you, and as 
you have thrown off the Cover of your Modefty, and become ftark naked, which is 3 
Shame fpr a Woman, you muft be made a Man ; and we now give you a little Power, but 
it will be fome Time till you fliall be a complete Man ; we advife you not to adt as a Man 
yet, but be firft inftrudled by us, and do as we bid you, and you will become a noted Man. 

The Englifh and French fight for our Lands j let us be ftrong, and lay our Hands to it, 
and defend it ; in the mean time turn your Eyes and Ears to us, and tlie Englip, our Bre- 
thren, and you will live as well as we do. 

Then the Governor fent to Newcaftle and teedyufcung the new Belt; not being finiflied, he 
explained the propofed Figure to them, and defired the Women might finiih it on rainy Days, 
or refting on their Journey, which was promifed. 

then the Governor fpoke as folloius : 

Brother Newcaftle, and Teedyufcung, 
I fet an high Value upon this Belt ; it is the Peace Belt which teedyufcung delivered in Coun- 
cil; Iverychearfully lay hold of it; I will lay it up with the Council Belts, and declare to 
you, I am moft heartily difpofed to effedt the Meaning of this Belt, a fpeedy and honourable 
Peace, and a Return of the Offices of Love and Fpendfhip between the Indians and their 
Brethren the Englijh. — In Return, I give you the Belt now making, which you willconfider 
as finiflied ; and when done, fhew it every where, and make our Difpfitions and the Treat- 
ment you have met with known to your own People, the Six Nations, and ail your Allies. — 
[Here the Governor gave the new Belt, fofar as it was made, and all the Wampum prepared for 
tt, defiring, ij it was not enough to complete it, that they would add more.] Then taking up the 
two Belts, joined together, in his Hands, and addreffing NcivciJUe and teedyufcung, he 
delared them Agents for the Province, and gave tlicm Authority to do the publick Bufinefs 
together. He recommended to them a mutual Confidence, Efteem and Intimacy, and wifh- 
ed them Succefs in their Negotiations. 

To which they anfwered. That they would be mutual good Friends, and lay their Heads 
together, and do every Thing in their Power to promote the weighty Matters entrufted to 

teedyufcung added, If his Memory fhould not ferve him in every Thing committed to his 
Charge, or Things ftiould be crooked, he would return to us, and make them ftraight. What 
he fays comes from his Heart, and not from his Lips ; his Heart and ours fliould be. one, and 
be true to one another ; for if different Liquors are put in a Calk, and (hakcd, they will mix, 
and come out one. 



[ 'S ] 

The Governor faid, that he had written down what Teedyufamg faid on tlie Belt deli- 
vered by him, and will keep it in his Heart. It is very agreeable to him and the People of Pcnn- ' 
fyhmla. He will lay up the Belt in the Council-chamber as a Mark of his Fricndfliip. As 
he is appointed Agent for Pcruifylvania, with Captain Ncwcafik, he puts into his Hands all 
the Beits and Wampum he has here, to be made ufe of by him in the Courle of his Nego- 
tiations, as he may judge moft proper, and moft for the Intereft of the People of tliis Pro- 

1'eedyjfiung anfwcred. That he might meet with Difficulties in tranfacfting the important 
Bufinefs committed to his Charge; but as he is now one of the Council of the Province of 
Pennfykwiia, he alfures his Brethren, that he will exert himfelf faithfully, and to the utmoll 
of his A-bilities, in the Service ; and if he meets with crooked Paths, he will endeavour to 
make them l>raight. 

The Governor thanked Teedyiifaing znA Nciocaflle for their undertaking to be Agents for 
Pennfyivania on this Occallon, defired that they might unite and co-o})erate one with ano- 
ther, and conililt together on the proper Meal'ures to be entered into by them, and delivered 
them two Belts tied together, as a Sign or Symbol of that Harmony and Unanimity that 
ought to fubfill; between them. 

T'eedyiifciaig faid, That he was pleafed with being joined with Ncwcafik in the publick Bufi- 
nefs ; that he hoped Matters would be brought to a happy Iffue ; that he willied there might 
be a firm Friendlliip and lafting Union between the 5';x Natiom, the other Five Nations, and 
the People of Peimjylvania, and that they might be as one Man. He further faid, that he 
had J large Family, and having a great Way to go, he had no Means of carrying any more 
Provilions than would fervg him on the Road ; he therefore defired that he might be turnifli- 
ed witli a Horfe, that he might be enabled to carry Neceflaries for his Family. — Whereupon 
the Governor promifed to let him have a Horfe, and he promiled to return him again the next 
Time he came down. 

The Governor then taking into his Hands all the Belts, String?, and Bundles of new black 
Wampum, gave them to Teedyifcung, and defired he would ufe them to the befi: Advantage 
among the Nations he rtiould apply to. 

The private Pre fonts were then given, and the Governor and Council took their Leave, 
the Council returning to Philadelphia, and the Governor going to New-Tor k, on an Exprels 
received from General Shirley. 

A Lift of the Indians frefent at a Treaty held at Eafton, on the 26ih of 
July, 1756. 

Captain Newcajlle, one of the Coun- Wecmochwce, 

fellors of the Six Nations, Mongcejl, 

'Tecdyufcung, alias Gideon, King of Hachchaon, 

the Dclawares, Ben, that fpeaks Englijh., 

Tapajcawen, Counfellor, John Pumfjhirc, 

Amos, 1 Jofipl^ Mtchty, , 

Kefmitas, yTeedyufcungs three Sons, Thomas Storer, 

John Jacobs, ] Jofeph Peepy, 

Matchmetawcbunk, his Son-in-Law, Nicodcmus, 

John Smalling, his Grand-Son, Zaclwias, 

Chriftian, Chrifttan, 

V/illiam, Machawehelly , 

Jofuih, And fundry Women ana 
Baronet Rewman, an Onondago Indian, Children. 

I have carefully perufed the foregoing Minutes, and do find them to give a true Account 
of what paffed between the Governor and the Indians, in my Prefence, at Eajion. 
Philadelphia, Septem- 
ber II, 1756. CONRAD IVEISER. 



C >6 3 

At a Conference iMith the Indians, held at Eafton, on Monday, the 8th of 
November, 1756. 


The Honourable WILLIAM D E N N Y, E/j-; Lieutenant-Governor. 
William Logan, 1 p^ . TEEDYtrscuNG, /^^ Delaware i&«^. 

Richard Peters, 5 ^ ' Speaker of the Six Nationfe, 

Delaware Indians, 
Benjamfn Franklin, •^ Shawanefe, 

Joseph Fox, Lcommi /doners Mohiccons, 

William Masters, Y " •i' ' Pumpshire, a Jerfey Delaware la 
John Hughes, j dian. Interpreter. 

Cohnel Weiser, "] 

Afo>r Parsons, 1 ^ ^ ^ p 

CnM \Vp4therholt, y •" ■ ■ -' - 

Capt. Van Etten, | 

vincial Forces. 

Capt. Weati 
Capt. Van Et 
Capt. Reynolds, 

Lieutenant M'Alpin, and Enjign Jeffrys, Recruititig Officers, of the Royal Americans. 

A Number of Gentlemsn and Freeholders, from the fever al Counties, and from the City of 

17 f 6. ^^N 5'^/«r^<?)' Mottling the Governor, "w^xiX^ z\. Samuel Dean %, received Intelligence from 

» V— J V-/ Mr. Horsfield, that a Party of Indians, who came with T'eedyujcung from Diahogo, ftaid 

Conference at behind at a little Diftance from Fort Allen, and had fome bad Defigns in doing fo ; where- 
upon the Moravian Brother who brought the Intelligence, was immediately difpatched to 
Eajlon, and the next Morijing the Governor received a Letter from Colonel JVefer, inform- 
ing him, that the Matter communicated to him by M>. Horsfield, had been examined into 
along with Teedyufcung, and was without Foundation ; on which the Governor proceeded on 
his Journey, and came to Town in the Afternoon ; and as foon as he alighted, the Dela- 
ware King, and two of the Six Nation Indians, came to wait on him, by whom he was 
told, that Colonel Weifer, and two other of the Six Natio?is, were gone to meet him, but 
had taken a different Road. 

Mr. Weifer, and the two' Indians came afterwards, and expreffed their Concern at mifling 
the Governor. 

This Morning the Governor fent Mr. Weifer with his Compliments to the Indian Chief, 
and defired to know whether he intended to fpeak firfl, and when ; and the King faying it 
was his Duty to fpeak firft, wifhed it might be this Forenoon ; on which the Governor ap- 
pointed Eleven a Clock ; at which Time the Governor marched from his Lodging to the 
Place of Conference, guarded by a Party of the Royal Americans in the Front, and on the 
Flanks, and a Detachment of Colonel Weifer's Provincials, in Sub-divifions, in the Rear, 
with Colours flying, Drums beating, and Mulick playing ; which Order was always ob- 
fervcd in going to the Place of Conference. 

Teedyufcung opened the Conferences with the following Speech. 

Brother the Governor, 
May it pleafe your Excellency to hear a few Words ; I will put the Governor and Gen- 
tlemen in mind, that Conferences were held here in the Summer^ and what palTed there 
is well known. 

I have taken all the Pains pofTible to execute what I then undertook, and have brought 
with me leveral of different Tribes, as well Delawares as Six Nation Indians. 

I held 


L 17 J 

I held up the Encouragements I received from the EngUfi, and Iprcad them and near ]nr(y 
to all the Tribes I promiied to go to, as well among the DeUiwares as Six Nations ; and I af- >-^-v— -1 
fure you, I have been true and faithftil to my Promiles, and ufed all the Diligence in my 
Power ; in Teftimony vvliereof I give thefe 

Four St/i/igs. 

In Confirmation that I have faithfully publifhed what was committed to my Care, fcverai 
Indians of different Places, as well Six Nation Indians as Delaivares, are come along with nie, 
and being now prefent, will put their Hands and Seals to the Truth of what I fay ; they have 
aded upon what I delivered in Behalf of this Government, and their Minds arc intent 
on the good Work that is going on ; fome of them were here before. 

In Conformity to an antient and good Cuftom cftablilhed among our Anceftors, I nov/ 
proceed to open your Eyes and Ears, and remove all Obftrudions out of your Throats, that 
nothing may impede the Attention neceffary to be uled in a Matter of fuch Importance as is 
now going on. 

Some bad Reports have lately been fpread, which deferve to be no more minded than tlic 
Whirling of Birds ; thefe I would remove by this Belt, and- take aw^y all bad Impreffions 
that may have been made by them. 

Gave a Belt of eight Rov;s. 
I have done for the prefent, and another Time, if God fpares Life, I will begin the main 
Matter I came to do. 

The Governor replied. 
I return you Thanks for your kind Speech, and likewife for the Regard you (liewed me in 
fending two of the Six Nation Jndiani along with Mr. IVeifer to meet me. I unfortunately 
took a different Road, and fo we miffed of one another ; but it gave me great Satisfaftion to 
hear by Mr. (Veifer, that he and thofe Indians were d£firous to meet me, and condud me to 

Many idle Reports are fpread by foolifh and bufy People; I agree with you, that on both 
Sides they ought to be no more regarded than the Chirping of Birds in the Woods. 

A String. 
By this Belt I open'your Eyes and Ears, and particularly the Paffage from your Heart to 
your Mouth, that in what you have to fay to this Government they may both concur, nor 
the Mouth utter any Thing but what is firfl conceived in the Heart : And I promife' you 
Opennefs and Sincerity in every Thing I fhall fpeak. 

A Belt. 

The Governor faid, he would be ready to hear what Teedyufcung had further to fay at 
Eleven o' Clock To-morrow Morning. 

yJt fl Conference with the Indians, ofi Tuefday, the <^th Day ^Novem- 
ber, 1756. 


The Honourable WILLIAM DENNY, Efq; Lieutenant-Governor. 
William Logan, 1 „^ . 
Richard Peters, \ ^^l"""^^" 

The Commiflioners, Mr. Weiser, 

Gentlemen, Officers. 

Indians as before. 

The Governor ordered the Interpreter to acquaint Teedyufcung that he was ready to hear him, 
and he delivered himfelf as folhws. 

THIS is to notify to you, that at the Treaty held here in the Summer, I promifed to 
publifh what was then delivered to me to all the Nations I could have any Influence on ; 
and that I have performed all I promifed, and done my Duty fliitlifuUy, with Relpedt to all thcle 

E Nation-, 


[ ,8 ] 

[756. Nations, lean evidence by fome of them who are come with me, and are now here, at 
--V — -• your Pleafure, ready to hear what you have to fay to us, and dilpofed to do every Thing in 
their Power, in Confirmation of what has been, or will be, tranfadled. 

A String, 
This Belt fignifies that I took Notice of, and paid a due Regard to, every Thing fent by 
the Meffencrers you fent to me at Diahogo, whom I received kindly. You may in particular 
remember, ''that you took hold of my Hand, and thereupon I came to this Place, where the 
Council-Fire was appointed to be kindled : When I came here,- I found every Thing faid 
by your MefTengers true; which, on my Return, I made known, as well as every Thing 
elfe that was then delivered to me, to ten difteren*- Nations, Delawares and Six Nations ; and 
as many of them as I have prevailed upon to come vvith me, can evidence the Truth of this. 

We are all put in mind of the ancient Leagues and Covenants made by our Fore-Fathers, 
and of the former Union and mutual kind Anions of our and their Anceftors ; what was pro- 
pofed here renewed the Remembrance of thefe former happy Times. 

Though we are but Children in Comparifon of them, and of little Ability, as you well 
know, yet we have picked up a few Chips, and will add them to the Fire, and hope it will 
grow a o-reat Fire, and blaze high, and be feen by all the difterent Indian Nations, Spedtators 
of what we are now doing. 

A Belt of ten Rows. 
■ I remember what has pafled in Difcourfe and Converfation among our old antient Peo- 
ple, efpecially about Governor Penn ; what he faid to the Indians is frefh in our Minds 
and Memory, and I believe it is in yours. The Indians and Governor Penn agreed well to- 
gether ; this we all remerhber, and it was not a fmall Matter that would then have feparated 
us : A'nd now, as you fill the fame Station he did in this Province, it is in your Power to 
adl the fame Part. 

I am now before you juft what you fee me ; I rcprefent myfelf only to be a Boy ; I am 
really no more. Now as Misfortunes have happened by the bad Spirit, by our Enemy, and 
by fome of our foolilh young People, I declare unto you the Truth, that I have ever been 
forry to fee it thus, and, as tar as I know myXelf, if it cofts me my Life, I would make it 
otherwil'e. — As I have already proceeded a great Way, and prevailed on thofe who have ftept 
out of tlie Way, and on many of whom I had little or no Expedtation, to enter into 
peaceable Meaiures, I now call upon you to ufe your Ability, which is much greater than 
ours, to affift this good Work, to encourage it, and to confirm it to good Advantage. 

A Belt of Jeven Rows. 

Taking the Belt up again, he added. What you have faid I have truly imparted to all, and 
what you fhall now fay I fhall likewife hold up ; I fhall not put it into my Bofom, but de- 
clare it, and diftribute it to all, that it may have a good Effedt. 

y^/ <2 Council held at Eafton, c« Wedncfday, the loth Day of Novem- 
ber, J 756 

P .R E S E N T, 

The Honourable WILLIAM DENNT, Elq; Lieutenant-Governor. 
William Logan, 

Richard Peters, 



O N R A D WE I S E R, from Teedyufcung, acquainted the Governor, That laft 
Night an Indian, named Zaccheus, brought an Account from Fort Allen, that about For- 
ty Indian Warriors were come to Nijkamekatchton, a Creek about three Miles beyond tliat 
Fort, from Diahogo, where they were informed by fome Indians, who firil let out with T'eedy- 
ufcung to accompany him to the Treaty at Eajhn, t^at he and all his Company were cut off, 
and they were come to revenge his Death, in cafe they fhould have found it true ; but hear- 
ing Teedyufcwig was fafe, and kindly received by the Englijh, they were glad, and wQuld re- 
main there, 'teedyufcung being afked By Mr. Weifer, if it would not be proper to fend an In- 
vitation to them to come to the Treaty, he faid it would, and defired the Governor might 



[ 19 

join with him m 'X ; which being approved by the Governor, MoJ}s Tattaim, and Lieute- 
nant Holler, were difpatched with the Meffa-e. 

The Minutes of Yefterday's Conference were read, and the Anfwer coiifidercd and a^jrced 
to, but referred till the Return of the Mefiengers from the ImJIh/is beyond Forf Allen. 

Conrad tVeifer was ordered to inform the Indians by Mofes Tattamy, that Parties of the Ene- 
my Indians had lately conmiittcd Murders on the Borders of this County, even finpe Tirdy- 
ufcung's coming aniongft us, but were retreated, and that the Inhabitants were detern.inud 
to purfue the Murderers, and to defire the Indiani not to ftraggle, but keep together, left they 
fliould be miftaken for Enemy Indians. 

At a Meeting of the Governor and Commiffioners, it was mentioned, tliat the Indians had 
furmized as if Injuftice had been done them in Land Atfairs, the Governor therefore added 
to his Anfwer a Paragraph, putting the Queftion in plain Terms. 

yit a Council held at Eafton, on Friday, the \2lh of November, 1756. 


The Honourable WILLIAM DENNT, Ef.]; Lieutenant-Governor. 

William Logan, j r-,- • 
T, r. i tlciuires. 

Kjchard Peters, 1 ^ 

TH E Meffenger, Mofes Tattatny, returned this Morning from tlic Indians, and report- 
ed, That in his Journey, near Hayes's, about Half-way to Fort-Allen, he met two In- 
dians and a Soldier coming down to fee their Friends, and know what tliey were doing, and 
how received ; but as he told the Indians he was going up with a Meffage from the Gover- 
nor and 'Teedyiifeu'ig, they were latisfied, and returned to hear it : That he came to the In- 
dians at Nine o' Clock Yefterday Forenoon, and delivered his Meffage; after which they were 
in Council till Three in the Afternoon, and then gave him an Anfwer to the following 
Effed. — " That they thanked tlie Governor for the kind Notice he had taken of them, and 
for his Invitation to tome to tlie Ti-caty, hut as it was agreed between T'eedyufeung and them 
that they fliould come no lardicr than the Place where they were, and that the Goods, in 
cafe of Succefs, were to be brought and divided at Fort-Allen, they intended to fti'.y whiift 
the Treaty continued ; they were glad to hear the Indians were treated as Friends, and that 
a Peace was likely to be made, and if it fliould be fo, they fliould all heartily rejoice, and 
would agree to, and confirm, every Thing Teedyiifeung fliould do." — Tattamy told the Go- 
vernor, that he had likev\ile informed them of the Murders lately committed, defiring them 
to be cautious of ftraggling, or going at a great Diftance; for which Notice they were thank- 
ful, and promifcd to keep dieir Indians together ; and if they faw any Trafts of Indians go- 
ing towards this Province, to give immediate Notice of it to the Governor. 

The Mefl'enger being afl^cd if thofe Indians had impowered Teedyitfewig to tranfaift Bufinefs 
for them at the Treaty, he anfwcred, that they faid, in exprcfs Terms, they had given liim 
their Authority, and if any Good Ihould be done (meaning if a firm Peace fliould be con- 
cluded) not only they, but sWihe Indians M Diahogo, and many more different Tribes, or 
Towns, would be exceedingly pleafed with it, and would contirni it. 

The Draught of the Governor's Anfwer to the Indians as fettled at the laft Council, wa;. 
read, and fome Alterations n.ade ; then the Indians had Notice that the Governor wouKi 
fpeak to them this Afternoon. 



C i° ] 

1756. At a Conference isoith the Indians, on Friday, the 12th of Novem- 
^^ — ' ber, 1756, P. M. 


The Honourable WILLIAM DENNT, Efq; Lieuten^t-Governor. 

\ Efquires. 

Wi;,LiAM Logan, 
Richard Peters, 


The fame Commiffioners, Officers, 

Gentlemen, Indians, as before. 

"the Governor fpoke as follows. 

I A M going to give you an Anfwer to what was faid by you at our laft Meeting, and 
would have done it fooner, if I had not expedted to have feen more of our Indian Bre- 
thren here ; I fliail ufe the utmoft Sincerity on my Part, and defire you will hearken at- 

A String. 
I obferve what you have faid, in regard to your faithful Performance of all the Matters 
given you in Charge by this Government when you were laft Here, and do heartily thank you 
for the diligent Care you have taken to make knov/n to all the Indian Nations our good Dif- 
pofitions for Peace, and for inviting them to come to this Council-Fire, and for the further 
Affurances you make in Behalf of thofe prefent, and of many more who are abfent, even 
fome of whom you had little Expedations of, that all will be done in their and your Power 
to bring the fame to a happy IfTue, 

A Belt. 
You have done well to confider the antient Leagues fubfifting between you and this Go- 
vernment from its very firft Beginning. 1 am pleafed to hear you exprefs yourfelf^fo affec- 
tionately in Favour of the firl|: Proprietor ; he very well deferves it^at the Hands of all the 
Indians ; he was alwaysjuft and kind to them, and he gave it in Charge to his Governors, and 
to his Children, 'the prefent Proprietaries, to treat them, as he did, with the utmoft Affection, 
and to do them all Manner of good Offices, which has^always^been done by them, as far as is 
come to my Knowledge. 

As to myfelf, after the preffent Proprietaries had appointed me to this Government, they re- 
commended the Care of the Indians to me in a very particular Manner ; and I affure you, I 
fhall be ready, on all Occafions,to do the Indians every Service, in my Power, and moft hear- 
tily affift,in bringing about a lafting and durable Peace. — I throw a large Log^into the Coun- 
cil-Fire, that it may blaze^up to the Heavens, and fpread the Bleffings of Peace^far and wide ; 
this Belt confirms my Words. 

A Belt. 
Brother Teedyufcung, 

What I am now going ;o fay to you (hould have been mentioned (ome Time ago : I now 
defue your ftridt Attention to it. 

You was pleafed to tell me the other Day, that the League of Frlcndihip^made by your 
Fore-fathers^was,as ye^ frelli in your Memory ; you faid^that it was made fo ftrong.that a final! 
Thing would not eafily break it. As we are now met together, at a Council-Fire, kindled 
by us both, and have promifed,on both Sides, to be free and open^to one another, I muft 
aflc you, how that League of Friendlhip came to be_broken ? Have we, the Governor, or 
People of PennJyhaTiia] done you'aiijrKind oTTniury ? If you think we have, you ftiould 
be honeft, and tell us your Hearts: You fhould have made Complaints^before you ftruck us, 
for lb it was agrecd^in our antient League : However, now the great Spirit has, thus happily, 
brought us once more together, fpeak your Mind plainly,on this Head, and tel l us^ if you 
have anyjuftCaufe of Complaint, what it is; that I may obtain a full Anfwer to this Point, 
I give this Belt. 

A B.^!t. 

T'ecdyujhing thanked the Governor, and defired Time to confider till To -morrow, and he 
would give an Anfwer at fuch Time as the Governor would be pleafed to appoint. 



[ 2, ] 

The Governor defired he would take full Time to confider it, as it was a Matter of Con- 1756. 

fequence, and let him know when he was ready ; and defired at the fame Time he would *- \i — 

offer what he had further to fay on any other Matter. 

^/ tf Conference ^^/</ o« Saturday, November, 13, 1756. 


r/x Honourable WILLIAM DENNY, Efq; Lieutenant-Governor. 

William Logan, j j^^ . 
Richard Peters, J ^^l"^^^" 

The fame Commiflioners, Gentlemen, 

Officers, Indians, as before. 

Teedyufcung Jpoke asfol/ows, laying before him the fever al Strings and Belts given him Tejler- 
day by the Governor. 

I REMEMBER Yefterday by thefe Strings that you would have had a Conference fooner, 
had you not expefted that the Indians who were invited would have come to this Coun- 
cil. 1 thank you for the kind Things you have fpoke, and for reminding me of what paf- 

fed in former Times ; I. will endeavour to tell you the Truth from the Bottom of my Heart, 
and hope you will have Patience to hear me ; all I fliall deliver (hall be according to the 
Authority I have received, as thofe who are now with me will witnefs. 

Gave three Strings of black and white Wampum. 
The Times are not now as they were in the Days of our Grandfathers > then it was Peace, 
but now War and Diftrefs ; I am forry for what has happened, and I now take and wipe 
the Tears from your Eyes, as there is great Realbn for Mourning. This I not only do on 
my own Part, but on the Part of the Six Nations, who will put their Seal to it. — I take away 
the Blood from your Bodies, with which they are fprinkled: I clear the Ground, and the 
Leaves, that you may fit down with Quietnels : I clear your Eyes, that when you fee the 
Day-light you may enjoy it. — I declare this not only for the Indians I reprefent, but for the 
Six Nations, who, with them, make up Ten in all, which have with us put their Hands to 
thefe Words. 

Gave a Belt of nine Rows. 
Now I have done wiping your Eyes and Bodies, and cleaning the Ground where you fit ; 
I will alfo heal your Wounds, not only at the Top, but at the Bottom ; I will apply to them 
the good Plaiiler which the Great Creator has made for thefe Purpofes. I fay I will heal the 
Wound, lb as it may never break out more, but be compleatly cured ; in this the Six Nations 
alfo join with me. 

Gave a Belt of eight of Rows. 
Now as I have healed the Wound, our Cafe is like that of two Brothers ; when one has 
been fick, and has recovered his Health, it is ufual for the other to be glad ; juft fo it is with 
me now : Your Wound is cured j — I am glad to fee you Face to Face, as it has pleafed 
the good Spirit to bring us together. I alfo remember every thing you have faid ; and as to 
what I have faid, or ftill have to fay, the odier Nations will confirm. 

Gave a Belt of eleven Rows. 
I am now going to tell you fomething in a few Words, in Anfwer to your Requeft laft 
Night, that I Ihould give you a true Account how I came to Itrike you. 

In the Beginning of the Confufion and War; that happened, the Fall before this, I lived in 
the Middle of the Road, leading from the Six Nations to Philadelphia, where I was ordered 
by my Uncles, to fit down; and there I fat^in profound Peace, under no Apprehenfion of 
Danger ; and when I looked towards Philadelphia, I faw my Brother the Governor, and no- 
thing but Peace and Friendlhip ; and when I looked the other Way, towards my Uncles, the 
Six Nations, every thing was alfo Peace tlicre ; fo it was^with me, undl^all at once a Man, 
whofe Name is called Charles Broadhead, an Inhabitant of this Province, came to me. at 
Wiofning, and told me, as if he had fuch a Mellage,from the Governor, fhat I had llnick 
my Brethren the Englif}, which I denied over and over ; and^when I could not pre\aU with 

F h;m 


[ .z ] 

17-6. him to believe me, I took, two Handfuls of Wampum, and defiied him to go down with 
.--V-— ' them to the Governor, and affure him that it was not I^who {truck the Enghjh. , I alfo de- 
iTired the Governor to let me know, what further Meafures I (hould take, to latisfy him and 
my Brethren the Englip,oi the Truth of this. — I alio defired, by the fame MtlTcnger, that 
the Governor would take all the prudent Methods he could^to relate this to Colonel Jobnfon, 
and to my Uncles the Six Nations, as I was under a good deal of Concern^that this Charge 

was laid againft me. There were two Kings prefent, befrdes me, who joined With me in 

the Meffage ; and I likewife defired the Governor to fepd me Word^ what to do, for which 
I waited.tiil I was out of Patience,' and -obliged to flee, and leave my Inheritance, on that 

Gave a String. 
According to your other Qyeftion or Requeft laft Night, to know of me, why I flruck you, 
without firft giving you a Reafon for it; I will tfell you the Truth.why I have unfortunately 
ftruck you. I fay, Brother, I will tell you the very Truth, in Anfwer to your Queftion. 
I never knew any of our ancient Kings ever to have this in their Minds, I now tell you that 
it came from a great King , at leaft I think fo : The King of England, and of France, liave 
fettled, or wrougnt^this Land, fo as to coop us up,as if in a Pen. Our foolifh and ignorant 
young Men, when tliey faw the Proceeding of this Enemy, and the Things that were told 
them, believed them, and were perfwaded^by this falfe -hearted King, to ftrike our Brethren 
the EngUJk. — According to your Defire I will now tell you the Truth ,with an honeft Heart, 
as far as is in my Power : After this unfortunate Management once prevailed, rt is eaf3^for 
all you Englip, if you look into your Hearts, to find the Caufe, why this Blow came harder 
upon you,than it would have otherwife done; — but this is not the p rincipal Catife ; fome 
Things that have pafi"edin former Times, b oth in this and other Governments, were not well 
pleafing to the Indians ; indeed, they thought them wrong ; but,as I faid before, they wer e no t 
the_pr incipal Cau fe. Being afked^ in what other Governments, he anfwered, in the Province 
^^ew^Jerfey. Now, Brother, I have told you the Truth, as you defired me, and alfo the 
Uneafinelsof my Mind, becaufe I verily believe it was our Duty, to go to the very Bottom, be 
it as bad as it will, and that it is neceflary we fhould both open our whole Minds to one ano- 
ther, that we may agree, to heil the Wound. 

Gave a Belt of twelve Ratvs. 
When I was here at the laft Treaty, I did according to what I promifed. I took the Belt 
I received from this Government, and held it up to all the Nations I undertook to go to, and 
I took them all by the Hand (meaning,! invited therii all to come to the Council-Fire.) One 
of the Delaware Nations, meaning the Minifink Indians, now about Fort Aikn, gave me 
this Belt, faying, he was glad to hear what I faid, and laid hold of the fame Hand, meaning, 
he accepted the Invitation ; but faid^he would only go Part of the Way, no further than to 
a certain Place, and there he would' fi:ay, but that I might proceed, for he would agree to 
whatever I did, being led by the fame Hand, and giving me Authority to adl for him, at this 

'Fhen delivered the Belt, often Rows, given him by tkofe Indians, who he faid were Minifinks. 

By this String I alfo let you know, that I would not have you think,! have finiflied every 
Thing,at this Meeting, though what I have now done, is of greatMoment ; if we are fpared 
till another Day, that is, until next Spring, I will let )'ou know fomething furtherjn another 
Meeting, for you muft be fenfible we cannot .at one Time,finilh a Thing, of fo great Mo- 
ment. In the meantime^ I will ufe my faithful Endeavours to accomplifii every Thing for 
the Good of both of us. 

Gave a Stritig. 

Then, paufing a while, he faid he had forgot fomething, and taking up the String again, he 

I will let you know,fully and freely ,my Mind, and what is my Determination to do. — 
When I return into rny Country, I will look about me, I will fee and hear^foryou. — If I 
hear of any Enemy^going towards you, I will fend a fuitable Mefienger,to give you Notice, 
though it (hould be'at Midnight. I will alfo take every prudent Meafure, to prevent any Dan- 
ger that may befal you ; perhaps, if the Enemy be but tew, I may not come to know of it, 
but if the Number be great, ! ihall be the liklier to know it : However, be they more or 
lefs, I will let you know it. _ . 

Then bid down the String again. 



[ ^3 ] 

Then the Governor defired of Tecdyufcung, as he hsd mentioned Grievances received by the 1 75^- 
Imtiansjmnx this and other Governments, to l et him know, w hat they werC) and to fpeuk ^- — v — - 
his Mind freely and fully without any referve~ upon which 'I'eedyufcnug ipoke as follows. 

You have not fo much Knowledge of Things^ done in this Countrv^ as others who ha\'e 
lived longer in it, being,but lately,come among us. — I have not far to go for an' Inftance : 
This very Ground^ tliat is under me (ftriking it with his Foot) was my Land and Inheritance, 
and is taken from me,by Fraud ; when I fay^this Ground, I mean all_ the Landjying between 
Tohicmi Creek a nd Wioming, onjh e Ri\'er S afquehannah. I have not only been ferved fo in 
t his GoverTuncnt , but the fame Thing has been done to me, as to feveral Trads in New-j'er- 
Jej^ over the River. When I have fold Lands fairly, I look upon them to be really fold.— 
A Bargain is a Bargain. — Though I have fometimes^ had notliing^for the Lands I have fold, 
but broken Pipes, or fuch Trifles, yet^when I have fold them, though for fuch Trifles, I 
look upon the Bargain to be good : Yet^Ithink,Ifhouldnotbeillufed^on this Account^by thofe 
very People, who have had luch an Advantage in their Purchafes, nor be called a Fool for it. 
Indians are not fuch Fools, as to bear this^in their Minds. — The Proprietaries, who have pur- 
chafed their Lands from us cheap, have fold them too dear, to poor People, and the Indians 
have futfered for if. It would jiave been more prudent. in the Proprietaries^ to have fold the 
Lands cheaper, and have given it in Charge, to thole who bought from them, to ule the /«- 
Jians with Kindnefs on that Account. 

Now, Brother, hear me ; fuppofing you had ? Pipe in your Moutfi, fmoaking, of little 
Value; I come and take it from you ; by and by, when you fee me again, you remember 
it, and take a Revenge : I had forgot, and wonder at the Caufe, and aflc you. Brother, 
Why you have done ib ? This makes me remember the Injury I did you, and more careful 
for the future. Now, although you have purchafed our Lands from our Fore-fathers on fo 
reafonable Terms, yet, now at lengthy you will not allow us to cut a little Wood to make a 
Fire; nay, hinder us from Hunting, the only Means left us of getting our Livehhood. 

Now, Brother, I am pleafed you afked me this Quefhon, having, thfreby given me an Op- 
portunity of fpeaking my Mind freely, as to any Unealinefs I was under. — You are wife 
enough to fee thefe Things, and to provide a- Remedy for them 

Then I'eedyufcmg produced a Recpipt,from WiMiam Parfons, for a Bundle of Deer-fkins , 
he had fent f rom Fort Allen^^ei a Prefent to Governor Morris, and defired Mr. Peters to let 
him know^ if he had received them for the Governor ; which he faid he had. 

He then aflced Mr. Prffrj, what was done with the Memorandum he gave to Governor 
Morris^when he was in Philadelphia in jipril, 1755, containing a Claim to a Imall Pine Trad 
in Neiv-Jerfey; to which Mr. Peters faid, that Governor Morris had promifed to enquire into 
the Matter, and the Memorandum would be returned to him at any Time, with Governor 
Morris's Report on it. 

The Governor then afked him, what he meant by Fraud; having faid his Lands were taken 
from him by Fraud, what it meant ? — • 

To which Teedyufcu72g replied. — When one Man had formerly^Liberty to purchafe Lands, 
and he took the Deed from the Indians ^^or it, and then dies; after his Death, the Children 
forge a Deed, like the true One, with the fame Indian Names to it, and thereby^ take Lands 
from the 7«i//(2»i, which they never fold — this is Fraud. Alfo, when one King has Land, be- 
yond the River, and another King has Land, on this Side, both bounded by Rivers, Moun- 
tains and Springs, which cannot be moved, and the Propriet.iries, greedy to purchafe Lands, 
buy of one King,what belongs to the other-— this, likewife^ is Fraud. 

The Governor tlien afked leedyufcung, Whetlier he had ever been ufed in that Manner .? 

He anfwered. Yes; — I have been ferved fo,in this Province: All the Land, extending 
from 'Tohiccoth, over the Great-Mountain, to Wiotning, has been taken from m^ by Fraud ; for^ 
when I had a£ree d~to fell The Land, to the'old Proprietary^ b y the CQu de of"_the River, the 
young Proprietaries came, and got it run, by a ffraight Courfe by the Com pals, and^by that 
MeanSjtook in double the Quantity intendeii to be lbld7 

As you have defired me to be very particular, I have told you the Truth, and have opened 
my Mind fully. I did not intend to Ipeak thus, but I have done it at tliis Time, at your Re- 
■*" ' quefl ; 


queftj not that I defire you fhould no w purcha fethef^ Lands, but that you fhould took into 
your own Hearts, and confider what is right, ^nd that do. ' 

The Governor thanked him, for the Freedom and Opennefs he had ufed with him, and 
told him, when he was ready to fpeak to him, he would let him know it. 

At a Council held at Eafton, November 14, 1756. 


The Honourable WILLIAM DENNr, Efq; Lieutenant-Governor. 

William Logan, 1 r:.^ ■ 
Richard Peters. \ E^^^"' 

MR. WEISER, by the Governor's Order, attended the Council. The Minutes of 
Yefterday's Conference were read over, and then each Paragraph by itfelf. Mr. fVei- 
fer faid, he apprehended 'Teedyufcmg's Relation, of what paffed between him and Charles 
Broadhead, in a Light fomething different from what was fet down in the Minutes, viz. That 
Charles Broadhead had, in the Name of the Governor, charged on Teedyufcung the Murders 
committed on the Inhabitants of this Province, and demanded Satisfaction for them } that 
the King denied the Charge, andfent a MelTage by him, with a Bundle of Wampum, to the 
Governor of Pemfylvania, to alTure him of his not having committed Hoftilities. And fur- 
ther, defired he might receive Orders from the Governor what to do, promifing to execute 
them faithfully ; and if it fhould be judged neceffary, he would even go to Colonel John/on, 
and the Six Nation Country, with any MefTage the Governor would pleafe to fend there by 
him, but defired it might be fent in a certain Number of Days, after which, if it did not 
come, he would tal^e it for granted the Governor believed the Stories told of him. 

The Governor enquired of Mr. Weifer, into the Foundation of the Complaint made by the 
Indians, as to the Frauds faid to be committed in Purchafes of^ Land made of them, by the 
Proprietaries; and he told the Governor, Thatfew^or none ^ of the Delawares ptefent, as he 
could recoiled, originally owned any_of thefe Lands, or any Land, in this_Proyince ; that, if 
any Injury was done, it was done to otHers, who were either dead or gone, fome to the Okio, 
and feme toother Places. — That as tolhe Lands^ particularly inftanced , by Tff^'^^'^^. he 
heard that they were fold to, and the Confideration'Money paid by, the firft Proprietary, Wil- 
liam Penn. — That when Mr. John Penn and Mr. Thomas Penn were here, a Meeting was 
then had,with the principal /«<»'<2W living on thefe j^ands, and the former Agreement renew- 
ed, and the Limits again fettled, between the Proprietaries^ and thofe Chiefs of the Delawares ; 
and accordingly, a Line "was loon after, run^ by /W/^kj and. Surveyors. That the Delawares 
complaining afterwards, their Complaint was heard^in a great Council of the Six Nations, 
held at Philadelphia, in the Y ear 1743. in which, feveral Deeds, executed by the Delawares 
to the Proprietaries, were readTand interpreted, and the Signers Names and Marks examined j < 
and, after a long Hearing, thsSix Nations dechicd the Complaints of their Coufins, the De- 
lawares, to be unreafonable, and were very angry with them for complaining without Caufe. 

Mr. Peters, being afked by the Governor, faid, he had likewife heard Things, to the fame 
EfFecft, and was prelent at the Council when the Delawares Complaints were heard and fet- 
tled by the Six Nations ; that it was a very large Council, confifHng of the principal Chiefs of 
the Delawares. — And added, he believed , when the Matter fliould come to be well examined 
into, the Proprietaries would not be found to have done Injuftice to the Delawares, or to hold 
any of their Lands, for which thofe Indians had not given Deeds^ truly interpreted to them, 
and received a Confideration. 

But as neither Mr. Weifer, nor he, was concerned in this Tranfadlion, and the Papers to 
prove it were at Philadelphia, this Matter might, on the Governor's Return, be thorougly en- 
quired into, and if it fhould appear that Injuflice had been done the Delawares in this, or 
any other of their Sales, they ought to receive Satisfaction. — After which^the Governor pro- 
pofed to let the Indians know, that as to the particular Grievances^they had mentioned, they 
fhould be thorougly examined into', well confidered, and, if juftly founded, amply redreffed 
as quickly as the Nature of the Bufinefs would admit. "* 



[ ^5 ] 

But upon conferring with the Commiirioners, he was told by them, that fuch Promiies 
had been frequently made the hidiam^hy Governors of other Provinces, and not performed, 
and thefe People might confider them as now made with a Defign to evade giving them 


The Commiffioners faid further, as more Goods were brought , than were proper at 
this Time to be given to the fmall Number of India^u come down, it would be better, whe- 
ther the C l airn was juft or unjuft, to offer them immediate Satisfadion, which they, on the 
J'art ot the" Publick, witKlEeGovernor's Approbation, were willing to do, judging this would 
effidtually remove all their Uneafinefs. The Governor concurring with them in Sentiments, 
an Anfwer to their Complaints was framed accordingly. 

At a Conference held on Monday, November 15, 1756. 


The Honourable WILLIAM DEN NT, Efq; Lieutenant-Governor. 

William Logan, j „/• - 
Richard Peters, jEfquires. 

The Commiffioners, Officers, 

Gentlemen, Indians, as before. 

T^he Governor fpoke as follows. 

YO U expreffed your Concern for what had happened, Aliped the Tears from our Eyes, 
and the Blood from our Bodies, and having made clean the Council Seat, I heartily 
thank, you for it. I do likewife wipe the Tears from your Eyes ; I walh away the Blood 
from your Bodies, and from the Council Seat, that there may not remain the left Defilement, 

A Belt. 
I make you my Acknowledgments for your having fearched our Wounds to the Bottom, 
and the good Remedies you have applied for their Cure, and I pray the Great Creator may 
blefs our mutual Endeavours, that they may be fo effeftually healed^ as not to leave behind 
them the leaft Scar, or ever break out again, whilft the Rivers run, or the Sun and Moon 
give Light to the Earth. 

A Belt. 
As to what you fay, of the Meffage delivered to you at TVioming, by Charles Broadhead, the 
Governor did fend him, and I could have wiffied you had fcnt fome of your own People to 
me, on fo weighty an Occafion ; and for the future, I muft caution you^not to hearken to any 
Meirages,as from this Government, unlefs the Perfons charged with them are known to be 
publick Officers, ufually employed for fuch Purpofes, and the Papers they produce are fealed 
with the Seal of the Government. 

A String. 
I thank you for the Opennefs with which you have expreffed yourfelves,as to the Caufes 
why you ftruck us. The French praftife every Artifice they are Mafters of to deceive the Indi- 
ans, and I am forry your young Men ffiould have been fo fo.inh as to have hearkened to 
them. I hope they have fufficiently feen their Errors, and will not ^ hereafter ''fuffer them- 
felves to be fo deluded by that deceitful People. 

' A String. 

ne Governor taking the Belt given by the Minillnk Indians, repeated what Teedyufcungfaid on 
it, and then anjwered it. 
As I conceive tliis Belt to be your Authority ,for ading at this Council-Fire, in Behalf of 
the Mini/ink Indians, who only came Part of the Way, I will keep it, and put it into the 
Council Bag, being glad to hear they have put their Hand to tlie Belt I fent, though I ffiould 
have been better pleafed to have feen them here. 

O Brotheri 


[ ^6 ] 

1756. Brother, 

■ — y~~-' You give me Hopes of another Vifit. Affure yourfelf it will always give me Plcafure to 
receive you, and any other of our Indian Friends with you. Your kind Offer of giving me 
timely Notice of the Approach of an Enemy, is an incontcftablc Proof of the Warmth of 
your Heart for me ; and as you have fo freely offered it, I fhall ever have an entire Depend - 
ance upon you; and whatever Perfons are fent,with Intelligence of this Sort, fliall he hand- 
fomely rewarded. I expeft and defire you will give the fame Intelligence to any other Gover- 
nor whofe Country you apprehend to be in Danger, as all the Englijh are of the fame Flefh 
and Blood, and Subjeds of the fame King. 

Gave a large String. 

I am very glad you have been as good as your Word^in coming down to the Council-Fire, 
which was kindled on this particular Occafion. I believe you have ufed your beft Endeavours, 
with great faithfulnefs, to effect every Thing you undertook. I heartily agree to the Peace^as 
you have propofed it, provided all the Englijh Colonies be included in it. But we cannot 
agree to make Peace for this Government alone, and leave you at Liberty to continue the 
War with our Brethren of the neighbouring Colonies ; for we, the Englijh, are all Subjefts of 
one great King, and muft, for the future, be all at Peace, or all at War, with other Nations 
at the fame Time. 

A Belt. 

You may remember it was ftipulated, in the Conferences held laft Summer, that all the 
Pcifoners you had taken^fhould be brought to this Council-Fire, and there delivered up; and 
as you have only delivered up five Prifoners, and I am fure many more have been taken, I 
defire to know why they have not been brought ; they are our own Flefh and Blood, and we 
cannot be eafy^whilfl thej are kept in Captivity. 

A String. 

You have opened your Heart, and fliewn us the Reafons^you thought you had^for differing 
with us : You have done well, in fpeaking fo plainly, on that Head ; but you fhould have 
made your Complaint to us, before you lifted your Hand to ftrike, and that might have pre- 
vented the Mifchief. When the Great Creator made Man, he gave him a Tongue to com- 
plain of Wrongs, two Ears to hear a Brother's Complaints, and two Hands^ to do him Ju- 
ftice, by removing the Caufe. — All thefe were made, before the Hatchet, and fhould be firfl 
ufed. Had the Man, in your Comparifon, whofe Pipe was taken from him, faid, Brother, 
you took my Pipe from me, at fuch a Time, and I mufi: have Satisf adion ; his Brother might 
have anfwered, I did not think you valued a Pipe fo much, do not let us differ^about a fmall 
Matter, here. Brother, take two of mine. That this Method, agreeable to our antient 
Treaties, may be remembered, and Complaints always made by you,to us, or by us to you, 
in a publick Manner, and Juftice demanded, before we ftrike, I give you tliis 


I am but lately come among you ; the Grievances you mention, are of old Date. If for- 
mer Indian Kings have, as you fay, fometimes fold more Land,than they had a Right to fell, 
in fo doing they^inj[ured_us, and we, as well as you, have Caule to complain of them. — But 
fometimes, IHougiitKeyTold no more than their own, they fold it fairly, and it was honeftly 
paid for^by the Englijli; yet when the Indian Children grow up, they may forget that their 
Fathers Ibid the Lands, and divided the Goods ; and Ibme evil Spirit, or bad Man, that loves 
to make Mifchief, may tell them, the Land is ftill yours ; your Fathers never fold it ; the 
Writings are falfe. Morevcr, inany People, both Englijh and Indians, concerned in the for- 
mer Purchafes of Lands, are now dead ; and as you do not underftand Writings and Re- 
cords, it may be hard for me to fatisfy you^of the Truth, though my Prcdcccffors dealt ever 
fo uprightly ; therefore, to fhew our fincere Defire to heal the prelent Differences, and live 
in eternal Peace, with you our Brethren, tell me ,what will fatisfy you, for the Injultice you 
fuppofe has been done you, in the Purchafe of Lands in this Province; and if it be in my 
Power, you fhall have immediate Satisfadion, whether it bcjuilly due_ to you orwiot. The 
good People of this Province are ready, a'nid' willing ,to open their Hands, and help me, by 
contributing freely,to this good Work.— Or if you are not impowcrcd to receive flich Satis- 
fadion at this Time, or have not Convenience to carry away the (Joods that may be given you 
on that Account, then, I will lodge the Goods, in fuch Hands as you fhall appoint, till you 
bring to our next Meeting.your old Men of the feveral Nations, who may have a Right to 
a Share in the Divifion of thofe Goods, where they fhall be ready to be delivered to them 
and you . This may be done at a Council-Fire, to be rekindled at Philadelphia for you and 
us, or here, as you fhall chufe, when we exped, and infiff, that you bring down all the 
Captives that ftill remain in your Country. 



[ ^7 ] 

And as you mention Grievances, from the Neighbouring Governments, I make no Don'nt, 
but on proper Application, you will have the utmoft Juftice done you ; and if I can be ot 
any Service to you^in making the Application, it will give me great Pleafurc; in Teftimonv 
whereof, I give you this 


You told us laft Summer, that^formerly^there were many Indian Chiefs who made Trea- 
ties, fome in one Place, and fome in another, from whence ^Mifunderftandings had often 
arofe. — It was fo formerly, with the Englip Governments, each made War or Peace^with 
the Indians,iov itfelf : They were not united in thefe great Affairs, as Subjeds of the fame 
King ought to be, and fo were much weaker. — Our wife King has now ordered Things bet- 
ter, and put ail Indian Affairs under one general Diredlion. — I fliall fend a full Account of 
all that has paffed^ between this Government and the /«^/tfw, on this prefent Occafion, to 
Sir William Johnfon, to whom His Majefty has been pleafed to commit the general Manage- 
ment of Indian Affairs, for his Approbation and Ratification ; and as tliis Gentleman, in Qua- 
lity of being the King's general Agent in this Part oi America, has, in Conjundtion with your 
Undcs^^t Six Nations, and all the Allies, kindled a general Council-Fire at his Houfe, on 
the Mohocks River, I muft infift upon it, that TeedyuJ'cttng, and a Deputation of your Chief 
Men, fhall goto this Council-Fire, and there communicate every Thing^to obtain Confirma- 
tion, and take Advice, as to your future Condud:, that there may be a perfed: Union, both of 
Council and Meafures, as well on the Part of all the Indians, as others his Majefty's Subjeds, 
without which this great Work of Peace will never be brought to itsjuft Perfedion. 
' J Belt. 


The good People of this Province, affeded with the Diftreffes which their Brethren the 
Indians muft needs fuffer,in this fevere Seafon, for \Vant of Clothes and other Neceflaries, 
have furnifhed me with a Quantity of Goods, to the Value of Four Hundred Pounds, to 
fupply their Wants ; a large Part of them is given, by the People called fakers, who are 
the Defcendants of thofe , who came over with William Penn, as a particular Teftimony of 
their Regard and Affedion for the Indians, and their earneft Defire to promote this good 
Work of Peace. 


GOODS given at the Expence of the Province; 

3 Pieces of Blankets, 

I Piece of Matchcoat, 

I Piece of plain white Half thicks. 

I Piece of napt Ditto, 

I Piece of purple Ditto^ 

I Piece of Stroud, 

1 Piece of Calicoe, 

1 Grofs of Scarlet Garters, 

3 Pieces of Ribbons, 

3 Dozen of Taylors Shears, 

6 Dozen of Cuttee Knives, 

6 lb. of white and black Beads^ 

I Grofs of Womens Thimbles, 

I Grofs of Mem Ditto, 

1000 Fijh-hooks, 

loo Large Ditto, 

100 Large Fifh-hooks, 

6 Dozen of Tobacco Tongs, 

6 Grofs of Morris Bells, 

1 lb. of Vermillion, 
18 Tin Kettles, 

20 Shirts, 
6 Hats, 
6 Coats, 

2 Grofs of Awl-blades, 
100 lb. of Powder, 
200 lb. of Lead, 

1 Piece of black Stroud, 

2 Pieces of Bandame Handkerchiefs. 

I Piece of blue Stroud, was alfo given 
among the five Mohocks aW/ico Shaw- 
anefe, and one Shirt to each. 

GOODS given at the Expence of the People called fakers. 

2 Pieces of Jiriped Blanhti, 
5 Pieces of M'^tchcoat, 
2 Pieces of Strouds, 

1 Piece of purple Half thicks, 

2 Pieces of printed Calicoe, 

1 Piece of Jiriped Calimancoe, 

4 Pieces of flowered Silk Handkerchiefs, 

2 Dozen of Worfted Caps, 
40 Pairs of Yarn Mittens, 

1 Grofs of Thimbles, 

5 Parcels, about 6 lb. of Thread. 
3000 Needles, 

2 Pieces of Ribbon, 
?4 Small Brafs Kettles, 
8 Tin Kettles, 

20 Whtte Shirts, 

1 o Green Prize Coats, 
10 Hat Si 

2 Grofs of Bed-lacing, 
I Grofs of Gartering, 
200 lb. of Tobacco, 

3 Grofs of Pipes, 

48 Weeding-iioes, for Indian-Corn, 

6 lb. offmall Beads, 

6 lb. of Barley-corn Ditto, 

3 Dozen of Jmull Looki?ig-glaJfes, 

12 Silver Medals of King GeorgE; 

6000 Black and White Wampum. 

A Horfe, Bridle and Saddle. 



[ a8 \ 

1756. j^t fl Conference ield u. Eafton, Isovember 16, 1756. 


The Honourable JVILLIAM DRNNVy Efq; Lieutenant-Governor. 


William [-(kjan, 
Richard l^eTF.Rs, 

The fame Coinnii(]ioncis, Officers, 

Gentlemen, Indiatn as before. 

The Governor iicqiuuntM'VcC\.\\\\Wn\v^ that he was ready to hear him. 

Then Tccdyiilcimi;. uhKH, -> ^rn„^ of Wampum, fpoke in thefe Words. 

1 DESIRE you will \\cm \w * Irw a Words with Patience. You may remember I of- 
ten defired you to ciulcivmu- \\> rtppirhcnd mc aright, when I am fpeaking of Matters 
of Importance. 

Hear me with Patience ; I m\\ f^xMiig to ufe a Comparifon, in order to reprefent to you 
the better what we ought to do. 

When you chufe a Spot of (Iround for Planting, you firft prepare the Ground, then 
you put the Seed into the Earth ; but if you don't talce Pains afterwards, you will not obtain 

Pniit. To Inftance, in the LiJian Com, which is mine (meaning a native Plant of this 

Country) I, as-is cuftomary, put (even Grains in one Hill, yet, without further Care, it will 
Eome to nothing, tho' the Ground be good ; tho' at the Beginning I take prudent Steps, yet 
if I negleft it afterwards, tho' it may grow up to Stalks and Leaves, and there may 
be the Appearance of Ears, there will only be Leaves and Cobs. — In like Manner, in the 
prefent Bufinefs, tho- we have begun well, yet if we hereafter ule not prudent Means, we 
{hall not have Succefs anfwerable to our Expedations. — God, diat is above, hath furnifhed 
us both with Powers and Abilities. — As for my own Part, I muft confefs, to my Shame, I 
have not made fuch Improvements of the Power given me as I ought ; but as I look on you 
to be more highly favoured from above than I am, I would defire you, that we would join our 
Endeavours to promote the good Work ; and that the Caufe of our Uneafinefs, begun in the 
Times of our Forefathers, may be removed ; and if you look into your Hearts, and 
adt according to the Abilities given you, you will know the Grounds of our Uneafinefs in 
fome Meafure from what I faid before, in the Comparifon of the Fire, that tho* I was but 
a Boy, yet I would according to my Abilities bring a few Chips ; fo with Regard to the 
Corn, I can do but little, you may a great deal ; therefore let all of us. Men, Women and 
Children, affift in pulling up the Weeds, that nothing may hinder the Corn from growing 
to Perfedtion. When this is done, tho' we may not live to enjoy the Fruit ourfelves, yet 
we ftiould remember, our Children may live and enjoy the BleiTings of this good Fruit, and 
it is our Duty to ad: for their Good. 

yi String. 

I defire you will attend to thefe few Words, and I will, with all Diligence, endeavour to 
tell you the Truth ; the great Log you mentioned, when kindled, will make a great Flame, 
but it will not kindle of itfelf, nor continue flaming, unlefs diere be Air and Leaves, as well 
as Coals to make it kindle. I defire we may ufe our utmoft Endeavours to_ make it kindle, 
though what I have told you may relate to Matters difagreeable to you, yet if we exert our- 
felves, and a(5t according to the Abilities given from above, die Event will be agreeable, and 
pleafing to ourfelves, and of Service to our Children. 

Take Pains therefore, and though you are a Governor, do not put off thefe Things, 
from Time to Time, as our Forefathers did. 

The Interpreter was defired to tell, in other Words, what was the Meaning of what was 
faid in the two laft Articles ; and having requelled Leave of Teedyiifamg, he faid, he alluded to 
the Beginning of the War ; the Quarrels between the King of France, and the King of 
England, and their PeoplCjOn both Sides, and that tlieir young Men were deluded by the 
French; this was the firll and principal Caule, tho' other Things helped,to make the Blow 
fall quicker and heavier. ^4 String. 


[ ^9 1 

Brother, 1 7 

I will now, in a few Words, according to my Abilities, give you an Anfwer. You dcfired *— -> 
Tie to acquaint you what the Grounds of my Uneafinefs were, and I complied, tho' it was 
not the main Thing which I came about. But when you put me in mind, I was pleafed, 
for before I thought it not proper to mention it in thefe difficult Times ; it was not the 
Caufe of the Stroke, tho' it was the Foundation of our Uneafmefs. Now, Brother, in An- 
fwer to your Queflion, What will fatisfy us.? It is not ufual^ nor reaibnable, nor can I tell 
you what the Damage is, and adjuft, as in a Ballance, the true Value^at that Time and thefe 
Times j formerly^ it might be lighter, but being delayed, it is now the heavier; the Interelt 
is to be added. Befides, there are many more, concerned in this Matter, not now prefent ; 
^nd tho' manVjWho have fufFered,are now in the Grave, yet their Defcendants feel the 
■^eight, and the more now for the Time they have waited. '' 

Alfo, Brother, I require you would throw down the Fence, that confines fome of my 
Brethren and Relations in the Jerfeys, that they may, if they fee Caufe, come and iee their 
Relations. I do not want to compel any of them to come, or to ftay,againfl their Will. If 
they are inclined to ftay and live among the Englijh, I am quite willing they fhould come 
back again ; but I want they fhould come and fee me, that thereby I may convince their 
Relations, and the other Nations afar off, that I am now treating with, that they are not 
Servants, but a free People. 

I do not requeft that all Men, Women and Children fhould come ; but fome, or as 
many as may be fufficient^ to convince other Nations that they are not confined, but 
have Liberty,as well as we: In particular, one called Philip, he has a Wife, and Relations 
among us ; to my Grief I heard he was carried to Goal, and there confined with fome 
others, and put to Death ; but I underfland the Account of his Death was falfe. I defire 
he may have Liberty to come and fee his Relations. I alfo requefl that you would apply to 
the Governor^on the other Side the River {viz. of the Jerfeys) and to ufe your utmoft En- 
deavours with him, that he would give them Leave to come, and that they may come under 
your Proteftion, be they more or lefs, in the great Road to os opened by this Province. 

But though you fhcruld not do this, yet I will ufe my utmo/l Endeavours to bring you 
down your Prifoners, there are only two in my Power. You may hear otherwife, but I de- 
clare I have no more than two in my Power : There are more in the PoffefTion of others, 
and thefe, with your Affiflance, I may be able to bring down ; and I will endeavour to ga- 
ther and fcoop in as many as I can, but I fliall want your Help to do it. 


I have to requcflyou, that you would give Liberty^ to all Perfons and Friends to fearch. 
into thefe Matters ; as we are all Children of the Mofl High, we Ihould endeavour to affift 
and make ufe of one another, and not only fo, but from what I have heard, I believe there 
is a future State befides this Flefli ; now I endeavour to aft^on both thefe Principles, and will, 
according to what I have promifed, if the Great Spirit fpare my Life, come next Spring, 
with as great a Force of Indians as I can get, to your Satisfaftion. 

A String. 

By this String now delivered, and lying before you, I afTure you I have fpoken on all Mat- 
ters, the befl I could, according to my mean Capacity and Abilities. I fliall depend on my 
Interpreter, who I believe is an honcfl Man," but I think it prudent, in order to prevent Mif^ 
underflandings, that I ihould be furniflied with a Copy of what is done, as well in the Con- 
ferences held here laft Summer, as at this Time ; for though I am not able to read, yet others 
may ; it will be a great Satisfaction to have it in my Power to iLew to others what has pafled 
bet\veen this Government and me : What is committed to Writing^ will not eafiiy be loft, and 
will be of great Ufe to all, and better regarded j and I would have the Names and Seals of all 
that have been concerned in tranfafting this Bulinefs, put to it : I do not defire a Copy now, 
but that it may be ready for me when I come again. — The Interpreter, PumpJJiire, informed 
the Governor, \hzt\'j\\iilTeedyufcung was going to fay was not material, or of much Impor- 
tance, as it related to himlelf ; adding, though he might be confidered as a fimple Man, yet 
throughout all this Affair he had adted uprightly and honel1;ly. 

1 will fpeak in Favour of the Interpreter ; he ailed as fuch in Governor Morris s Time as 
well as yours ; and I am plealed with his Condudt, on both Occalions. — If w? fhouki have 
any further Buiinefs to tranfad, I defire he may be employed. — You know he lives in another 
Province, and is on that Account^at fome Expence; reward him well, for his Services j and 
doit well^for my Sake ; but I fhali leave it to you. 

H Brother, 


[ 3° 1 

1756. Brother, 

r— — ' I have fomething, though of no great Confequence, yet to mention. > am in low Cir- 

cumftances, and have not Things (uitable ; I wifh I had however, I have fifteen Deer 

Skins, which, as I fee you love to have your Hands covered, I prefent you, to make Gloves 
of, or for any other Ufe you fhall think proper. Eighty fine large Ones were brought at firft, 
but on our Journey from Diahogo to Wioming, fome of the Indians witn me^were fo difcou- 
raged by Alarms, that they returned home, and took with them all but the Fifteen, which, I 
defiie your Acceptance of. 

The Governor returned him Thanks, and told him, he accepted of them as a Mark of 
his Affedion, without regard to the Value of the Skins.'r~He then reminded Teedyujcung, 
that it was intended the Goods (hould have been delivered ^Yefterday, but as it grew late, and 
the Room in which they fat at Dinner, was fo fmall, it was agreed they fhould be brought 
here, and delivered, which was done, the Lifts read, and the Indians left to divide the GcxSs. 

y^/ a Council held at Eafton, November 17, 1756. 

The Honourable WILLIAM DEN NT, Efcy Lieutenant-Governor. 

William Logan, > Efq^;,^. 
Richard Peters, S ^ 

TH E Commiffioners advifing the Governor to fix, at this Meeting, the Sum to be given 
in full Satisfacftion of all Injuries done to the Indians, and to offer it to them now, 
Mr. Weifer was fent to confult with T'cedyufcung, if this would be agreeable j and Mr. Wei- 
j(fr, having done fo, reported. That the TCing declared againft it, faying, he had no Power to 
take any Sum, tho' the Governor fhould offer him never fo much, the People; t o whom the 
Land_belonged^bein^abfent j but he would endeavour to bring as many of them down, as he 
could find, to the next Meeting, when it might be further confidered. 

Several Matters remaining to be mentioned to the Indians, the Governor fent for TeedyuJ- 
cung, the four Six Nation Indians, the two Shawane/e, and one or two Delawares, and in the 
Prcfence of the CommifTioners, and fome other Gentlemen, he fpoke as follows. 

Only one Thing of what was faid Yefterday requires an Anfwer, which I am now going to 
give you. 

By this String, you defired me to make Application to the Governor of Jerfey, that the 
Fence might be broke down, which confined the Indians, and that they, or fome of them, 
might have Liberty to go into tlie Indian Country, and correfpond with their Relations and 
Friends as formerly, and particularly to obtain this Liberty for one Philip. 

The Province of Jerfey, you know, is a different Government from this ; I will ufe my 
beft Endeavours with the Governor, to grant your Requeft, but I apprehend I fhall meet with 
this Difficulty, that as you have fome ot their People Prifbners with you, before they grant 
your Requeft, they will expedt thefe fhall be returned, which I think would be advifeable 
for you to do ; particularly you have with you a Boy, whole Name is Hunt, taken near 
Paulin'i Kiln, in that Province, whofe Mother is nov^ here, and requefts he may be fent 
down among the firft. 

A String. 
I confider you as the Counfellor, and Agent ^f this Province, and as fuch ^obliged to affift 
us all you can. By this String, I confirm your Appointment. 

A String. 
As our Prifoners may fuffer for Want of Clothes, and other Neceffaries^in this fevcre Seafon, 
wc would wifh to have them as foon poffible, and to that End propofe to fend with you- 



[ 3' ] 

two Meffengcrs^who may colledt them together, and bring them down; and I defire you 1756. 

will give tjicm your AfTiftance, which will be a further Proof of your Sincerity. i—— v— ■ 

A String. 
N. B. Two of the Six Nation Indians ".ocrc employed in this Service. 

If any of cur Indians ihall incline to come into the Province, and live among their Bre- 
thren, the EngliJ/j, I do now afi'urc you, that they (hall be kindly received and fupported, 
and live together in one Place, the molt convenient that can be got ibr the Purpofe. 

Or as there is now a flrong Fort at Shamokin, built at the Requeft of your Uncles, the 
Six Nations, for the Protcdion of the Friendly Indians, I propofe to have a Store of Goods 
in it, the Direction and Management of which will he given to an honeft Man, who fhall 
not be fufi'ered to impofe upon the hdians; and I fhajl be glad all our Ynti\i\y Indians, who 
are fcattered and diltrellcd in thcfe troublcfome Tims, will come and live near it ; there 
they will be proteded from the French ; there they will have a large uninhabited Country to 
hunt in ; and there they may be furniflied witli ClotlieSj and all other Neceilaries of Lile, at 
the eafieft Rates. 

A String. 
Brothei , 
You know that at the laft Treaty the Road was opened for us to go to each other ; 1 now 
give you this Belt to prefcrve the Communication free and clear of all Obftrudtions, let there 
be nothing in it that can hurt tlie Feet, or wound the Bodv of either. 

A Belt. 
Bn ther. 
Since 1 fet out, I have heard of the Death of feveral of our Indian Friends^ by the Small- 
pox ^t Philadelphia, and particularly Captain AW'aj//'/f is dead, who was very inftruraental, 
and joiDi^ with you as Agent, in carrying on this good Work of Peace. I wipe away jrour 
Tears ; I take the Grief tiom your Hearts ; I cover the Graves ; eternal Reft be with their 

A String of Wampum, eleven black Strcuds, -with feme Handkerchiefs. 
Peace is nc w fettled between us by the Afliflance of the Moft High ; but the Indians in 
the French Irtereil Itill commit Murder^ on our Frontiers, and our Soldiers are in Purfuit of 
them. I def re you will order your young Men not to ftraggle about, but keep in the ftraight 
Path to your Towns, fo that they may not be n"uftaken by our Soldiers for French Indians. 

I'eedyufcuug thanked the GovcuiOr foi his kind Speeches, and faid, he was very glad that 
the Governor had thought of fending two Mellengers with him^ for the Prifoners, and pro^ 
mifed to aiTift them. 

After the Condolance made on Captain Nciocaftle's Deatli, the King made an Addrels^as is 
ufual,to the other Indians on th;s iiK>umful Occafion : They continued filent for fomeTimCj 
and then^one of the oldefi: of them fpoke an Exhorutioii, in the Nature of a Funeral Ora- 
tion ; after which Teedyufcung expreffed to the Governor^ the great Satisfadion given to him 
at his condoling the Death of Captain Neii'cajile, who, he laid, was a good. Man, and had 
promoted the good Work of Peace^ with great Care i his Death would put hira in Mind of 
his Duty, as it (hould alhof us. 

He then fpoke in a warm and pathetick Manne^ in Favour of the Peace now fettled, and 
implored the Afiiilance of the Moft High^to bring it to Perfeftion. 

The Governor underflanding that feveral of the Indians inclined to ftay, defired Teedyuf- 
cung to give him the Names of fuch as would live with their Brethren the Flnglijh. — T'eedy- 
itjcung, miflaking the Governor, as if he had faid, they mull ftay, anfwered, fmiling, he 
did not underftand any Indians were to be forced to ftay, but left to their Liberty. If the 
Governor wanted any to ftay, and delired it, lie would ilay himfelf, and his Wife and Fami- 
ly with him. The Governor fet the Matter Right, thanked him, and wiftied him well > 
took his Leave of him, faying, they had met and parted Friends, and he hoped they would 
meet again as good Friends as now. 

Tfedyujaing ftiewed great Pkiifure in his Countenance, and took a kind Leave of the Go- 
vernor and all prcfent. 

By his Honours Comtnand, 

Richard Peters, Secretary. 



,•56. EXTRACT from the Minutes of the Houfe o/" Representative i of the Province of 
■v^— ' Pennfylvania, January 29, 1757. 

" The fq^r Provincial Commiffioners, Members of this Houfe, who were appointed to 
" attend the Governor at the late Conference with the Indiums at Eqjio/i, prefented a Paper 
" to the Houfe, which was read, and is as follows," viz. 

WE the Committee appointed td attend the Governor at the Conferences with the 
Indians at Eajlon, in November' laft, have perufed the Copy of thofe Conferences, 
drawn up and figned by the Secretary, and laid before the Houfe ; 

And as we apprehend it of Importance to. the Province, that the Complaints made by the 
Indiaris, whether juffly founded or not, fhould be fully reprefented, and their Senfe of them 
underftood, we think, it neceffary to obferve to the Houfe, that we conceive the Warmth 
and Earneftnefs with which they infifted on the Wrongs that had been done them in the 
Purchafes of Land," are much too faintly expreffed in this Accoimt of the Conference. That 
we were not prefent at the palliating Hearfay Accounts of the Walking Purchafe, faid to be 
given the Governor by Mr. Weifer, and Mr. Peters, on the Fourteendi of November ; tho', 
by the concluding Paragraphs under that Date, it may feem as if we were : But we well 
remember, that the Tranfadtion of that Walk was at Eajlon univerfally given up as unfair, 
and not to be defended, even from the Accounts of fome of our own People who were 
prefent at the Walking ; even the Secretary, tho' he did fay, that he believed Satisfadlion 
was afterwards made the Indians, and that this was the only Inilance in which any Foun- 
dation of Complaint had ever been given them, yet this he allowed was (in his own 
Words) uniuorthy of any Government. We would farther obferve, that when Teedyujcung 
claimed the Lands, even thofe on which the Conferences were held, no Objection was made, 
that neither he, nor any with him, had any Right to them ; nor did we ever underftand his 
Reafon for not accepting Satisfadion to be as reprefented in the fecond Paragraph under 
November 17, for that " the People to ^Nhotn the. Land belonged were abfent ;" — but for 
that many of them were abfent, and thofe who were abfent had not impowered him to act 
for them in that Matter ; but he would endeavour to bring them in the Spring. 

Tlie Offer of the Commiffioners to furnifh the Means of making the Indians immediate 
Satisfadlion, not being fiilly related, we think it neceffary to add. That the Reafons we gave 
the Governor for that Offer, were, i. The Abfence and great Diftance of the Proprietaries, 
who being the fole Purchafers of Land from the Indians in this Province, ought, if the 
Indians were injured infuch Purchafes, alone to make the Satisfadion ; but their Agents here 
had not the neceffary Powers. 2. For that Promifes [fuch being propofed] of enquiring 
into Indian Complaints, and doing them Right hereafter, had been fo often made in other 
Governments, and fo little obferved, we imagined they could be of no Weight, and would 
rather be looked upon as a Denial of Juftice j and therefore, we thought it better, as their 
Demands are feldom very high, to make them immediate Reparation for the Injuries they 
ilippofed they had received, and we would furnifh the Goods, and rifque the Proprietaries 
repjying their Value to the Province. The Secretary then told us, that he thought our Pro- 
pofal very confiderate and well-judged; that he was liare the Proprietaries would think them- 
felves obliged to us, and repay the Money with Thanks : The Offer was accordingly made, 
but not accepted for the Reafons abovementioned. We then waited ujx^n the Governor In 
a Body, and acquainted his Honour, That aS wc had made the Offer in Behalf of the Pro- 
vince, not from an Opinion that the Province ought to be at fuch Expence, but from the 
apparent immediate Neceffity of thh Thing, and on Account of the Proprie^aries Abfence as 
cforefaid ; fb now fince the final Settlement of the Indians Claims was pollponed to the 
Spring, and there would be fufficient Time to write to the Proprietaries and obtain their 
Orders to their Agents for the Payment of fuch Sums as fhould be found neceffary, we 
looked on oiirfelves and the Province is totally difengaged firom that Offer, and expedted that 
the Proprietaries would be wrote to accordingly. 

January 29, 1757. Benjamin Franklin, Joseph Fox, 

William Masters, John Hughes. 

A true ExtraSi from the Minutes, 

William Franklin, Clerk of Affemhly. 



O F 




At Harris's Ferry, and at Lancaster, 

In Marc/), Jpril^ and May, 1757. 


P H 1 LA D E L P H lA: 

Printed and Sold by B. F R A N K L I N, and D. H A L L, at the 
Ncw-Printing-Office, near the Market. MDCCLVII. 


C 3 ] 


O F 


From George Croghan, Efq-^ to the Honourable Sir WIL- 

Jble J4gent, and Superintendent of the Affairs of the Six 
Nations, their Allies and Dependents. 

May it pleafeycur Honour, 

IN Purruance of your Inftrudtions, as fbon as I was informed of the Indians being come 1757> 
to John Harris's, I fet off from Philadelphia to meet them, and arrived at "John Harris's ^— i — 
the 29th of Mnrch^ ^7S7-> where I met about One Hundred and Sixty Indians, Men, 
Women and Children, Part of eight Tribes. 

The Thirtieth, I examined Jofeph Peepy, and Lewis Montour^ in regard to the Meflages I 
had fent by therti to the Safquehannah Indians, 

They informed ffie, that ^cdyufcung was gone to the Seneca Country, to get a Nttmber of 
the Senecas to come down With him ; and they delivered me a Belt of Wampum lent me by 
Tcedyufcung, in Return of mine fent him. by them ; by which Belt he informs me, that he will 
b^ down as foon as poffible, with Two Hundred Indid^.s, but could not tell, whether he 
would conie in at EaJ}on or at John Harris's. 

The remaining Part of this Day I fpent in getting what Intelligence I could of the 
Strength of the French on Ohio, and the Difpofition of the Delawares and Shawanefe ; and 
by the beft Accounts I can get, I find the French have not had above Three Hundred Men 
in Garrifon at Ohio this Winter, and that the Delawares and Shawanefe on Ohio were divided 
amongft themfelves, one Half of each Tribe going down Ohio to where the Lower Shawa- 
nefe are fettled, and the other Half were determined to go off to the Six Nations^ 

I am informed, that all the Safquehanna Indians are d'lfpofed for Peace, except the Munfeys, 
or Minifmk Indians ; yet I underftand that a Number of them will be down with Teedyujcung. 

I am informed, by a Six Nation Indian, one of Reputation amongft them, that refided at 
Diahogo, that as foon as Jofeph Peepy and Lewis Montour had delivered their Meffage there, 
the Councils, that Night, difpatched two Men to the Ohio, to inform the Delawares and 
Shawanefe, living there, of this Meeting, defiring fome of them to come to it 5 but if none 
of them fliould chufe to come, thefe Meffengers were then to infift that none of the Dela- 
wares and Shawanefe, living on the Ohio, fhould come to War againft the Engliflj till this 
Meeting was over, and they have Time, after returning Home, to let them know how it 



[ 4 ] 

At a MEETING of the Six Nations and their Allies^ and George Crog- 
han, Efq\ Deputy Agent to the Honourable Sir William Johnson, Baro- 
net. His Majejiys fole Agent and Superintendent of the Affairs of the 
Six Nations, their Allies and Dependents, and by his fpecial Order, at 
JohaHarrisV, the Fir ft Day i?/" April, 1757. 

P R E S 

The Reverend Mr. John Elder, 
Captain Thomas M'Kee, 
Mr^ James A^y/ijirong, 



Mr. Hugh Crawford, 
Mr. John Harris. 

William Prenttep, Interpreter 





Thomas King, 

R-ut King, 

G' nnadcigaughia. 


With Twenty-fix others, 

S- gehoanna. 


Men, Women and 


With Thirteen others. 


With 31 others, Men, 

Men, Women and 

Women and Childrejii. 





Gijj'aratonqua, and his two 



Brothers, with Eigh- 


\^'ith Eight mere, Mc",, 

teen others, Men, Wo- 


W^omen and Chil- 

men and Ghiidren. 

With 20 others, Men, 
Women and Children. 





Ri:beri White, 




Jojl-pb Peepy, 

Captain Join, 

With Eleven more, Men , 

Thomas Evans, 

With Twenty-nine more. 

Women and Chil- 

Jonathan, with 20 more,- 

Men, Women and 


Men, Wonaen and 


aej. T AM lent here by the Honourable Sir William Johnson,, to represent him at this 
--V— ' X Meeting > and I defire you all to give Attention to what I am going to lay to you in Be- 
half of your Brother Onas and the wile Men of this Government, who arc truly fenlible of 
your Afflidtions, occafioned by the Death of many of your Counfellors and Warriors, fince 
they had the Pleafure of feeing you in this Government ; and as they have ever looked upon 
your Misfortunes as their own, they mix their Tears with yours, and have defired me to 
condole with you, agreeable to the antient Cuflom of our Forefathers. 

Gave a Belt. 
With this Belt of Wampum I wipe the Blood off the Seats round your Council Fire, that 
your old Men at this critical Junfture, when convened in Council^ may fit with Conofort, 
and diredt their Warriors with Wildom.. 

Gave a Belt. 
As I have wiped the Blood' off the Seats round your Council Fire, I, with thefe Strouds," 
wrap up the Bodies of your deceafed Friends, and bury them decently, covering their 
Graves with thefe EUankets and Halfthicks. 

Gave the Gceds. 
As the Blood is wiped off the Seats of your Counfellors, the Dead decently buried, and 
their Graves covered, I, with this Belt of Wampum, wipe the Tears from your Eyes, and 
defire you may mourn no more. 

Gave a Belt. 
As you are now out of Mourning, I with this Belt of Wampum difperfe the dark-Clouds 
which are gathered over your Heads, that you may fee the Sun clear, and fliake Hands witli 
vour Brethren when you meet in Council. Gave a Belt. 



C S ] 

Brethren, "^7^7- 

As we have now gone through the antient Cuftoms ufed by our Forefathers upon their *— — v — ■ 
Meeting, I with this Belt of Wampum heal your Hearts, and free your Minds from Trou- 
ble, that we may meet each other in Council, and brighten the Chain of Fi iendrtiip. 

Gave a Belt. 
I now wipe the Sweat off your Bodies after your long Journey, and bid you a hearty Wel- 
come to this Government in the Name of your Brother Onas. 

Gave a String. 

Sachems and Warrion of the -Six United Nations, our Friends and Brethren, 
I embrace this Opportunity of acquainting you, that laft Year your Brother Onas held two 
Conferences at Ea/hn with your Nephews the Delawares, and your Brethren the Shaioaneji, 
that live on Safquehannah, in order to fettle the Differences fubfilling between them and us j 
but as that good Work could not be accompliihed at that Time, they agreed to have a Meet- 
ing this Spring to finally fettle all Differences fubfifting between them and us their Brethren : 
And that this Meeting might be the more general, I difpatched Meffengers up Safquehannah, 
and to Ohio, and I wrote to your Brother, Sir William Johnfon, defiring him to requeft a 
Number of you our Brethren, the Six United Nations, to be prefent at this Meeting, who I 
am heartily glad to fee here ; and when your Nephews and Brothers arrive, I am in great 
Hopes, by your Affiftance, to be able to accommodate Matters to the mutual Satisfadion of 
both them and us their Brethren the Englijh in the feveral Governments. 

And by this Belt of Wampum, I requeft you to make ufe of all your Intereft with your 
Nephews the Delawares, and Brothers the Shawanefe, to bring about an Accommodation 
between them and us, that the Sun may once more fhine upon us in Peace, and that the 
Peace may laft as long as the Sun, the Moon and the Stars give Light. 

Gave a Belt. 

At a Meeting with the In^i^ns, at John Harris V, April 2, 1757. 


The Reverend Mr. Elder, The Deputies of the 

Captain Thomas M'Kee, Six United Nations, 

Mr. James Armfrotig, The Delawares, and 

Mr. Hugh Crawford, Nanticokes. 
Mr. John Harris. 

Scarroyady, Speaker for the Indians. William Prentup, Interpreter. 


YOU and our Brother Onas wifely confidered the antient Cuftom of our Forefathers, 
in condoling with us, and mixing your Grief with ours: And as we make no 
Doubt but fome of your wife Counfellors ^re dead fince we were here, and many of our 
Brethren have been killed by the evil Spi.nt, we wipe the Blood off your Council Seats, and 
put them in Order with this Belt of Wampum. 

Gave a Belt, 
After wiping the Blood off your Council-Seats, we, with thefe few Skins, wrap up the 
Bones of our Brethren that died or were killed by the evil Spirit, and cover their Graves. 

Gdce a fmall Bundle of Skins. 
We, by this Belt of Wampum, wipe the Tears from your Eyes, and defire you may mourn 
no more. 

Gave a Belt. 
We, with this Belt of Wampum, difperfe the dark Clouds, that the Sun may always 
fhine upon us in Friendlhip; we heal your Heart, and free your Mind from Trouble, that we 
may meet each other in Council, and brighten the Chain of Friendfhip made by our Fore- 
fathers ; and that the Council Fire may burn clear, we throw a few Chips on it. 

Gave a Belt. 

B This 


C <5 ] 

1757. This Evening I had a Meeting of the Sachems, and propofed the Going to P/j/Ajd'c'^^/ii, 

■ — V ^ to hold the Treaty ; but I could prevail on none of them, except the Mohawks, to go there • 

the rcfl: were afraid of Sicknefs. 

When I found they were not to be prevailed on to go there, I called a Council, and, with 
a Belt of Wampum, I removed the Council Fire to Lancajhr ; to which Place they all agreed 
to go, and wait the Arrival of Tecdyufciing, with the Senecas, Delawares, and Shawanefe. 
Gave a Belt, to remove the Council Fire to Lancafter. 

April the 7th, I arrived at Lancapr from "Jolm Harris % ; from whence Mr. Shippen, Mr. 
Thompjoii, Mr. Bottde, and Captain Cajie, with a Number of other Gentlemen, Inhabitants of 
that Borough, went out with me to meet the /Wwwj (who I had left a few Miles behind) 
to bid them welcome to Lancajler. 

hi foon as the Indians were fettled at the Place taken for them by James Wright, Efq; 
I then kindled a fmall Fire for them to fit by till they fhould hear from their Brother Onas 
of the Arrival of Tcedyufcung. 

April the loth, I received a Letter from his Honour the Governor, acquainting me of the 
Arrival of Fifty Delawares and Shawanefe at Fort-Allen, and that they were ordered to wail 
there the Arrival of 'Teedyufamg, with the reft of the Indians who were coming with him. 

I immediately ordered a Meeting oi the Indians, and acquainted them with what the Go- 
vernor had wrote me about the Arrival of the Delawares and Shawanefe at Fort-Allen, 
which was very agreeable to them. 

I then acquainted them, by a Belt of Wampum, that their Brother Onas had prepared a 
very convenient Place for them within zMAc oi Fijiladelphia, and that he propoftd to hold 
the Conterence at Fhiladelp.ia, as Teedyufaing had, at the iaft Treaty at Eajion,' gi\xn his Ho- 
nour the Governor a Promile to come to thiladelpbia this Spring. 

T^be Indians, after confidering what had been faid to 'them, returned the following Anfwer. 

We have confidered what you faid to us from our Brother Onas ; when you propofed to 
u'--, at John Harris\, to go to 1 biladelphia, we refuled tor the Reafons we then gave you. 
By the Meffage you fent us by Jofcpb t eepy and Lewis Montour, we underftood that the 1;^- 
lawares and Shawanefe were to Aa tiie Place of Meeting where they thought proper. 

We tell you we will fit where we are till they arrive and fix the Place of Meeting with our 
Brother Onas. ^ 

Returned the Belt of Wampum. 

April ^ the nth, I delivered the Goods purchafed by James Wright, Efq; for the Indians, In 
the Prelence of Mr. James Webb, which was well received by them. 

After the Goods were divided, the Chiefs of the feveral Tribes came in a Body, and return- 
ed Thanks to the Government for the Cloathing they had received. 

The 13th, the feveral Chiefs came to me, and told me, they obferved that I gave no 
Cloathing to our Brothers the Conneflogoes, and defired that I would give them fome, elfe they 
moyld be obliged to give them Part of what had been given them. 

Gave a String. 

The 17th, I called a Meeting of all the Indians, and returned them Thanks for condoling 
with me at 7o/j« Harris' ■i for the Lofs we their Brethren the Englijh had fuftained by Death 
and the evil Spirit. 

I return you Thanks for mixing your Grief with ours, and wiping the Blood off our Coun- 
cil Seats. 

Gave a Belt. 
I give you Thanks for wrapping up the Bones of our dcceafed Brothers, and covering the 
Graves, and wiping the Tears from our Eyes. 

Gave a Belt. 



[ 7 ] 

Brethren, ^7^7- 

I return you Thanks for dirperfing the dark Clouds from over our Heads, for healing our '^ — ^( — 
Hearts, and freeing our Minds from Trouble, and for brightening the Chain of Friendlhip 
made by our Forefathers. 

Gave a Belt. 

April the zoth, I received a Letter from his Honour Governor Denny, inclofing two 
MelTages from Tcedyujamg to the Governor, which were delivered to Major t'arjhm in Eajion, 
and forwarded by him. 

As foon as I received his Honour's Letter, I called a Meeting of the Indians, and repeated 
over to them the MelTages, and let them know, that Tecdyufamgs being fo long detained on the 
Way was the Scarcity of Provifions ; and then acquainted them, that his Honour the Gover- 
nor had ordered a Supply to be fent to meet them, for which the Induuis returned his Ho- 
nour the Governor their heart)' Thanks, and faid, their Brother Onas's fending Provifions to 
meet their Coulins on the Road, was giving them theftrongeft Affurances of his Regard and 
Efteem for them. 

Gave a String of Wampum. 

April tht 23d, Six Onondago Warriors applied to me for Liberty to go to Fort Cumberland, 
to join the Southward Indians, who they underftood were going to War againil: His Majefty's 
Enemies at Ohio ; I granted their Requeit, and fitted them out for their Journey. 

April the 26th, Scarroyady, with a Party of Mohawk Warriors, came and told me that they 
were apprehenfive the French would make fome Attempt againft Fort-Augujla, and defired 
I would fit them out to go there ; to which I agreed, giving them Orders to reconnoitre the 
adjacent Woods, for a few Days, then to proceed towards the Ohio, and to reconnoitre the 
Country well as they went, and if they diicovered any-Body oi French, or Parties of Indians, 
coming towards Fort-Augujta, or any Part of this or the neighbouring Governments, they 
were immediately to return and give Notice to the Commanding Otiicer at Fort-AuguJla, or 
to the Commanding Oificer of the Fort nigheft to that Part of the Country where they 
ihould come into. 

The 26th o{ April, P. M. the Chiefs of the feveral Tribes called a Meeting, and fent 
for me, and defired to know what Time they might expedt their Brother Onas u*p, and their 
Nephews the Delawares, and Brothers the Shaivanefe, to hold the Conference. 

To which I anfwered, I had not yet received any certain Account of the Arrival of the 
Delaware! and Sha-wanefe ; and until the Governor had fixed the Place and Time of Meet- 
ing with Teedyufcung, I could not give them a full Anfwer. 

To which Little Abraham, a Mohawk Sachem, fpoke as follows, in Behalf of the Whole. 

We have been here a great while, and the Spring is coming on faft : It is Time for us to 
think of CToing Home to plant. We have beard what you h.ive faid to us from our Brother 
Omi's, bodi at John Harris's and here, that our Brother Onas propofed to hold the Treaty at 
Philadelphia. Every Time you fpoke to us upon that Head, we gave you our Objeftions 
againil going lb far down, which we expected would have been confidered before now; but 
as our Brother Onas has not yet agreed to come here, we have determined in our own Minds 
to treat with our Brother 0?!as here, and go no further down the Country. 

We have appointed three Men to go to Philadelphia to fpeak with our Brother Onas, and 
requeft of him to come up, and we defire you will find Horfes for them to ride down, and 
a Man to go with them to the Governor. 

And we have appointed three more to go and meet our Nephews the Delawares, and Bro- 
thers the Shawanefe, and bring them here, and we defire you will find them Horfes, and a 
Man to go and take Care of them, and provide NeceflTaries for them on the Road. 

Gave a Siring, 

May the 5th, P. M. Captain T'retit returned from Bethlehem, with the Deputies that went 
from here to meet the Delawares and Shawantfe, and brought with them i'our Delaware Men, 
and one Woman, 



[ 8 ] 

[757- About two Hours aftcr\v.;ru:, Captain M'Kcc returned from Philadelphia, with the Depu- 

"w——' ties who were fent down to the Governor to invite him here to hold the Conference. 

May the 6th, I called a Meeting of the Chiefs of the feveral Tribes, when William Logan, 
Efq; a Member of his Honour the Governor's Council, returned the Governor's Anfwer to 
the Meflage lent him by Tiiomas King, and Rut King. 

Brethren, the Deputies of the Six United Nations, and your Coiifms and Brethren the Delawares, 
I am fent to you by your Brother Onas, from Philadelphia, as a Member of his Council, 
and your very good Friend, and I defire you will attend to what I am now going to fay to you, 
and confider'my Words as if they were fpokcn by Onas himfelf. 

Gave a String. 
A few Days fince, Thomas King, and Rut King, accompanied by Thomas M'Kee, as their 
Guide, crme to me in Philadelphia, and informed mc, by this Belt of Wampum, that you 
heid a Council Fire at Lancajier, and had fent tor our Friend George Croghan to it, and had 
made a Speech to him ; in which you acquainted him, that on his Invitation you came to 
John Harris's, underftanding the Council Fire was to be kindled there ; that after you had 
Itaid there fome Time, you v/ere defired to accompany him to Lanca/ier, and that I would 
meet you there ; that therefore you had appointed thefe two Indians to wait on me, and to 
take me by the Hand, and invite me to your Council ; that you had determined among your- 
felves to come no further, and would be glad to fee me, and that my coming would rejoice 
your Hearts. 

You rnufl: be very fenfible, -that in the tranfafting Publick Affairs, in thefe trouLlv-fome 
Times, many Difficulties and unfcrefeen Accidents happen whxh require my particular At- 
tendance in Philadelphia \ this is my prefent Cafe. And as I eedyufcung, the Chief of the 
Delawares, our Countryman, and vour Coufin, with fome other Chiets and Head Men of 
that Nation, has fent me lately a MelTage, acquainting me, that he was on his Waj', with, 
a great Number of Indicfns, coming to meet me, in order to linifii the Treaty of Peace begun 
lall Year by our late Governor and myit-lfv.i!h tiie /aid Chicis, and deiLed me to be ready 
with my Counfellors to affill in finilhing tht laid T.eaty which was lo happily begun, and 
that I would be fo kind as to fend for Mojes Tat amy, and "john Fumpjdre (two Delaware In- 
dian Interpreters) from the jtrfeys, to be pieient ; and that as there was lo great a Number 
of Indians who were coming with him, they would want Provilions on their Way, and 
defired I would fend fome to I'Vyoming for them, which I immediately complied with. Thefe, 
Brethren, have been the Ileafon- for my delaying my Journey to meet you at hancaffer, and 
for my defiling George Croghan would endeavour to prevail on you our Brethren to come to 
the Council Fire at ' hiijidtiphia, where the 61d wife People, who are your hearty Fricr.ds, 
would have been excec ling glad to fee you ; and as I iuve heard nothing from Teedyafcitng 
very lately, I am uneafy kit k^me Accident has happened to him. I thank you very kindly 
for your affedionate Invitation : I accept of it, and will, with great Pieafure, come and con- 
fult with you at your Council Fire at Lancajier. 

Gave a Belt of eight Rows. 

May the 9th, three of the Meflengers I fent to the Ohio returned, and make the following 

That on their Arrival at Fenango (an old Indian Town) on Ohio, they found feveral of 
the Delawares there, one, named Caftalago, their Chief. They immediately called a Meet- 
ing, and delivered the Speeches fent by them, which w6re very well received by the Dela- 
wares; who told them, in Anfwer, That they would accept of the Invitation, and come 
down with them ; but that they muft firft go and confult their Uncles the Senecas, who lived 
furtlier up the River. The next Day they let off to a little Town further up the River Ohis, 
where diey fummoned a Number of the Delawares and Senecas together. After rcDeTtiiig 
the Mclfages over, one of the Senecas, named Gari/lagee, one of the Chiefs, f lid to mc De- 
lawares ; Nephews^ You muft not accept pt that Call, for the Belts which are fent you are 
not proper Belts on this Occafion. I know George Croghan very well, and would be very 
glad to fee him ; and if he will fend a proper Belt, with Men wrought in it, for the feveral 
Tribes he wants to meet with (himfelf taking us by the Hand) made of old Council Wam- 
pum, which is the Cuftom of the ^/x A^iZ/zowi on thefe Occaiions, I will go down with you 
and fee him : To which the Delawares agreed, and then returned the Belts. 

They fay that one of the MefTengers proceeded further, to where the Delawares, that lived 
formerly at Kittanning, were now lettled, on Beaver-Creek, with a View of finding out the Dif- 



[ 9 ] 

politions of tlienii and they expect he will be Toon down, if not killed. Thefe MefTcn'^ers J???, 
fay, tJiat there were but fifteen Frenchmen at Venango, and that the Fort there is very weak ; "-— V— 
and that the India>is in them Part's are very much diftrefled for Provifions. 

They fay that tlie Ohio Indians are much afraid of the Southern Indians, having been 
ftruck three Times by them this Spring, twice near Fort Du ^^ejhe, and once at the Logs- 
Town i and tliat the Indians are moving fafi: up the Ohio towards the Senecas. 

They heard from the Indians there, that the French were defeated at Fort William-Henry, 
and that there was another Party defeated by ^iv Willi am John/on, at the German-Flats; and 
the F!e?2ch were determined yet to make another Trial againft the Englijk, but that they could 
not tell where they intended to llrike next. 

They fay the two Men. killed at Fort Augujla, were killed by the Delawares and French, 
which was the only Party of Delawares or Shawanefe that has come againfl: us this Spring ; 
that the other Parties tliat have been on tlie Frontiers of this and the neighbouring Provinces, 
were Indians from over the Lakes ; that the Delawares made great Game of the Lake In- 
dians, and told thofe Mcffengers, that one Party of them, who had been down, had, on their 
Return, killed and eat three of the Englip Prifoners, for want of Food ; that there was an 
Account came there whilfl: they were at Venango, that the French ionewagas had differed 
with the French, be'caule the French would not fupply them with Provifions ; the Difference 
rofe fo high at lafl, that they came to Blows ; that Sixty of the Conewagas were killed, and 
a great Number of the French. 

I quere the Truth of this News, as the French undoubtedly know their Interefl too well 
to differ with the Coneivagas at this Time. 

Thefe MelTengers, on their Return, touched at Diahogo, where they met with Teedyuf- 
cung, who enquired of them what they had been doing at Ohio ; they repeated over to him 
the Meffages that had been fent by them from this Government, and the Anfwer they had 
received from the Ohio Indians; on which Teedyujcung fent the following Meffage by them 
to their Brother Onas and me. 


YO U have been at a great deal of Trouble in fending Meffages to us, your Brothers 
the Delawares and Shawanefe ; but the Perfons you employed are young Warriors, and 
not Counfellors, therefore unfit for fuch Bufmefs > likewife the Belts you have fent, in Com- 
parifon, are no more than Strings ; but if you Will fend to call us together, and fend proper 
Belts, and wife Men to take us by the Hand, we will come down with them, and give you 
a Meeting. In which Meeting I hope we ihall fettle all Differences fubfifTung between us ; 
and I aifure you, by this Belt of Wampum, that our Minds are well difpofed, and that 
our Hearts are warm and true towards you our Brothers the Englijh ; and we defire that 
you, as Meffengers from our Brothers, may take this Belt to Capt. Thomas M'Kee, and let 
him deliver it in our Name to our Brother Onas and George Croghan. 

Gave the Belt. 
There is one Thing that gives us a great deal of Concern, which is, our Flefh and Blood 
that lives among you at Bethlehetn, and in the 'Jerfeys, being kept as if they were Prifoners. 
We formerly applied to the Minifler at Bethlehem, to let our People come back at Times and 
hunt, which is the chief Induflry we follow to maintain our Families ; but that Minifler has 
not liflened to what we have faid to him, and it is very hard that our People have not the 
Liberty of coming back to the Woods, where Game is plenty, and to fee their Friends. 

They have complained to us, that they cannot hunt where they are ; and if they go into 
the Wood's, and cut down a Tree, they are abufed for it, notwithftanding that very Land we 
look upon to be our own ; and we hope, Brothers, that you will confider this Matter, and 
let our People come into the Woods, and vifit their Friends, and pafs and repafs, as Brothers 
ought to do. 

Gave a String. 

Lancajler, Monday, May the 9th, This Evening the Honourable William Denny, Efq-, 
Governor of this Province, attended by a Number of his Council, a Number of the Houfe 
of Reprefentatives, the Commiffioners for the Province, with a great Number of other Gen- 
tlemen, arrived here. 

C M,y 


L ^o J 

[757. A%' the loth, TheSachems of the feveral Tribes, with a Number of their chief Warriorsi 
— v~-^ waited on the Governor at Mr. George Gibjhn's, in Lancajler ; when the Governor, with 

the Gentlemen that attended him, took them by the Hands, bid them welcome, and his 

Honour made them tlie following Speech. 

I give you a very hearty Welcome, agreeable to my Meflage by Mr. Logan. I have wait- 
ed all this Time at Philadelphia, expefting the Arrival oiT'eedyufcung, as the principal Bufinefs 
to be tranfadted at this Meeting is between this Government and your Coufins the Delawares 
and Shawanefe ; but receiving your kind Invitation, I have haftened here, and am glad to 
fee you. 

^'f/ ^ Meeting in the Court- Houfe, in the Town of Lancafter, en Thurfday, 
the I 2th of May, 1757, P. M. 


The Honourable WILLIAM DENNT, Efq; Lieutenant-Governor of the Province 
of Pemfyhania, and Counties of New-Cafile, Kent and Sujfex, on Delaware. 

James Hamilton, "j Ifaac Norris, T 

William Logan, Efquires, Mem- William Majlers, I Efquires, the Speak- 

kichard Peters, I bersofthe Go- J feph Galloway, ■ er, and Commit- 

L\n-Ford Lardner. r vernor's Cnnn- ^nhn R/ivnfnn f tpe nf the Hniife of 

Lyn-Ford Lardner, r vernor's Coun- John Baynton, [ tee of the Houfe of 

John Mifflin, I oil. George AJhbridge, I Reprefentatives. 

Benjamin Chew, J William Wejl, J 

The Magiftrates of the Borough, witli a great Number of other Gentlemen. 

The Deputies of the Mohawks, Oneidoes, Tufcaroras, Onondagoes, Cayugas, with fome Sene- 
cas, Nanticokes, and Delawares. 

William Prentup, Interpreter for the Crown. 

Conrad Weifer, Efq; Interpreter for the Province. 

On opening the Meeting, his Honour the Governor afked me, as I reprefented the Honour- 
able Sir William Johnson at this Treaty, if I was provided with a Secretary : Upori 
anfwcring I was provided with one, his Honour then gave Orders that no Perfon elfe 
fhould take any ^^otes. 

Then the Governor made the following Speech. 

brethren of the United Nations, 

YO U are fenfible of tlie unhappy Differences that have fubfifted for fonie Time part be- 
tween us, the People of Pennfyhania, the Englifl in the feveral Colonies, and our 
Brethren and Countrymen, the Delawares and Shawanefe, your Nephews and Brothers. 

By the Mediation of Sir William Johnfon, His Majefty s fole Agent and Superintendent of 
Indian Affairs for the Northern Diftridl of America, a Ceffation of Arms was agreed upon, 
and they, at a Conference held in Otfaningo, promifed to lay down their Hatchet ; which A- 
greement they fince ratified and confirmed in another Conference with that Gentleman in 
your Prefence ; at which Time Sir William defired to know what was the Caufe of their com- 
mitting Hoitilitics on their Brethren the Englijh, which Qucftion they did not then give a full to. But at a lubfcquent Treaty with me at Eafton, in November lall, the fame Que- 
ll:ion being put to 1 eedyufcuug, he franklv acknowledged that their foolilh young Men, being 
deluded by our Enemy, the falle hearted French King, were perl'waded to take up the Hatchet 
againfi: us. Tiiis, he faid, was the firft and principal Caule; but that one Reafon why the 
Blow fell the heavicron us was, that their Brother Onas had fraudulently poffeffed himfelf of 
fome of their Lands, without having firfl purchafed, or given any Confidcration for them. 

Ga-jc a Belt of nine R'.us. 

Being very defirous that all Caufcs of Difcontent fliould be removed, I prcpofed tliat tlie 
Matter iliould then be finally accommodated ; but 'Tecdyifcung declaring, he was not llif- 



[ " 1 

ficienty inipovvered to finilh that Bufinefs, declined it, and defired another Meeting this 1757 

Spring, when he engaged to bring with him thole Indians to whom the laid Lands belonged, *— -^ — 
at which Time this Complaint might be fully heard, and amicably adjufted. 

Gave a Belt of nine R.ivs. 

Having the greateft Confidence in the Friendlhip and Juftice of our Brethren the Six Na- 
tions, I immediately acquainted Sir William Johnjbn with thefc Proceedings, and requeued 
that he would be pleafed to fend fome of the wife Men of thofe Nations to be prefent and 
affift at the propofed Meeting. I expefted Teedyufaing would have been here before this 
Time, and am greatly concerned at his Stay. 

It would afford me great Satisfadion, if it had fuited your Conveniency to wait his Arrival ; 
but as you have informed me your Bulinefs will not admit of being longer abfeiit from your 
Country, if you can now think of any Meafure that may be likely to promote the good 
Work in which we are engaged, and eftablifh a firm and lafting Friendlhip between us and 
your Nephews, you Ihall find me fincerely difpofed to join with you in doing every Thing in 
my Power conducive to fo defirable an End. In Confirmation whereof, I give you this Belt 
of thirteen Rows. 

Gave the Belt. 

y^f tf Meeting in the Cowt-Honfey Friday, May 13, 1757, P. M. 


The Honourable WILLIAM DENNT, Efq; Lieutenant-Governor. 

The Council. The Committee of the Affembly. 

The Magiftrates of the Borough, and a great Number of other Gentlemen. 

The fame Indians. 

Thomas KinT, an Oneido Sachem, 1 „ , , , ^ ,. 

Little Abraham, a Moha'-^k Sachem, \ ^P'"^'^''^ ^^^^ ^^e Indians. 

William Prentup, Interpreter for the Crown. 

Conrad Weifer, Efq; Interpreter for the Province. 

Little Abraham opened the Meeting, addrejjing himfelf t9 the Governor as follows. 

AFTER you had done fpeaking to us Yefterday, you left the Appointing the Time for 
the next Meeting to us. We are now met in Council, and I defire you to lillen to 
what we are going to fay. 

Thomas King then got up, and repeated over the two firft Speeches made to them by the 
Governor Yefterday, and returned his Honour Thanks, for acquainting them with the par- 
ticular Circumftances that happened during the Courfe of the Conference at Ea/ion ViH Fall, 
between his Honour and the Delaivarcs and Shawanefe ; and exprefied the great Satisfadion 
it gave them to hear that their Brother Onas was fo fortunate as to find out the true Caufes 
from whence the Difference arofe between their Brethren the Englijlj, and their Nephews the 
Delaivarcs, and their Brothers the Shawaneje, for tliat they had taken a great Deal of Pains 
to find it out without Succefs. 

Gave a Belt. 

Thomas then addrefied himfelf to the Governor, and laid, he hoped, that if they tlioulJ 
make any Blunders, or have forgot a;iy Part of the Speech, he v;caild excule them, as they 
could not write ; therefore were obliged to keep every Tiling in their Memory. 

Gave a Belt. 

Little Abraham then defired the Governor to give Attention, as they were going to return 
an Anfwcr to his Honour's laft Speech ; and after he had repeated over the lafl Speech deli- 
vered them by the Governor Yeilerday, he fpoke as follows. 

You defired our Advice in Regard to the Differences that arofe between you and our Ne- 
phe\^-s the Dctawajrs, and Brothers the Shawanefc ; and you defired us to give you our Oni- 



[ i^ ] 

1757. nion which would be the heft Method now to parfuc to bring about an Accommodation: 

V — -• We have confidered what you required of us. Brothers, We are difappointed, by the 

Heads of our Relations not coming to this Meeting ; it was on their Account that we met 
our Brothers at this Time.— If they had come here at this Time, we lliould have fat 
ftili, and heard the Complaints on each Side, then we fhould have been the better able to 
judge who was in tire Fault, and would have given our Opinion freely : However, as 
Things now ftand, we muft inform you, our Brothers, TJiat in the Time of our Great- 
Grand-Fadiers, and when the Six Nations firft: united, it was agreed that the Seneca Country 
fliould be the Door to the Six Nations, into which all Meffengers lliould pafs in Time of 
War, and there deliver their Meffages, and the Senccas, our Brothers, were to forward the 
Meffages to all the United Nations. 

But in the Differences fubfifhng at prefent between you and our Nephews and Brothers, 
we have heard nodiing from that Qirarter, tliough we are fenfible that Meffengers arrived 
there upon this Affair. And as we, the Mohawks, are a Door to the Eaftward of the Six 
Nation Country, eftabliflied at the fame time with that to the Weftward, finding that they 
neglected their Offices, we took the Affair in Hand, and fent Meffengers to Otjaniiigo, and 
there a Council was held, and the Depudes we fent charged them to get fober, as we looked 
upon their Adlions as die Adions of drunken Men : This was the Subftance of the Speeches 
fent to them. — They returned for anfwer. That they looked upon themfelves as Men, and 
would acknowledge no Superiority that any other Nation had over them. — We are Men, and 
are determined not to be ruled any longer by you as Women j and we are determined to cut 
off all the Englijh, except thofe that may make their Efcape from us in Ships ; fo lay no 
more to us on that Head, left we cut off your private Parts, and make Women of you, as 
you have done of us. In the mean time, though they did not any longer acknowledge the 
Six Nations as their Uncles, yet they would liften to what Anugh Kary Tany Tionen Hoko- 
rowy fhould fay to them, — Him only they acknowledged for their Uncle. — Notwithftanding 
this rafh Speech, they afterwards, at the Inftance of Sir William Johnfon, agreed to a Cef- 
fadon of Arms, to come to an Interview with him and their Brother Onas. 

Now, Brother, our Advice is to you, that you fend proper Mefiengers immediately to the 
Senecas, to invite them, with our Nephews the Delaimares, and Brothers the Sha'wa?iefe, to a 
Meedng with you here ; and when they come, be very careful in your Proceedings with 
them, and do not be rafh, and it will be in your Power to fetde all the Differences fubfifting 
betwen you and them : And we affure you. Brethren, by this Belt of Wampum, that we 
will condnue our good Offices till this Affair is brought to a happy Conclufion. 

Gave a Belt, marked G. R. 

At a Meeting at the Court-Houfe, Monday, May 16, 1757, A. M. 


The Honourable WILLIAM DEN NT, Efq; Lieutenant-Govcrn.>r. 

The Honourable Colonel John Stanv/ix. 

The Council. The Committee of Affembly. 

The Magiftrates of the Borough, with a great Number of other Gentlemen. 

The fame Indians. 

William Prentup, Interpreter for the Crown. 

Conrad Weifer, Efq; Interpreter for the Province. 

Little Abraham, a Mohawk Sachem, 1 c i c .\ t j- 
r^, „. r\ J Q u i Speakers for the hhvan.^. 

Thomas King, an Onetdo Sachem, J ^ 

The Governor fpoke as follows. 

Brethren of the United Nations, 

I HAVE duly confidered what you were fo kind to fay to me the other Day, in Anfwer 
to my Speech to you ; and I return you my hearty Thanks for your Inform.ition and 
Advice as to what you judge proper to be done for the Reftoration of Peace brtwrcn us, 
your Coufins the Delawares, and Brethren the Shawaneje. 


[ '3 ] 

We look upon your informing us of that dole Connc<ftion, dt present fubfiiling between i??"- 
your Coufins and the Seneca Nations, of which wc were till now ignorant, as the greatefi <— — v-— — 

Mark of your Regard and Efteem for us. Brothers, Your Advice is good and whole- 

fome, and I (hall, in Purfuance of it, fend an Invitation to leedyufcung to come down, and 
leave it entirely to his Choice to bring with him fuch and lb many of his Uncles, and others 
his Friends, as he thinks proper, and will then cautioufly and carefully purine your Advice 
in treating with them. 

In the mean time, if, on your Return, you Ihould rnvrX witli ^fetJyuJaif??, I dc-firc you 
will let him know what has been done between us at tlu« Meeting, and advife him of the 
Continuance of the good Difpofition of the People of thin Province f/wards him and his 
People ; and that we are ready to fulfil the Engagement* we entered into with him at 
Eajien, and Ihall be glad to fee him and his Friends, ai ff>jn ai tlicy can cc/nvericntly come. 

Gave a Belt. 

Little Abraham then ftood up, with the Belt delivered them by the Govcmfjr in hi": Hand, 
and repeated over the Speech made them on it ; then addrefilng himfelf to the Gwcr- 
nor, he Ipoke as follows. 

Brother Onas, 
We return you Thanks for accepting of our Advice ; and we make no Doubt, if you 
purfue the Meafures we have recommended, but that your Endeavours will be crowned with 

Succefs. We have come a great Journey, in order to fee the Differences fubfifting between 

you and our Coufins amicably fettled, and could wilh they had met here at this Time. On 
our Return, we afTure you we will recommend it to our Nephews and Brothers, in the 
ftrongefi: Manner we can, to come down and meet you. in order to have all Differences 
fubfiiling between you fettled in an amicable iManner, 

Garble a Belt. 

At the Court-Hotife in 'Lz.ncz.^tXy Tuefday, May 17, 1757. 


The Honourable WILLIAM DENNT, Efq; Lieutenant-Governor. 

The Honourable Colonel John Stanwix. 

The Council. The Committee of the Affembly. 

The Magiftrates of the Borough, with a great Number of other Gentlemen. 

The fame Indians. 

William Prmtup, Interpreter for the Crown. 

Cotirad Weijer, Elq; Interpreter for the Province. 

Little Abraham, a Mohawk Sachem, j n i c ^ ^ ?■ 
Thomas King, an Oneido Sachem, J ^P"^^"'"' ^°' '^^ ^"^'''^'- 

After the Minutes of the Treaty were read, and the Indians acquaijited by the Interpreter with 
what had been doing, the Governor fpoke as follows. 

Brethren of the Six United Nations, 

I DESIRE to be informed if you have any Complaints againiT: this Province, with Re- 
gard to Purchafes of Land, or for any other Caufe whatfoever : In Expeftation that you 
would freely open your Hearts to me on thefe Heads, I give you this Belt. 

Gave a Belt. 

I then acquainted the Indians by the Interpreter, that I was going to fpeak to them in 
Behalf of the Honourable Sir William Johnfon, Baronet, His Majefty's fole Agent and Su- 
perintendent of the Affairs of the Six Nations, and their Allies and Dependents, and defired 
them to confider my Words as if Ipoken by himfelf. 

Sachems and Warriors of the Six United Nations, our Friends and Brethren, 
When Teedyufcung, at the Treaty held at Eafion, complained that the Indians had been de- 
frauded of fome of their Lands, this Government agreed to meet him upon his own Appoint- 
ment this Spring ; to which Meeting you were invited, that you might fee and hear ever\f 
O Thing 


[ 14 ] 

lyrj. Thing to be then tranfafted with your Nephews the Dclaicarcs, and Brothers tlie Shaivancjc. 

--v~— ' You are now here on that Invitation, and are Witneffcs how ready this Government is to rc- 

drefs any Injuries or Injuftice done to the Indians whenever they can make that appear, and 

that they, your Brethren oiPennfyhania, are now attending for that Purpole, and you muft he 

convinced, from their Condufl towards you, that they are not come empty handed. 

Ga'-je a B.'lt. 
His Majefty's Subjeds that have fettled this and the neighbouring Provinces by Law, arc 
not allowed to buy any of your Lands, and accordingly they have never done it ; and if thole 
who only have a Right from the Crown to purchafe your Lands have done you any Injuftice, 
or injured the hidians on this Account, the Governor of this Province, with a Number of the 
chief Men of this Government, are here, and appear hearty and willing to make Satisfadion ; 
but if they, or the People of thefe Provinces, fhould refufe doing you Juftice, when you make 
it appear that you are injured, I will then carefully reprefent.your Cafe to the King of Eug^ 
land, my Mafter, and your Father, in order to procure you ample and immediate Satisfaction. 

Gave a Belt. 
As Deputies from moft of the Tribes of the Six Nations are now here, who may not be 
prefent when Teedyufcung comes down, and as I am ordered and required by the Honour- 
able Sir William Johnjhn, Baronet, His Majefty's chief Agent and Superintendent of the 
Affairs of the Six Nations, their Allies and Dependents, to enquire into and hear the Com- 
plaints made by the Indians, and, if juftly grounded, to ufe my utmoft Endeavours to get them 
redreffed, I do infift upon it, that you open your Hearts to me without Referve, and inform 
me of every Thing you know concerning Frauds complained of by 'Teedyufcung, or any 
other Injuries or Injuftice done to you, or any of the Tribes of the Six Nations, or other In- 
dia?is in Alliance with His Majefty King Geokge, in this or the neighbouring Colonics, that 
I may be thereby enabled to reprefent the true State of your Grievances to His Majefty. — Bre- 
thren, after this candid Londud towards you, and my thus preffing you to open your Minds 
to me, I do expert that you will hide nothing from me, but fpeak from the Bottom ot your 
Hearts : And I expedl: that you will recommend it to your Nephews the Delaissares, and Bro- 
thers the Shaiianefe, to come down and gi\'e your Brother Onas a Meeting, to make their 
Complaints appear, and have them adjufted, elfe I (hall take it for granted that they have no 
tuft Caufe of Complaint : To inforce what I have laid, I give you this Belt of Wampum. 

Gave a Belt. 
Brethren of the United Nation^, 
You remember that your Nephews the Dehnvares, and Brodiers the Shawaneje, in a Coun- 
cil with you at Otfaningo, promifed to lay down their Hatchet, and in a fubfequent Meeting 
widi Sir WilUani Johnjhn, at his Houfe, in '^uly laft, ratified and confirmed it in the moft fo- 
lemn Manner in your Prefence ; then promifing to deliver up all the Englijh Prifoners that 
were by any Means brought to their Country, or in their Poireffion ; and I defire tliat on yor.r 
Return to your Country, you will remind your Nephews and Brothers of their Promifes to 
Sir William Johnfon, and recommend it ftrongly to them to bring down what Englifi Pri- 
foners they have amongft them, and deliver them up, as that is the only Proof they can give 
us of their Sincerity and good Difpofition towards us. 

Gave a Belt. 
Sachems and Warriors of the United Nations, 
In that Meeting with your Brother Warraigheyagey, your Nephews the Delawares, and 
Brothers the Shawanefe, renewed and brightened the Chain of Friendftiip between them and 
us, and promifed to fix their Eyes on you their Uncles, and regulate their Conduft by yours; 
and at the fame time declared, in a publick Manner, by dancing, and finging the War Song, 
that they would tuj-n the Edge of their Hatchet, in Conjundion with you their Uncles the 
Six Nations, agaiiift the French, the treacherous and faithlefs Invaders of the Property of 
Mankind. And I muft now defire that you will infift upon their being ready, when called 
upon, to join His Majefty's Troops, in Conjundion with you our Friends and Allies, againft 
our common Enemy. — 'That this Speech may have its full Force upon your Minds, I pre- 
fent you with this Belt of Wampum. 

Gave a War Belt. 
Little Abraham thenfpcke as follows. 

The Speeches you have juft made are of great Confequence both to you and us. Wc 

fhall duly confider them, and, as foon as poftibly we can, we will return you an Anfwer. 

May 1 8, 1757. This Day four Perfons that were killed on the Frontiers, in tlie Settlement 
of Swetara, by the Enemy Indians, were bfought to this Town. — In the Afternoon the 
chief i,achems, with a Number of their Warriors, calk-d a Meeting in the Indian Camp, and 
fpoke to us as follows. 



[ 'S ] 

Brethi-en, . j 7S7' 

We have called this Meeting with Tears in our Eyes, on Account of feeing fo many of 
our Brethren killed by the evil Spirit ; and we take this Opportunity, as we have a good deal 
of Bufinefs yet to do, to wipe the Tears from your Eyes, lb that lb-morrow, when we meet 
in Council, we may fee each other with the fame Good-will we have hitherto done. 

Gave a String. 
Now we have wiped the Tears from your Eyes, agreeable to the antient Cuftom of our 
Forefathers, we clean the Blood off your Council Seats, that you may fit with Comfort, and 
hear what we have to fay to you. No Doubt but the French King, who takes delight in Mif- 
chief, has taken this Opportunity to fend his Children down to commit thefe Murders, with 
Expectation of breeding a DifTerence between you our Brethren and us ; but we delire you will 
hold fall by the Chain of Friendfhip fubfifting between us, and difappoint him in his Deiigns. 

Gave a Belt. 

At a Meeting in the Court- Houfe in Lancafter, Thurfday, May 
1757, P. M. 

The Honourable WILLIAM DENNT, Efq; Lieutenant-Governor. 

The Honourable Colonel John Stanwix. 

The Council. The Committee of the Affembly. 

The Magiflrates of the Borough, with a great Number of other Gentlemen. 

The fame Indians'. 

William Prenti/p, Interpreter for the Crown. 

Conrad JVeifer, Efq; Interpreter for the Province, 

Little Abraham, a. Mohawk S2.c\itm, 1 „ , ^ , ^ ,. 

Thomas King, an Oneida Sachem, \ ^^^'■^^'' ^°' ^^e Indians. 

After reading over the Condolance Speeches made Yelterday by the Indians, on Account of 
our People that were killed by the Enemy, Little Abraham, addreffing himfelf tothe Honour- 
able Sir IVilliam Johnjon, Baronet, and the Governor, fpoke as follows. 


EA C H of you made us a Speech Yefterday on the fume Subjeft ; both which Speeches 
I now propofc to anfwer at once, and then fpoke as follows. 

Some Years ago, in the Jerfeys, one of the Head Men of the Delawares had been out a 
Hunting. — On his Return, he called to fee a Gentleman, a great Friend of his, one of your 
People, who he found in his Field : When the Gentleman law him he came to meet him. 
It was rainy Weather, and the Delaware Chief had his Gun under his Arm. — They met at a 
Fence, and as they reached out their Hands to each other, the Delaware's Gun went off by 
Accident, and ihot him dead. He was very much grieved iX the Accident, and went to the 
Houfe, and told the Gentleman's Wife what had happened, and laid he was willing to die, 
and did not choofe to live after his Friend. She immediately lent for a Number of the Inha- 
bitants. — When they were gathered, fome faid it was an Accident, and could not be helped; 
but the greateil Number were for hanging him, and he was taken by the Sheriff, and carried 
to Amboy, where he was tried, and hanged.— There was another Misfortune that happen- 
ed. — A Party of Shawanefe, who were going to War againft their Enemies, in their Way 
through Carolina, called at a Houfe, not fufpeding any Harm, as they were amonglt their 
Friends, a Number of the Inhabitants rofe and took them Prifoners, on Account of fome 
Mifchief that was done there about that Time, fulpcding them to be the People that had 
done the Mifchief, and carried them to Charles-Town, and put them in Prifon, where the 
chief Man, called T/a' Fride, died. — The Relations of thefe People were much e.vafperated 
againft you our Brethren, the Englifi, on Account of the ill Treatment you gave their 

Friends, and have been continually fpiriting up their Nations to take Revenge. Brothers, 

you delired us to open our Hearts, and inform vou of every Thin?^ we knew that might give 



[ i6 ] 

J 757. Rife to the Quarrel between you and our Nephews and Brothers. — We muft now inforn; 

- — r~-J vou, that in tonner Times our Forefathers conquered the Delawares, and put Petticoats on 
tliem. — A long Time after that they lived among you our Brothers, but upon fome Diffe- 
rence between you and them, we thought proper to remove them, giving them Lands to 

plant and hunt on at IVyiinhig and yuniata, on Safquehannah. But you, covetous of Land, 

made Plantations there, and fpoiled their hunting Grounds ; they then complained to us, 
and we looked over thofe Lands, and found their Complaints to be true. At this Time they 
carried on a Correfpondence with the French, by which Means the French became acquaint- 
ed with all the Caufes of Complaint they had againfl you ; and as your People were daily en- 
creafing their Settlements, by this Means you drove them back into the Arras of the French^ 
and they took the Advantage of fpiriting them up againft you, by telling them; " Cliildren, 
you fee, and we have often told you, how the Eiiglif:, your Brethren, would fcrve you ; 
they plant all the Country, and drive you back ; fo that in a little Time you will liave no 
Land: It is not fo with us ; though we build Trading-Houfes on your Land, we do not 
plant it ; we have our Provifions from over the great Water." — We have opened our Hearts, 
and told you what Complaints we have heard that they had againll: you ; and our Advice to 
you if, that you fend for the Senecas and them ; treat them kindly, and rather give them fome 
Part of their Fields back again than differ with them. — It is in your Power to fettle all the 
Differences with them if you pleafe. 

Gave two Belts, one for Sir William Johnfon, and one for the (lo'vernor. 

Little Abraham Jj^oke agai?! as follows. 

As to what paffed between you and Te^dyufciing laft Fall, refpeding the Purchafe of Land;, 
we know nothing of ; — they are not here, and if we enquire, we can only hear what yo<i 
fay on that Head. — We fhould have been glad our Nephews the Delaivares, and Brothers 
the Sbawanefe, had been here at this Time, that we might have heard the Complaints on butli 
Sides ; then we fliould have been able to judge who was in the Fault, and we are determined 
to fee Juftice done to the Party aggrieved. — As they are not here, we can fay nothing about itj 
but you yourfeives, between whom the Bufmefs was tranfadted, muft be the beft Judges. 

Gave a String. 

You acquaint us there are certain Perfons empowered by the King to purchafe Lands here 
from the Indims : — We are unacquainted with that ; neither do we know how our Fa- 
ther, the King oi England, has divided his Provinces. — You fay, if you have done the hidiam 
any Injuftice, you are willing to make them Satisfaftion. We are glad to hear it ; and as 
you have Writings to refrefh your Memories about every Tranfadtion that has happened be- 
tween you and our Nephews and Brothers, the Delawares and Shawanefe, we recommend it 
heartily to you to do Juftice. — We are much concerned to fee how you are ufed by them and 
tiac French, every Day having your People killed, and you fitting with your Heads between 
your Legs,and receivingthe Blow, without refenting it, as if you could not, or would not, fight 
to defend yourfeives. 

Brother Onas, 
We defire that you may not think of great Expeditions far off. — Ufe your beft Endeavours 
to defend your Frontiers, and protedt the Lives of your People. — It is better for you to give 
up i'oipe Points to them, than to contend, provided they fhould be in the Wrong, and fet- 
tle all Differences fubfifting between you as foon as poflible. 

Gave a Belt, 

lie added, Brother 07ias, take Pattern by Sir William folmfon-, he always keeps large Par- 
ties patrolling acrofs the Frontiers where he lives, and you do not hear of any Murders 
being committed there. — That is the Way to defend yourfeives. — The Enemy is afraid to 
enter the Settlement there ; and if you purfue the fame Meafures. they will be afraid to 
come into your Settlements. 

Thomas Ring then fpoke as jolloivs. 
We have confidered what you faid to us, about our requefting the Delawares and Shawa- 
nefe to bring down and deliver up all the Englifi Prifoners they have, agreeable to tlieirPro- 
mifes to Sir IVilliam Johnfon. — We will do every Thing in our Power that may induce them 
to do it ; but perhaps it will not be in our Power to prevail on them to give them up.— 
Once more we defire that you would fend for the Senecas and them, and endeavour to lettle 
all thole Differences. — It is in your Power to do it. When it is done, you will cert.iinly fee 
fome of your own FIcfli and Blood again. 

Cave a Belt. 


[ '7 J 

It is true, we were prefent when the Dekwarcs and Shawanefe brightened the Chain of *- 
Friend/hip with Sir William Johnfo?;, and promifed to turn the Edge of their Hatchet againft 
the French. — But you mufl: Icnow that laft Fall, tho' they went out to War with us, they 
always turned back, and did not perform what they had promifed ; fo that we cannot ac- 
count for what they will do now. — But for our Parts, the Six Nations, we have been engaged 
in the War with you, and are always ready, when we fee an Englijh Flag, to join our Bro- 
thers, and to go with them, and fhare the fame Fate. 

Gave a Belt. 

At tf Me E T I N G in the Court-Houfe, at Lancafter, Friday, May 20, 
1757, P. M. 


The Honourable WILLIAM BENNY, Efq; Lieutenant-Governor. 

The Honourable Colonel John Stanwix. 

The Council. The Committee of the Afiembly. 

The Magiftrates of the Borough, with a great Number of other Gentlemen. 

The fame Indians. 

William Prentup, Interpreter for the Crown. 

Conrad Weifer, Efq; Interpreter for the Province. 

Little Abraham, a Mohawk Sachem, } c i c ^ t j- 
Thomas King, an Oneida Sachem, J ^P'^^'^^^^ ^^^" '^^ ^"'^""''- 

After reading over the Speeches made the Day before, and the Interpreter acquainting the Indians 
•with what had been doing, the Governor fpoke as follows. 

Brethren of the Six United Nations, 

IR E T U R N you my hearty Thanks for the kind and open Manner in which you have 
informed us of the Caufes from whence the Dillatisfadlion of our Brethren the Delaware: 
and Sbawaiefe firft arofe ; but, as you have obfcrved, they are not prefent, it muft be de- 
ferred until we have the Pleafure of feeing them. 1 fhall only alTure you that I think 

your Advice good, and fhall, with great Satisfadion, conform to it, by fending for the 
People you have fo earneftly recommended to be fent for. — I think with you, that our Fron- 
tiers ihould be carefully and ftrongly guarded ; and it fhall be my particular Care to endea- 
vour to have this done, in which I fhall take kind any AfTiftance you will give me. 

Gave a Belt. 
Soon after the prefent Troubles firft broke out between us and the French, fome of the 
Six Nation Indians requeftcd of this Government to build a ftrong Houfe at Shamokin, and a 
Store-houfe, with Indian Goods, and to give an Invitation to Indians, as well of the United Na- 
tions as Dclaivarcs, to come and live there ; I muft now inform you, that in Com; •!; nice 
with their Requeft this Government has built a ftrong Houfe, where Goods will foon b^ ient, 
and fold as cheap as any where on this Continent. — To this Place I have appointed Mr. Tho- 
mas M'Kee to conduiil: as many of you as fhall chufe to return that Way, and fhall leave it to 
you to fettle as many Families as fhall incline to live there ; promifing you, that Care /hall 
be taken by this Government, that as many as ftay fliall be furniftied with fuch Neceffaries as 
they may want till they can fupport themfelves. 

Gave a Belt. 
I ftiall immediately report the whole that has paffed at thefe Conferences to Sir William 
fohnfon, who is glad of all Occafions to Ihew his Attachment to our Friends the India?is, and 
promote His Majefty's Service. — It is that Gentleman's peculiar Province to treat and iinifh 

all Treaties with the Indians. Let me add, my Brethren of the Ufiited Nations, that you 

fnail find no Deceit in me, and I fhall be happy if my Condud deferves your Efteem and 

Gave a Belt. 

E Brethren. 



C .8 ] 

I have ordo-ed the Prefents provided by the good People of this Province to be carried tc» 
the Indian Camp early in the Morning j and inform you, that a Part of thefe Prefents is given 
by thofe who are the Defcendents of the Inhabitants that firft came over to this Country with 
your old Friend William Pemiy as a particular Teftimony of their Regard and AfFedlion for 
the Indians. 

Jthenfpoke in Behalf of Sir William Johnson. 

Sachems and Warriors of the United Nations, 
You fee how the French, the Enemies of Mankind, fet on their Children to murder, in a 
barbarous Manner, your Brethren that are fettled on the Frontiers of this and the neighbour- 
ing Provinces. — Brethren, I muft now defire you, in the Name of the Great King of Eng- 
land, your Father,, and my Mailer, that on your Return to your own Country, you will be 
adlive, and not fuffer any of the French, or their Children, to pafs over your Lands to murder 
your Brethren -, and that you will let T'eedyufcung and his People know, I expedt he will do 
the fame. — Tell them it is not, nor will not be, their Intereft to carry on the War againft 
their Brethren the Englijh. — Their Father, the French King, makes Fools of them, and will, 
in the End, make Slaves of them : But you, Brethren, are convinced, that the £«^///Zi have 
always treated you as their Brethren, and I expe(tt a due Regard and Performance to this 
Requeft on your Side-. 

Gave a Belt. 

Little Abraham made the folloiving Anf-wer to the Governor. 
Brother Onas, 
We return you our hearty Thanks for accepting of our Advice in fending for the DeLruiares, 
Shawanefe and Senecas, and we hope^ when you meet them, you will be able to fettle all 
DiflFercnces to your Satisfaftioa. 

Brother Onas, 
We likewife return you our hearty ^Thanks for your kind Invitation to us to fettle at Genof- 
fa, and your Promife to fupply thofe that will ftay, or come and fettle there, with Provifions 
and Goods. — We accept o£ the Invitation, and will take it into Confideration as we go Home, 
how many of us will ftay there, or come back from ouiv,Towns to fettle there j and we re- 
turn you Thanks for appointing our Brother Thomas M'Kee to take Care of us, as he is a Per- 
fon very agreeable to us. 

He /poke again as follows. 
Brother Warraighiyagey, 
We have all given Attention to what you have faid to us by Anofuanrnda \ and you may 
depend upon our being on the Adlive, and doing every Thing in our Power to prevent the 
French or their Children coming to murder our Brethren ; and we will recommend it ftrongly 
to Teedyufcung, and his People, to do the fame. — Brother, we muft defire you will affift our 
Brother Onas in fettling the Differences between him and our Nephews and Brothers, the De- 
laijoarcs and Shawanefe, which will be the only Method to prevent thefe cruel Murders daily 
committed on our Brethren. 

Mzythe 2 1 ft. The Prefents were delivered to the Indians in their own Camp; after 
which I condoled with them on account of fome of their People who died of tlie Small- 
pox fince they came here, and gave them a Piece of Stroud to cover the Graves of the De- 
ceafed, agreeable to the antient Cuftom of the Six Nations, 

The feveral Chiefs returned their hearty Thanks for our condoling with them, and cover- 
ing the Graves of their deceafed Friends, agreeable to the antient Cuftom ufed by their Fore- 
fathers, and expreffed great Satisfaftion with the Treatment they met with in this Govern- 
ment, and returned Thanks for the Prefents they had received. 

May 22. I called a Meeting of the Chiefs of the feveral Tribes, and I repeated over to 
them the Meflages going to be lent to Teedyufcung by this Government, agreeable to their 
Requeft ; and at the fame time I acquainted them, that there was a fmall Prefent provided 
by this Government for their Brethren the Cherokees, who had come into this Government, 

and was now waiting in Expectation of its being fent them, agreeable to their Requeft. 1 

then defired them to give their Opinion about the Meflage to be fent to Teedyujcung, and 
whether It was agreeable to them. 

To "which they made me the following Anfwer. 
We have confidered every Part of your Meflage to Teedyufcung, and we approve much of 
itj and think it will be acceptable to our Nephews and Brothers ; and we likewife approve of 


L '9 J 

our Brotlier Onas's fending a Prelent to our Brothers the Cber^kees. — You, our Brothers the 
EngUfi, took fome Pains to bring about a Peace between them and us, and we embrace this 
Opportunity of brightening the Chain of Friendfliip between us in your Prefence.— — We 
have appointed three Men to go with you to fee them, and hope you will provide for them 
on the Road. 

Cave a String, 

the Speech fent by the Governor to Teedyufcung. 
Brother Teedyufcung, 

AT the Treaty held at Eafton laft Fall, you complained unto me that the Indians had been 
defrauded of their Lands. This you told me was one of the Caufes that had 

alienated the Minds of our Brethren, the Delaivares and Skavjanefe, from us your Brethren • 
upon which I told you, if you could make it appear that you had received any Injuftice or 
Injuries from this Province, I was ready to hear it, and promifed to make you Satisfadlion. 

You then informed me, that the People who claimed thofe Lands, as they did not exped; 
that Affair would come under Confideration at that Treaty, were not prefent, and had not 
impowered you to tranfad: that Bufinefs for them, and therefore you could not finifli it at that 
Time, but that you would come down again in the Spring, and would bring with you as 
many of thofe Indians as could be got together, in order to a full Settlement of all Diife- 
rences between us, that a firm and lalling Peace might be eftablilhed for ever. 

As you had thus promifed to be down in the Spring, we were pleafed to find a confide- 
rable Number of your Uncles, the Six Nations, were come amongft us, to be prefent and 

hear all your Complaints. They ftaid a confiderable Time for that Purpofe, in Expefta- 

tjon of feeing you here; but as fome Accident may have prevented your coming, your Uncles 
grew very uneafy at being detained here fo long, and defired me to meet them at Lancajler 
whither I went, and opened my Heart to them, giving them a full Account of all that pafi 
fed between us at Eafion, promifing your Uncles, that I would take Care to fee you redreffed, 
either on account of your Lands-, or any other Injuries you may have received from youi 
Brethren of this Province; 

Your Uncles, the Six Nations, at this Treat)', fhewed a great deal of Kindnefs for you 
and would have been extremely pleafed to have feen you here, beiug refolved to fee Juftice 
done to you ; but as you were not come in, they advifed us to treat you very tenderly, and to 
advife you to bring with you fome of your Uncles, the Senecas, that we might open our 
Hearts to one another freely, by which Means all Caufes of Jealoufies, or Mifunderftandings 
between us, might be fettled and taken away for ever, and that they would join their beft 
Endeavours to bring about a firm and lafting Peace between you and your Brethren. 

I gave your Uncles my hearty Thanks for their good Advice; and told them, that as I 
highly approved it, as good and found Advice, I would adt as they had fo earneftly defired 
me to do, being fincerely difpofed to hear all your Complaints, and to do you Juftice, a$ 
I had formerly proniifed you at Eajlon. 

As T have now informed you of the earnefl Requelt of your Uncles, the Six Nations, and 
of my own Opinion, which is the fame with theirs, I do by this Belt of Wampum invite 
you to come down as foon as it will luit your Convenience, and leave it to you to bring with 
you your Uncles, the Senecas, or fuch of them as will be moft agreeable to you, to open your 
Hearts to us your Brethren ; and if it fhall appear that you have been defrauded of your 
Lands, or received any other Iryurics from this Province I do promife you fhall receive 

By fome late Letters received from your Brother Onas, in England, in Anfwer to my 
Reprefentation of the late Conferences, and your Complaints at Eajlon, he acquaints me he 
is willing to have the Injuries complained of fully heard and fettled as foon as poffible. — If 
you rather chufe Sir William Johnjbn fliould determine theie unhappy Differences, I moft 
warmly recommend it to you to apply to that Gentleman, as he has the Honour to be ap- 
pointed fole Agent and Superintendent of Indian Affairs in the Northern Diftridt. 

Gave a Belt. 






After this Speech was delivered to the Meffengers, the Sachems of the feveral Tribes made 
the following Speech. 

As we have finifhed the Bufinefs for this Time, and we defign to part To-morrow, you 
muft be fenfible that we have a long Journey, and a hilly Country to pafs over, and feveral of 
our old Men very weak, we hope that you will not fend us from your Frontiers without a 

Walking-ftick *. In anfwer, I acquainted them, that the good People of this Province 

had provided fome Cags for them on the Frontiers, which would be given them by the Pcr- 
fons employed to condiadt them through the Settlements. 

A true Copy, taken by 

Charles Moore, Clerk of Affembly. 

1 Cag of Run^ 

7^^ i? £ P ;? r 0/ CONR AD WEISER, the Indian Interpreter, of 
his Journey to Shamokin on the Affairs of Virginia and Maryland ; his Me- 
diation for accofnmodating the Differences between the Indians of the Six Na- 
tions and the f aid Province?, delivered to the Governor in Council the 21ft 
Day of April, 1 743. 

TH E Ninth oi April, 1743, I arrived at Shamokin, by Order of the Governor of Pe?in- 
fylvania, to acquaint the neighbouring Lidians, and thofe on Wyomhig, that the Go- 
vernor of Virginia was well pleafed witli his Mediation, and was willing to come to an 
Agreement with the Six Nations about the Land his People were fettled upon, if it was that 
they contended for, and to make up the Matter of the late unhappy Skirmiih in an amicable 
Way. The fame Day Shickalletno, his Son, and Suchfed'.iaa, who were fent to the Six Na- 
tions, returned from Onondaga ; and the next Day they, in open Council, delivered the fol- 
lowing Meffage, direfting their Speech, in Behalf of the Six Nations, to the Governor of 
Pennfylvania, according to what was agreed upon by the Council of the faid Indians in 

Brother Onas, 
At this critical Time we received a kind Meffage from you, the Refult of the good Friend- 
fhip fubfifting between you and us. For fuch Purpofes a Road was cleared from our Coun- 
try to yours, in which, at any Time, Conrad Weifer and Shickalletno may travel ; we open our 
Doors with Chearfulnefs to your Meffengers, and are glad to hear from you. 

He laid down tino Strings of Wampum. 
Brother Onas, 
We thank you for the Concern you fhew for the Misfortune that befel our Warriors in 
Virginia. We take it as a particular Mark of Friendlhip. We affure you, that notwith- 
ftanding the unjuft Treatment our Warriors met with in Virginia, we did not allow our 
Heads to be giddy, nor to refentit as it deferved, which might have occafioned a Violation of 
Treaties, and the Deftruition of many. 

He laid down four Strings of Wampvm. 
Brother Onas, 
We thank you very kindly for the early Steps you made in calling your old and wife Men 
together to confult with them. It was a very prudent and good Advice they gave you to be- 
come Mediator betwixt us your Brethren, and the Virginians your Neighbours. We 
fhem for fuch good Advice : And we affure you, we will accordingly come to an anfiL-able 
Accommodation with the Governor of Virginia, if he will come to reafonable Terms. And 
if a War ihould break out betwixt us and him, you will be convinced of his being tlie Au- 
thor of it : For when in former Times we received a deadly Blow, we never returned it, if it 
was ever fo dangerous ; we always judged it to be given by diforderly People, and wc ufed 
always peaceable Means to make it up ; but when we received the fecond Blow, we judged 
that War was intended againft us, and then we rofe and knocked down our Enemies with 
one Blow, and we are ftill able to do the fame, but we leave now our Cafe to you. We 
have ordered our Warriors, with the ftrongeft Words, to fit down, and not revenge .diem- 
felves: Therefore, Brother 0«(7.f, go on with Courage in your Mediation; we affure you wc 
will not violate or do any Thing contrary to your Mediation. We defire you, and the old 



[ ^< ] 

zndv/iCeMcnofPe>!>7^ha/iia, not to believe any Thing to the contrary, let it come from i-cy 
whom it will, till you receive Meffages from us : We will do the fame on our Side. In v— ^^v^ 
Confirmation of what we fay, we lay down this Belt of Wampum before you. 

Tf)en the Speech ivas direSledto the Governor of Maryland. 

Brother, the Governor of Maryland, 
You have invited us to come to your Town; and you offered to treat with us concernlno- 
the Meffages we fent to you by our Brother the Governor of Pennjylvania, and to eftabiifh 
good Friendftiip with us : We are very glad you did fo ; and we thank you for your 
kind Invitation. 

We have a great deal of Bufmefs and Things of Moment under our Deliberation, and it 
will take us the beft of the Day§, before we can finifli them : We therefore defire you will § thath^thh 
fet your Heart at Eafe, and think on nothing but what is good. We will come and treat S"'""'"-- ' 
with you at Canataquanny , on Safquehannah, To-morrow Morning f, fince you live fo near the f n^t ,; 
Sea, and at fuch a great Diftance from us. We accept kindly of your Invitation ; our Brother '"•^' %4' 
the Governor of Pennjylvania, recommended your Meffage to us, which he would not have 
done, if he had not beenfatisfied your Intention was good : We therefore promifeyou, by 
thefe Strings of Wampum, to come and treat with you at the aforefaid Place. 

The Spoaker laid doivn four Strings of Wampum. 

Iben the Speaker direSied his Speech to the Governor of Pennfylvania again, and /aid; 

Brother Onas, 

The Dutchman on Scohooniady (Juniata) claims a Right to the Land, merely becaufe he 

gave a Little Viftuals to our Warriors, who ftand very often in Need of it. This String of 

Wampum ferves (the Speaker then took two Strings of Wampum in his Hands) to take the 

Dutchman by the Arm, and throw him over the big Mountains within your Borders. We 


Cousins the Delaware Indians, and our Brethren the Shawanese ; and we 
ourfelves hunt there fometimes. We therefore defire you will immediately, by Force, remove 
all thofe that live on the faid River of Scohooniady. 

Here he laid dcwn tisoo Strings of Wampum. 
Brother t the Governor of Pennfylvania, 
I live upon this River of Ohio harmlefs like a little Child : I can do nothing j I am but 
weak ; and I do not fo much as intend Mifchief I have nothing to fay, and do therefore fend 
thefe Strings of Wampum to Catchcaivatfky, the Chief Man, again ; he will anfwer your 
Meffage, as he is the older, and greater, Man. 

Then Sachfidora twk up the four Strings of Wampum, and /poke in Behalf of CdXc\\ca.waX&ky, 

as follows. 
Brother, /Ac Cwi'/^/or o/" Pennfylvania, 
The Place where I live, and the neighbouring Country, has been overlhadowed of late 
by a very dark Cloud. I looked with a pitiful Eye upon the poor Women and Children, and 
then looked upon the Ground all along for Sorrow, in a miferable Condition, becaufe of the 
poor Women and Children. In all that dark Time, a Meffage from you found the Way to 
Shamokin ; and when it was delivered to us, the dark Cloud was difperfed, and the Sun im- 
mediately began to ftiine ; and I could fee at a great Diftance, and faw your Good-will and 
kind Love to the Indians and the white People : I thank you, therefore. Brother Onas, for 
your kind Meffage ; I am now able to comfort the poor Women and Children. 

Here the Speaker laid dcwn four Strings of Wampum. 

Then the Speaker took up two Strings of Wampum, anddireBed his Difcottrfe to the Delaware In- 
dians, the Shawanefe, and to Onas. 
Coufms the Delawares, 
We are informed that you can talk a little Englifi, by which you have heard many Things 
amongft the white People ; and you frequently bring Lies amongft the Indians ; and you have 
very little Knowledge and Regard for Treaties of Fricndihip ; you give your Tongue too 
much Liberty. This String of Wampum ferves to tie your Tongue, and to forewarn you 
from Lies. 

Brethren, the Shawanefe; 

You believe too many Lies, and are too forward in Adlion. You fliall not pretend to re- 
venge our People that have been killed in Virginia : We are the Chief of all the Indians -, let 
F your 



[ 22 ] 

your -Ears and Eyes be open towards us ; and order your Warriors to ftay at Home as we 
did ours. 

Brother Onas, 
Your Back Inhabitants are People given to Lies, and raifing of falfe Stories \ flop up their 
Mouths ; you can do it with one Word ; let no falfe Stories be told ; it is dangerours to the 
Chain of Friendfliip. 

The Strings of Wampum nvcre delivered to the Delawares. 

After the Speaker had finiflied, an handfome Indian Dinner was given to all that werepre- 
fent by Shickallemo% People. 

After Dinner I delivered my Meffage to them, and prefented the Company with two Rolls 
of Tobacco, about three Pound each Roll, to fmoak whilft they were in Company together, 
to talk about the good News they had heard that Day, according to the Cuftom of the In- 

Shickailemo told me, by Way of Difcourfe, that they (the Council of Onondago) had fent 
Strings of Wampum by him to all the Indians upon the River Safqiiehannah, to tell them to 
ufe their Endeavours to flop all their Warriors, and not permit them to go to fight with the 
People of Firginia ; and to acquaint them of what was agreed upon in Onondago, which 

was accepted of in every Town. 1 enquired what Bufmefs of Moment the Six Nations 

had under Deliberation that prevented their coming down to treat with the Governor of 
Maryland. Shickallemo afked whether I could not guefs at it. I told him no. Then he 
faid, How fhould they come down with a Hatchet ftruck in their Head? The Governor of 
Virginia muft wafli off the Blood firfl:, and take the Hatchet out of their Head, and drefs 
the Wound (according to Cuflom, he that flruck firft mull do it) and the Council of the 
Six Nations will fpeak to him, and be reconciled to him, and bury that Affair in the Ground, 

that it never may be feen nor heard of any more lb long as the World (lands. But it the 

Virginians would not come to do that, he (Shickallemo) believed there would be a War; but I 
might affure the Governor of Pennfylvania, the Warriors would not come then within the 
inhabited Part of Pennfylvania, but dire6l their Courfe diredly to Virginia, over the Big 
ijland, in the North-Weft Branch of Safqiiehannah. 



O F 




A T 

E A S T O N, 

In the Months of jftifyy and Auguft^ ^7S7- 





Printed and Sold by B. F R A N K L I N, and D. H A L L, at the 

mw-Printing-Office, near the Market. MDCCLVII. 

C 3 ] 

Minutes of Conferences, Sec. 

Ai a MEETING ivith TEEDYUSCUNG, King of the Dela- 
wares, living on Safquehannah, who is impvwered by the ten following Na- 
tions^ viz. Lenopi, Wename, Munfey, Mawhickon, Tiawco, or Nanti- 
cokes, and the Senecas, Onondagoes, Cayugas, Oneidoes, and Mohawks, 
to fettle all Differences fubfifiing between them and their Brethren the Eng- 
lifli ; «;;^ GE O R G E C R O G H A N, Efq; Deputy Agent to the Ho- 
nourable ^/r WILLIAM JOHNSON, Baronet, His M A J E- 
STT's fole Agent and Superintendent of the Affairs of the Six Nations, 
their Allies and Dependents^ and Colonel of the fame, at Eafton, the Twenty- 
fifth Day of ]u\y, iTsi- 

^e Honourable WILLIAM DENNY, Efq; Lieutenant Governor, and Commander in 
Chief of the Province of Pennfylvania, and the Counties of New-Caftle, Kent and Suf- 
fex, on Delaware. 

James Hamilton. Lyn-Ford Lardner.-j Efguires, Members of the 
WiLtiAM Logan, Benjamin Chew, V -'^ ' n i 

Richard Peters, Joh^ Mifflin. J Governor s Counal. 

Isaac No r r i s, Efq; Speaker of the Houfe of Ajfembly. 

Daniel Roberdeau, £^; Member oj toe Ajfembly, 

William Masters, -j 
John Hughes, ( Efquires, Provincial 

Joseph Fox, C Commifioners. 

Joseph Galloway, J 

A Number of Gentlemen of 'the City of Philadelphia, and others. Inhabitants of this Province. 

Captain Thomas M'Kee, Interpreter for the Crown. 

Conrad Weiser, Efg; Interpreter for the Province. 

Mr. John PumPshire, Interpreter Jor Teedyufcung. 

TEEDYUSCUNG, King of the Dehw^res, attended by fever al Chiefs and Deputies oj 

the 'Ten Nations he reprefents. 
[The Number nf the Indians here^atprefent, is about Three Hundred Men, Women and Children.] 

Tcedyufcung fent his Interpreter^to call Mr. ChiLrlesThompCon^to the Table, whom he had ap- 
pointed his Clerk, to take down the Minutes of this Treaty. 

The Governor opened the Conjerence, direEiing his Difcourfe to Teedyufcung, and fpoke^ as follows. 


I A M very glad to meet you,once more^with your People, and fome of your Uncles^ the .1757. 
Six Nations, according to 'your Agreement with me, at this Place, in November laft. ^-— v— 
The Number of Indians^you have brought down with you, on this Occafion, and the 
Pains you have taken to 'carry the News of our good Difpolitions for Peace^to fo great a 
Diftance, confirms the good Opinion we have always,had of you, and fhews the Sincerity 
of the Profeffions you have made of your earneft Defire to reftore the Friendftiip and Bro- 



[ 4 ] 

therly Love that always fublfted between us and the Indians, till your foolifli young Men 
were ibduced by the evil Spirit, and turned againft us. 

Brother Teedyufcung, and Brethren cf the Ten-unlted-Natiofis, 

We' are now met together, to finifh, by the Affiftance of the Almighty, the Great Work 
of Peace, and to make a new Chain of Friendfliip^b briglit, that it (hall never ruft, and fo 
ftrong, that it fhall never be in the Power of wicked Spirits to break it, that we may always 
hereafter be, as one Man, with but one Heart and one Head. I invite you to join^ heartily 
and fincerely.with me herein by this Belt. 

' ' Gave a Belt. 


You may remember, that when we were here lad Fall, I afked you^what was tlie Caufe 
of the Breach between our Brethren, tlie Delawares, and us ; whether we, the People of 
Pennjyhania, had done you any Injury ; and defired you would open your Hearts, and tell me 
your Mind, freely. In anfwer to this^you told me, that your foolidi and ignorant young Men, 
when they faw the Proceedings of our Enemy, the French King, and believed the Things 
that were told them, were perfuaded^by this falfe hearted King, to ftrike your Brethren the 
Englifi ; and that the Caufe^why the Blow came tlie harder on us was, that the J'roprietaries 
had defrauded youofforne o f your Lan d, and that you had been treated in the fame Man- 
ner in the Jerfeys', but thaTthis was not the principal Caufe of your ftriking us. I was wil- 
ling to enquire into the Truth of^ this'Charge at that Time, but you declined it, becaufe few 
of the Indiaiis^thtn prefent^originalI;^wned tliofe Lands; but faid, that you would endeavour 
to bring as many of them down as you could find^to the next Meeting. 


According to the Promife I made you at our lafl: Treaty, I laid all our Proceedings, before 
Sir William John/on, who, you have been often told, is appointed by our Great King his fole 
Agent for Indian Affairs in this Diftridt, to take Care of them as a Father, that no one may 
wrong tl>em. Sir William Jdrnjon has^fince deputed your and our Friend, Mr. George Crog- 
han, who is well acquainted with your Affairs and Language, to adl in his Behalf, to attend 
this Treaty, and enquire into everyGrievance you may have fuffered, either from your Bre- 
thren of Pcnnfyhania, or the neignbouring Provinces. 

Gave a String. 

I took Care, alfb to fend Copies of our feveral Treaties with you,to England, where tliey 
were laid, before the King's Minifters, who, being defirous that Juftice fliould be done you, 
ordered that Sir William Jobnjbn fhould enquire into the Foundation of your Chargq^ againft 
tliis Province, in order^that you may receive Satisfadion, in cale any Injury has been 
done you. 

I have fi-eely opened my Heart to you, and am reauv, with Mr. Croghan, His Majefty's 
Deputy Agent, whenever you think proper, to hear any Thing, you may have to fay^to us 
a bout the Grievance s^you may think you labour under from this Province. 

Gave a String. 


When the Governor had ended his Speech, I /poke asjllloivs. 

rcthcr Teedyufcung, a?id you tny Brethren ^the Sachems and Warriors of the I'en Nations yon 

rcprefent at this Mcctitig, 
You have been informed by your Brother Onas, that the King of Great-Britain, your Fa- 
ther, has appointed Sir William John/on, Baronet, to be His Majefly's chief Agent and Su- 
perintendent of the Affairs of the Six Nations, their Allies and Dependents^in this Diftridl of 
America, and he has appointed me his Deputy, and ordered me to attend this Meeting, and 
hear an y Com plaints you have to make,againft your Brother Onas, in refpcdt to his defraud- 
ing you otthe J^ands mentioned in the Conference, you held with this Government, lafl Fall 
in this Town ; or any other Injuries^you have received from any of His Majefty's Subjeds, in 
this Diflrid:. I am now ready to hear what you have to liay ; and I alTure you, in the Name 
of Sir William yohnfon, I will do every Thing,in my Power, to have all Diirerences amicably 
adjufted^to your Satisfadtion, agreeable to his Orders and Inflrudtions to mc. 
=a r- Gave a Belt. 

Wiien I iiad delivered my Speech, the Governor told Teedyufcung that we had done for the 
prefent; and that whenever he was ready to give an Anfwer, we fhould be ready to hear him. 
Then Teedyufcung replied, That he had fomething to fay now j and, addrcfTing himfelf t»- 
thc Governor and me, fpoke as follows. 
I will let you know,in a few Words,what my Defire is. I kindly receive your Words,this 
Day: They arc true, and make my Heart glad. By this Belt (holding up a Belt) I let you 



E s ] 

know I will fpeak To-morrow. I think it proper to fpeak my Mind^wkh Opennefs. I 
think it my Duty to remember the Conduft^cf my fooli/h young Men. I fee a great deal 
of Mifchief done. I will firft begin,with cleaning up the Blood,that has been ihed, and 
removing the dead Bodies out of the Way : After that, I will make known my Grievances. 
I remember what Sir William Johnfon faid to me, by the Melfengers he fent to me : I fent 
back to him, by the lame Melfengers, and defired him, as he was a wifer Man than I, and 
of greater Abilities, that he would be ftrong, and lend his Affiftancc,to cure this Wound. 

Gave a Belt. 

When Teedyufoung had ended his Speech, he told the Governor he thought he fhould be 
ready to fpeak To-nK>rrow Morning at Eight o' Clock ; — and that Time was accordingly ap- 
pointed for the next Meeting. 

y^/« Meeting /« Eafton, Tuefday, July 26, 1757, ^' ■M. 

Ibe Honourable WILLIAM DENNY, Efq; Governor, &c. 

Ihe Council. The fame Members of AJembly, 

The Provincial Commiffioners. 

A Number of Gentlemen from the City o/"Philadelphia, at2d others of the Inhabitants of the 


The fame Indians. 

Captain Thomas M'Kee, Lrterpreter for the Crown. 

Conrad Weiser, Efq; Interpreter for the Province. 

Mr. John Pumpshire, Interpreter for Teedyufcung. 

I defired the Favour of Mr. Jacob Duche to afjift Mr. Trent in taking doian the Minutes. 

T ttiy uknngfpoke to the Governor and myfelf defiring us to give Attention ; then direSling his 
Speech to the King of Great-Britain, and all His SubjeSls, fpoke as follows. 

YO U remember^ that you fent to me ,to come down to you, and invited me to brino- 
down^with me as many of theTen Nations as I could, by Reafon of the Difficulty of the 
Times. You then laid to me, Brother, you are weak, lam ftrong: If you come down, 
I will put away all tlie Difference and Uneafinefs^that has happened, and will make a lallin? 
Peace. Now, as I have brought fome^from each of the Ten Nations^with me, I would have 
you remember your Promife, and cxertyour Power. Alfo, remember our Women and Chil- 
dren, that it may be well hereafter. Alfo, as you mull remember the Blood that has been 
filed, and the dead Bodies that lie fcattercd,up and down, I would have you join with me 
to remove thefe out of the Way, that we may fee Qne anodier Face to Face, and after this 
we will proceed to other Bulinefs. 

As you are a great deal ftronger than I, you mull exert your Power. When Differences 
arife, between two Brothers, when one comes and makes Propolals of Peace, if the other 
does not accept them, nothing can be done. Now, as much Blood is fpilt, I deiire you 
will join with me to clear this away; and when that is done, we will proceed to other 
Bufinefs. ' 

Gave a Belt of eight Rows. 

According to the Promife I made you, that I would invite as many of the Ten Nations as 
I could, I have now brought with me^as many as I could, who are Iiere witnefs 
what Ihall be tranfafted ; but, in order to make a lafling and durable Peace, we muil all ex- 
ert our Abilities. When any Perfons are engaged^to lift a great Weig'ht out of the Way, if 
all do not exert their Strength, they cannot remove it; but if all join, they will eafily re- 
move it. We, on our Parts, gather up the Leaves^ that have been fprinkled with Blood; 
we gather up the Blood, the Bodies and Bones; but, when we look round, we fee no Place, 
where to put them ; but when wc look up, wc fee the Great Spirit above. It is^our l5uty, 
therefore to join in Prayer, that he would hide thefe Things, that they may never be I'een by 



[ 6 

our Pofierlty, and that the Great Spirit would bTefs our Children, that they may, hereafter, 
live in Love together ; that it may never be in the Power of the evil Spirit, or any evil mind- 
ed Perfons, to caufe any Breach between our Pofterity. 

Gave a Belt of feventeeti Rows. 

As you remember you invited me^to bring down fome of the Ten Nations, fo now^fome_, 
from each of them' are here prefent, particularly^ fome from my Uncles the Five Nations. 
When we had endeavoured, as much as in our Power, to remove the dead Bodies, and the 
Mifchief part, you alfo invited me to come, and take hold of your Hand. We,accordingly_, 
now come, and take hold of one of your Hands, and the Five Nations alfo come^ and take 
hold of the other Hand, that we may all ftand,togetherj as one Man^with one Heart. This, 
now, being done, when we look up, and fee the clear Light, we fliall enjoy it; we ihall alfo 
enjoy, in Peace and Quietnefs, what the Land produces ; and we Ihall enjoy the Comforts of 
the Day, and the Comforts of the Night; we fhall lie down in Peace, and rife in Peace. 

Gave a Belt of twelve Rows, frung on Cords. 

The Reafon of this great Cloud of Mifchief ^ that has been paft^ is, that our old Standers, 
or Forefathers, never took regular Methods^to have a lafling Peace : They never looked^for- 
ward for their Children : They, only, had a View of this that decays, and what lies round 
about upon the Earth. When they came into Council, they only talked about the Things . 
on the Earth, that are foon gone. They ought ro have looked^ forward, and to have made 
fuch Agreements on both Sides, that their Children^ after^might never difagree. And^as we 
fee their Mifmanagement, let us do better, that we, as long as we live, may be faithful, 
and that by this our Meeting together our Children hereafter may enjoy a lafling Peace. 
' Gave a Belt of eleven Roivs. 


You remember, according to your Orders, that Meflengers have been fent^ to carry your 
MefTages to diftant Parts^among us, in order to promote this good, this important^ Work of 
Peace, on which our Lives depend. One of thefe Mellengers is^now^in a dangerous Condi- 
tion, being fhot by one of your young Men. Do not be too much grieved ; but^as I defire 
to be ufed with Juftice, according to your Laws, I infift, if this young Man die, that the 
Man who fhot him ,may be tried by your Laws, and die alio, in the Prefence of fome of 
our I^cople, who may witncfs itto''all the Nations, that their Brethren^the Englijh h.zv& done 
them Juftice. And if any Thing^of the like Kind^fhould happen, on our Parts, we will do 
you the fame Juftice ; that is, if any of our People fliall murder any of yours, we will de- 
liver up the Murderer, to be tried by your Laws. And^as the Relations of the young Man 
muft be grieved, I defire, as you have it in your Power, that you would remove the Grief 
and Sorrow from their Hearts. A String. 

The Governor ^then acquainted Teedyufcung, that we would take into Confideration what 
he had now faid ;* and when we were ready to give an Anfwer, we would let him know. 

As we were rifing the King, by his Interpreter, told me, that what he had now faid was 
of great Importance ; he defired therefore we would take Time^ to confider it well ; that he 
would wait with Patience till we were ready to give him an Anfwer. 

/li « Meeting ;« Eafton, Wednefday, July 27, 1757, A. M. 

The Honourable WILLIAM DENNY, Efq; Governor, &c. 
Tfje Council. The fame Members of AJJembly. 

The Provincial Commifioners. 
A Number of Gentlemen from theCity of Philadelphia, and others of the Inhabitants oftheProvifice. 
The fame Indians. 
Captain Thomas M'Kee, Interpreter for the Crown. 
Conrad Weiser, Efq; Interpreter for the Province. 
Afr. John PuMPSHiRE, Interpreter for Teedyufcung. 
The Governor opened the Conference by afking Teedyufcung, if he was ready, and letting him know 
that_ Mr. Croghan, the King's 'Agent, joined him in the Speeches he was going to jnake, and 
thenfpoke as follows. 


YOUR Memory ferves you faithfully, with Refpcft to what was promifcd^by each of 
us in the laft Conferences. 
Our warmeft Acknowledgments are due,to you for your juft Performance of your Engage- 
ments. You have made known our good, Difpofitions, far and wide. You have brought 



[ 7 ] 

down your Uncles, and fome of each of the other Nations;ivith whom you are joined. We lyry. 
arepleafed to obferve^ they have hearkened to you, and are come^ fo well difpofed to con- *-— v— - 
elude and eflablifh a firm and durable Peace. We return you very hearty Thanks in Behalf 
of HisMajerty King GEORGE, the People of this Province, and all His other^'Subjedts. 

Gave a Belt. 
We are fenfible with you, that^unlefs we both exert the utmofi: of our Strength, we fliall 
not be able to accompliih the great Work we are mutually engaged in. 

Whilfl we fee the dead Bodies of our People^lying uncovered, and expofed to ravenous 
Birds, it is againft Nature, and all the Principles of Religion and Humanity, to proceed to 
the Confirmation of Peace. ' 

We therefore, in Conjunftion with you, diligently fearch for, and colled together, not only 
their dead Bodies and fcattered Bones, but the very Leaves, Grafs, and every Thing elfe that 
their Blood has touched ; and join with you^in looking up to Heaven, from whence the''God 
of Peace beholds with Delight our Advances to Reconciliation, Concord and Unity. We 
pray he may cafi: a Veil^over all that has happened^in thefe unhappy Times, that it may be 
no longer remembered. We fupplicate his Almighty Goodnefs, to pardon all that is part. 
We pray him to difpofe all the People of this, and the fucceeding Generations, to the lateft 
Pofterity, to live in Love together. We entreat he will never permit the evil Spirit to en- 
ter^ fo far into our Hearts, or evil minded Men^fo far into our Councils, as to interrupt the 
Courfe of Friendfliip, or blaft the fmalleft Leaf in the Tree of Peace. 

Gave a Belt. 

Having now collected the dead Bodies, we agree with you to ftand together, Englijf} and 
Indians, as one Man, with one Heart j we lay hold with you, your Uncles, and the Ten Na- 
tions, of the Belt of Friendfhip ; we hold it faft with all our Strength. We bring with us 
all the Sincerity and Warmth of honeft and upright Hearts. We rejoice to behold again^the 
Light of the Sun fhining in a clear Sky. We promife ourfelves that, with the Bleffing of 
the good Spirit, your Endeavours, united with ours, will be able to fecure to us, and to 
our Children, and Childrens Children, durable Peace and Happinefs, fo that we may^ quietly^ 
enjoy the various Comforts of Life with which this fruitful Country abounds, and may fleep 
in Peace. 

Gave a Belt. 

Though our Forefathers and yours might make fome Miftakes, and might not fee far 
enough into the Confequences of fome of their Meafures, yet^ in general^ we can truly fay, 
they were ever kindly difpofed to one another ; they were open and upright^ in their Inten- 
tions ; they lived together in perfedt Peace, and the mutual Exchange of good Offices. 

It is very commendable in you to remind us that they have not been altogether regular, 
but confined their Views to the then prefent Times, and to the Interefl: of their own Ge- 
neration, not fo much confulting as they ihould have done^the Good of future Generations. 
We ihall be glad to join with you^in promoting one general Intereft, that may extend^ to the 
lateft Pofterity. We will lay afide all narrow partial Regards, and put Matters on a lafting 
Foundation, and endeavour to exceed our Anceftors, not only in the Goodnefs of our Mea- 
fures, but in a more careful and exad: Manner of doing Bufinefs. 

Gave a Belt. 

We have obferved^what you fay, with refped to one of your Meffengers. The Accident 
grieves us. In fuch Times, Indians fhould not go fingle, or into inhabited Parts, without 
proper Paflports and Efcorts. — We have carelefs and unthinking Men amongft us ; we have 
bad Men too, who have mifchievous Hearts. The Man who is fuppofed to have committed 
this Adl is in Goal, and (in cafe the Meffenger dies) fhall be tried^by our Laws, which re- 
quire Blood for Blood, in the Prefence of fuch Indians as you fliall appoint^ to attend the Trial, 
of which^you fliall have due Notice. It is a Matter^ firmly fettled, by repeated Treaties, 
between us and the Indians, that whenever an Englijhman kills an Indian, or an Indian kills 
an Englijhman, the Murderer, or Pcrfon offending, fliall be tried by our Laws, in the Pre- 
fence of both Nations. 

Gave a Strifig. 
Brother Mofes Tetamy, 

You are the Father of the young Man who has been unfortunately wounded. It gives us 
great Concern that any Thing^of this Kind^ftiould happen. We have employed the moft 
fkilful Doftor we have amongft us^to take Care of him, and we pray that the Almighty 
would blefs the Medicines that are adminiftered for his Cure. We by this String of Wam- 

' ' pum 


[ 8 

, 7 C7. pum remove the Grief, from vour Heart, and dcfirc ..o Unealineis may . cmam there. We 

J^ have affured our Brother rccdyufcung, that ftrift Juftice (liall be done on the Trial, and we 

choofe that you yourfelf, fliould be a Witnefs of it. ^^^^^ ^ ^^.^ 


At ^Meeting ?>; Eafton, Thurfday, July 28, 1757, ?• M. 


The Honourable W I L L I A M D E N N Y, Efq; Covcrmr, &c. 

The Council. Tie fame Members of Jfemily. 

The Provincial Commifjioners. 

A Number of Gentlemen from the City of Philadelphia, and others of the Inhabitants of the 


Captain Thomas M'Kee, Liter prctcr for the Crown. 

Conrad Weiser, Efq; Interpreter for the Province. 

Mr. John Pumpshire, Interpreter for Teedyufcung. 

TEEDYUSCUNG, King of the Delawares, attended by feveral Chiefs and Deputies of 

the Ten Nations he rcprefents. 

Teedyufcung addrefjing himfelf to the Governor, fpoke asfolloivs. 

I DESIRE, in a few Words^to recolleft what you told mc^the other Day, that tJie Great 
King, beyond the Water, had appointed a Man to overfee the Affairs of the Indians, viz. 
Sir William fohnfon, who has nominated Mr. Croghan,\iv=, Deputy. I am glad to hear this 
News, and to fee the Man,that is appointed. I hope, Brother, that it will be well accepted^ 
by both of us. It is our Duty to refped: the Perfon^that the King lias appointed, and with 
Sincerity of Heart to join together, that^as the prefent Bufinefs is well begun, it may end fo. 
I hope he will execute his Commiffion with Juftice. According to your Delire, what you 
mentioned in the laft Treaty, and what you have faid now, I will anfwer in a few Words ; 
and we hope Mr. Crcghan will be faithful^ to fee Juftice done on both Sides, in tlie Name of 
the King. 

Gave a String. 
After I have opened thePaflage from your Heart and Mind, that you may fee and underftand, 
bv this Belt I defire you may fully underftand^ what I now fay. It is plain the Proceedings 
of our Anceftors were flioiter than they ought to have been, in Rcfpedl ana Behalf of their 
Children ; and alfo their own everlafting Peace^in tlie World to come. You may eafily fee 
the Rcaion , of the gloomy and dark Days ; they have proceeded^ from the Earth. Our 
Mifunderftandingor Mifmanagement has proceeded^ from the Earth,' as well, as our Diffe- 
rences and Grievances^that have paffed and repafled. Though it was not the principa l Caufe^, 
that made us ftrike our Brethren the Englijh^ yet it has caufed the^Urolce to come harde r ^ 
than itotherwife would have come. Now it lies much^in your Power^to look ftridly^intoyour 
H-ai tL, as we always prefer and acknowledge you^above us in Abilities, Strength and Knowledge. 
And as it lies a great deal in your Powcr^to know wliether^what I have faid, be true or not, it 
depends much on you, Brother, that it may be openly and publickly declared^and publilhed, 
to the Province or Provinces^under the Government of the Great King, both to his Satis- 
faiftion, and to the Satisfaction of thofe appointed to manage this Affair. — Brother, now, as 
we have met together Face to Face to fpeak^with great Sincerity, I will endeavour to lay 
every Thing plain^bcfore you, not to cover one Part, but to lay every Thing before you, that 
you may fee plainly, in order that we may have true Satisfaftion from one another, and that 
what may be proved to be our Right and Due, may be eftablimed for ever^in a durable and 
lafting Peace. 

Gave a Belt. 
I would defire alfo that you would look witli all Diligence, and fee from whence our Dif- 
ferences have fprung. You may^eafily^fee they have fjirung from the Land or Earth, which 
was mentioned before, though it was not the principaj^ Thing. If regular Methods had been 
formerly taken,for an Habitation or ReTidence^for thc~pd6r7/;^/<'/;;i,in this Land, this^wouUl 
not have come to pafs. Novv^as it ireVmiJcTrin your P()v.'cr,to fearch, particularly^into what 
was mentioned before, with refpedt to the Land, wliich was the Caufe of our Differences, 



if I now can prevail with you, as I hope I Ihall, honeftly to do what may be confiftent 
with Juftice, then,I will, with a loud Voice, fpeak, and the Nations fliall hear me. Then » 
it depends on you. Brother, as I fhall fpeak with a loud Voice, and as you are of greater'' 
Abilities than I, to affift me, that what I fpeak to the Nations^may be true, and that when I 
have made Proclamation^ with a loud Voice, by your Affiftance, the Nations may liear and 
receive it with great Joy. 

Gave a Belt. 

Mr. John Pumpjhire, being afked to explain what was the firft Part of this Speech, 
he faid, the Meaning was this : The Land ^is the Caufe of our Differences • that is, our being 
unhappily turned out of the Lan d, is the Caufe : And. t hough the firft Settlers might pur- 
chafe the Lan(i.iairly , yet.they did not adt well, nor do the IndiaTis]nK\ct; for they ought to 
have referved l ome Place for the Indians. Had that been done, thefe Diffe'rences would 
not have happened. 

I have now^n a few Words,to let you, know^ what my Inclination and Defirc is, agreeable 
to what I have faid. I now put it into your Power to make a lading Peace, and that I may 
have my reafonable Enjoyment ^from this Land ; as we are fenfible that this Land, was made, 
by that Almighty Power that has made all Things, and has given this Land to us. I was 
the firftj to whom he gave it ; and as it pleafed him to convey you to us, and unite us in 
Friendfhip in the Manner already mentioned, which was well known ty our Anceftors, it is, 
now,in your Power, and depends entirely, on your Care and faithful' Diligence, that it may 
not be broken^as it has been ; and^il it be broken, it will be owing to you. I think it is my 
Duty to mention to you, in publick, that I will comply ^with all Submiffion. Tliis I alk, 
that I may have fome Place for a Settlement, and for other good Purpofes, in which we may 
both agree; but as lam a free Agent^as well as you, I muft not be bound up, but tave Li- 
berty to fettle^ where I pleafe. 

Gave a Belt of jjine Rows. — - 

Teedyufciing informed the Governor, that he had done for this Time, and left it to the Go- 
vernor's Pleafure to appoint a Time to anfwer him. 

As the Governor had by Letter^ informed me , • that Teedyufcungs Speech appeared to 
him^dark and confufed, and defired me to call a Meeting. in private .with the Indians, and 

know what they meant ; I accordingly, on the 30th of July, at Five a Clock in the Morn- 
ing, fentTor the King, and fome of his Counfellors, and defired them to call a Council, and 
confider well, the Speeches the King had made, and aftenvards^to explain them to me. At 
Half after Nine o' Clock, King Teedyujcung, with Jepifcauhunh, Epoweyowallund, Benawagh- 
wottind, LeJ)aghpetund, Kuhtanamaku, yangepapawey, IVeneywalika, his Counfellors, and 
"John Pumpjliire, Literpreter, mot at my Houfe, and explained his Speeches as follows. 

The Complaints I made^laft Fall, I yet continue. I think, fome Lands,have been bought 
by the Proprietary, or his Agents, from Indians^ who had not a Right X^ JsW, and, to whom j 
theLand^didnotbelong. 1 I think^alfo, when fome Lands have been fold^to the~Propnetary_, 
by Iru[iam^\\6 had a Right to fell to a certain Place, whether that Purchafe was to be mea- 
fured by Miles, or Hours Walk, that the Proprietaries have, contrary to Agreement or Bar- 
gain, taken_in_rnore Lands, than they ought to have done, and Lands that belonged to others. 
I thereTorc^now Selirelhat you' will produce the Writings and Deeds^uy which you hold the 
Land, and let them Tie read m~publick, and examined, that it may be fully known from 
what Indians^yo\x have bought the Lands you hold, and how far, your Purchafes extend,4 that 
Copies/oTlhe WhoIe,may be laid before King GEORGE, and publiihed^ to all the 'Pro- 
vinces under his Government. jWnat is fairlybought^and paid ior^l make no further Demands 
about : But if any Lands have been bought of Indians to whom thefe Lan ds did not belon g, 
and whojiad no Right^to lell them, I exgeftaSatisfaftion for~there Xahds. 4 And, if the 
Proprietaries have takenmmore Lands than they^BougHToftFue Owners, I expecfl likewife^ 
to be paid for that. | But as the Perfons,to whom the Proprietaries may have fold thele Lands, 
which of Right belonged to me, have made fome Settlements, I do not want to difturb 
them, or to force them to leave them, but I exped: a full Satisfadtion fhall be made^to the true_ 
OwneisJor^iele^Lands, though the Proprietaries, aTlfaidTefore, might have boughTtEem^ 
from Perfons thatTiad no R ight to fell them. 

With refpedl to our Settlement, we intend to fettle at Wyonijng, and we want to have_ 
certain Bojundanes^X£ihjtween_you and^us; and a cer'tainTraJt of Land fixe3j~which,it 
iKalTnorte lawful^ for us,or our CRiIdren,"ever to fell, nor for you, or any of your Children, 
ever to buy. We would have the Boundaries fixed^ all round, agreeable to the Draught we 

C ' give 



[ 'o ] 

^7S7- §'^^ y^"' ^^* ^^ "^^y "^^ ^^ prefledjOn any Side, bu ave a cei.aia Couniry iixed lor our 
-Y— -* own Ufe, and the Ufe of our Children for ever. 

And as we intend to make a Settlement at Ww/mnjr ^ and to build different Houfes from 
what we have done heretofore, fuch as may lalt liot only^for a little Time, but for our Chil- 
dren after us ; we deiire you will affift u^in making our Settlements, and fend us Perfons to 
inftrud us in building Houfes, and in making fuch Neceffaries^as fliall be needful ; and that 
Perfons be fent toinftrud us in the Chrilhan Religion, which may be for our future Wel- 
fare, and to inftrudt our Children^in Reading and Writing ; and that a fair Trade be eftablifh- 
ed,between us, and fuch Perfons appointed to condud and manage thefe Affairs as fhall be 
agreeable to us. 

I^then afked him, as Fort Augujia was within the Lands he defired to be afTigned to them, 
whether ne would acknowledge that Fortrefs to belong^ to the King of Great-Britain^ for 
the Ufe of His Subjects in Pennfyhania, and all His other Subjects; and whether he would 
not be willing^it fhould continue as a Trading-Houfe, not only for the Good of us the. E/igliJh, 
and theNafions he reprefents, but of all the Nations^that now are, or maybe hereafter, in Al- 
liance with us ; and whether he will not engage, in Conjundtion with the Englifi, to defend 
it againfl: any of His Majefty's Enemies that may come againfi: it ? 

To which the King, in Behalf of the Nations he reprefents, replied, That he agrees^ that 
that Fort fhall belong to the Englip; that it fhall continuc^as a Trading-Houfe; and he,and 
his People, in Conjundion with their Brethren th.e Englijh, engage to defend it, againit any 
of His Britannick Majefty's Enemies that fliall come to attack it. 

yii ^Meeting /?2 Eafton, Sunday, July 31, i757> P- M. 

The Honourable WILLI AM DENN Y, Efq; Governor, 6cc. 

7/jf Council. The fame Members of Affembly. 

The Provincial Commijioners. 

A Number of Gentlemen from the City of Philadelphia, and others, the Inhabitants of the 


Captain Thomas M'Kee, Interpreter for the Crown. 

Conrad Weiser, Efq; Interpreter for the Provifice. 

Afr. John Pumpshire, Interpreter for Tcedyufcung. 

TEEDYUSCUNG, King of the Delawares, attended by feveral Chiefs and Deputies of 

the Ten Nations he reprefents,, and a great Number of others. 

King Teedyukung dtf red that (before the Governor fpoie) -what paf-d^ between him and me in 
a private Co)fere?ice^Te/lerday/houldbe read in publick, which was accordingly done, and in- 
terpreted to the Six Nations. 

Then the Governor made the following Speech. 

Brother Tcedyufcung, and Brethren , Sachems and Warriors of theTen Nations, 

IT gives me Pleafure to hear you declare your Satisfadion^at the Appointment tnu- (.'uat 
King has been pleafed to make^of S\r IVi Hi am John/bi, to be the Supcrintenitciit of the 
Affairs of the Indians,, and that Sir William had appointed Mr. Croghan to he his Deputy ; 
and further, to hear you fo fully and openly^acknowledge it to be the DiUy of both of us^ to 
refpedt the Pcrfon^whom the King has thought fit to entrult^with lb important a Conunifrion. 
I thank you^for thcfe dutiful Expreffions, and do not in the leall, doubt but they come from 
the Bottom of your Hearts.— I affure you. Brethren, I fhall heartily jom my Endeavours, to 
yours, that the good Work of Peace, fo well begun, mav be happily finilhed to our mutual 

Gave a String. 
You fay^tliat the Proceedings of our Anceflors were fliorter than they ought to have been, 
in Ref'pedt and Behalf of their Children ; and alio of their own cvcrlafting Peace. Bro- 
ther, our Anceflors of this Province have been ^always eftccmcd a good, hcpnelland wile Peo- 
ple, and have^always,bccn diftinguifhed^for tlieir brotherly Love and kind Treatment of die 




Indians, and their upright Dealing with them in their Publick. TranfadUons. You I'aV that 
the Caufe of our Differences proceeded from the Land, and advife lis to look ftridtly into cur 
Hearts for the Truth of this. Brother, We have, according to your Defire, looked into our 
Hearts, and are not fenfible that any of our Tranfadtions with the Indians, either with Re- 
fpedi: to Land, or otherwife, could have given Reafon for the unhappy Breach betwen us. 'i'ou 
have been fo honeft as to declare on all Occafions, that the Land was not the principal Caufc 
why you ftruck us, but was only a Reafon why the Stroke came the harder on us. As, then; 
it was not the Caufe of our firft Differences, it ought not to be any Obflacle to an imrnediate 
Conclufion of the Peace, which we are now met together with fuch good Intentions to 
cftablifh. However we may differ in Opinion about Matters of Property, thefe arc triliintr 
Confiderations, compared to the important Affair of unidng together in the lirm Bands o^t 
Friendfhip. Let us therefore for the prefent fufpend them, and all Matters of Icls Mo- 
ment, and apply ourfelves in the firft Place heardly to the Great Work of Peace, fo much 
wiihed for by both of us, and put Things on fuch a Footing, that the Great King over the 
Waters, and His Subjedts, and all the Lidians, fhall be pleafed with it. 

Ga-ue a Belt. 
You fay, that if you can prevail with us to do you Juftice in your Complaint about Land, 
you will then with a loud Voice fpeak, and the Nadoni (hall hear you. Brother, I muft now 
inform you, that immediately after our lafl: Treaty, I lent to the Proprietaries a Copy of the 
Complaints you then made of their defrauding you of your Lands, and received their An- 
fwer to it fome Days before I fet out to meet you here, wherein they exprefs the greateft Con- 
cern that you, who they conceive have been fo well treated both by their Father, William 
Penn, and themfelves, fhould charge them with Crimes of fo heinous a Nature as Fraud and 
Forgery, by which their Reputation (which to them and every hoiieft Man is dearer than 
Life itfelf) is fo deeply wounded. Your Complaint has likewife been laid before the Kino-'s 
Minifters, who, looking upon it as a Matter of great Importance, determined that it ihould 
be carefully enquired into, and examined, before fome Perfon no ways concerned in Intereft, 
on whofe Honelly and Judgment they could depend ; and therefore appointed Sir JP'illiam 
John/on to hear the Particulars of your Charge, and the Proprietary's Defence, and lay the 
whole Matter before His Majefty tor his Royal Determination, in order that he may do you 
Juftice himfelf, if you are injured. Our great King looks on you as His Children ; and 
therefore His Miniftershave diiedted the fame Method to be taken in hearing the Merits of 
your Complaint, as is ufed among His own Subjedts, with this Difference only, that their 
Dil'putes are finally fettled by Judges appointed for that I'urpofc ; whereas, in your Cafe, His 
Majefty will determine it himfelf 

Before I received the Orders of His Majefty 's Minifters, that your Complaints flrould be 
heard before Sir William 'Johnfon, I fully intended, at this Meeting, to call on the Proprie- 
taries Agents to anfwer the Charge you made againft them, and to have the Matter ftridtly 
enquired into; but as lam the King's Servant, and bound by Duty as well as Inclination to 
obey His Orders, and His Majefty's Deputy Agent, Mr. Croghan, who is now prefent, in- 
forms me he has no Power to fuffer any Altercations on this Complaint, and that he does 
not think it would be for the Good of His Majefty's Service, I muft refer you on this Oc- 
cafion to Sir William Jchnfon, to whom I ihall lend proper Perfons to reprefent the Proprie- 
taries, with Records, Deeds and Evidences, to ftiew the Juftjce of their Tide at any Time 
he fliall appoint, of which he \\\\\ give Notice to you, and all Perfons concerned. As that 
Geiitleman is known to be a good Friend to the Indians, and a Man of Honour and Integri- 
ty, it gives me great Pleafure to find he is well approved of by you, and I do not doubt but 
you will moft chearfully agree to leave the Examinadon of your Claims to him, and concur 
in the Method His Majefty has diredted for fettling our Differences, in which you will be 
certain of having ftridt Juftice done you. 

Gave a Belt. 

I could give you many Inftances of the great Affedtion and Regard the Proprietaries have 
for you, and all the Indians -, and that they fet a far greater Value on your Friendlhip, than 
on any private Intereft or Advantage to themfelves ; they have lately given to yon and the 
World a moft convincing Proof of this. You no Doubt have heard^ that the Proprietaries, 
about three Years ago, St a general Meeting of the Six Nations, held at Albany, fairly and 
openly purchafed of them a great Countrj', lying on the Weft Side of the River Scfquehannah ; 
but upon its being reprefented, that fome of the Indian Tribes were dilfatisfied with the Ex- 
tent of that Grant beyond the Allegheny Hills, the Proprietaries chearfully agreed to ilirren- 
der, and give up again to i\\t Indians, the Lands Weftward of thofe Hills, and have given 
their Agents Orders to releafe it to them at the propofed Meeting before Sir William Jobifon, 
and to fetde Boundaries with them. 

Gave a Belt. 







I have confidercd what you faid^about a Settl ement for yourfelves and your Poflerity, and 
am informed by Mr. Croghan, that Wyoming^ is fffeTlace^you would chufe to fettle at. 

The Proprietaries have never granted away, any Lands, though within the Limits of this 
Province, without firft purchafin gthem^cf the hidians ; and having never bough t of them 
the Lands between Shamokm and ' Wyoming, they have^therefore^ never laid Claim^to thcm^ 
under zny' India?i Purchafe, and exprefly defire tliis may be toid^to the Indians, left evil-dif- 
pofed Perfons fhould have fuggefted any Thing^to the contrary ; and, in the Name of the 
Proprietaries, I now difclaim_all fuch Right, of which I would have you take Notice. I 
am pleafed you hive made Choice^lliat Place ; it is perfeftly agreeable to me, and I affure 
you I will heartily concur with you in ufing all the Means in my Power, to have thefe Lands 
fettled upon you and your Pofterity, agreeable to your Requeft. As to the other Purpofes , 
for wliich you defire this Settlement of Lands, they are lb realbnable, that I make no Doubt 
I but, on my Recommendation of them to the AiTembly, they will, cheaifully^ enable me to 

comply with them. „ 

^ ^ Gave a Belt. 

j Brotrxr, i t-> 

I have now anfvvered the Speeches you made me, the other Day, and, I hope, to youi 
' Satisfadion, as I agree with you, to fubmit the Ditferences^about Lands ^ to the Great King, 
1 which is your own HeTire. I now affure you^that I am heartily difpofed and ready, with the 
. King's Deputy A2;ent, to confirm the Peace which ywu and I have been, for fome Time,tak- 
V ing Pains to eftablifli. 

Ai a Meeting with the Indians in Eafton, on Monday, Auguft r, 1 757, P. M. 

7 he Honourable WILLIAM DENNY, Efq; Gozrnicr, &c. 

The Council. The fame Memhrs cf AJjembly. 

The Provincial Commijftoncrs. 

A Number of Gentlemen from the City of Philadelphia, and others, the Inhabitants cf tk 


Captain Thomas M'Kee, Interpreter for the Crown. 

Conrad Weiser, Efq-, Interpreter for the Province. 

Mr. John Pumpshire, Interpreter for Tcedyufcung. 

TEEDYUSCUNG, King of the Delawares, attended by fever al Chiefs and Deputies 

cf the Ten Nations he reprefents, and a great Number of others. 

Tcedyufcung addr effing himfelf to the Governor, [poke asfolloiVb. 

Brother, the Governori 

BY this Belt (holding up a Belt) I remember what you faid^Yefterday^in the Evening. 
All was well accepted, and very good, onlyone Word, or one material Thing. When 
the feveral different Nations of us, that call ourfelveslKT Ten Nations, that are prefent,! I 
mean the Counlellors) had confidered what you faid, we approved all ^ex cept one Thing. 
Alio, this Morning early, when we came to fit down^by ourfelves, and our Secretary "witli us, 
when we had done, and had fully underftpod one anotKer, "and agreed on every Word, wc 
then ordered our Secretary to write it down. — [juhn PumpJJjire faid, I will juft mention this in 
Addition ; we ordered him to read it over, three or four Times, and approved it.] — Having 
done that, we have the Words, already written down, and if it pleafe the Governor to hear 
it read; this that is written down,is what was concluded on. 

The Governor, in Anfwer, told him, Brother, you know, that this_ is quite a new Me- 
thod, and was never pradifed before. 

Brother, it is true, replied Teedyufcung, you are right; this was not,. formerl y, pradlifed ; it 

never ufed to be fo. Don't you fee that I aim, by having a Clerk of my own, to exceed my 

Aiiceftors, by having every Thing for the beft. I endeavour, according to my Ideas, to look 

to thofe that have the Authority ; as for Inilance, if they take up a Handful of Corn or 

•^ Pebbles. 


Pebbles, if they drop any, even one Grain, I will take Notice, and will fpeak of it, that 
they may take it up. v 

The Governor then applied to Mr. Croghan, to know, whether this had ever been pradifed^ 
in jany Treaty ; Mr. Croghan faid it neve r was, and^ turning to the King, faid, Brother, this 
is quite a new Method, and what was never before praftifed. I well know the Indians have 
good Memories, and can remember^ what was tranfafted^ twenty Years ago, as if Yeftcrday, 
I Ihould^ therefore, be glad, the King would repeat, himfelf, what he has to fay, as we are 
only treating, with him. Thtn^teedyujcung replied. Well, Brother the Governor, what we 
have confulted and~cohcluded on this Mornin? is this ; I remember^ you told me laft Night, 
that what was tranfaded lafl Fall, was laid before the King's Minifters ; and we took parti^ 
cular Notice^ that you told us, that^fome Time before you came from Philadelphia, you fully 
intended to make ajl Satisfa(ftio n to me at this Treaty, about Lands and Deeds ; but that you 
received a Letter, or Letters, from the King or Proprietaries, 1 am not certain which, you 
know beft -, in Confequence of which, you told us, that you could not adl in this Affair, 
but that Sir William Jobnfon was appointed^to tranfaft Indian Affairs, and Mr. George Crog- 
han was appointed to adl, in his Name. We remember very well, when we had a private 
Conference with you, at your Dwelling, that you and Mr. Croghan rofe up, fhook Hands with 
me, and you told us, this was the very Man, that was appointed to adt, between the Englijh 
and Indians. '^'' • ^ >• , ■ ^ , ^ ^, ■ . ^ 

Sir Willi am 

noQiing ^ 

Peace, and fhould not be any jHri drance to our maju ng a League of Friendfhip. 

Now I will give you my Reafons fo r not goin g- 

In the firft Place, I do not know Sir William Johnfon ; he may be an honeil and fincere 
Man. We do underftand he treats his Indians very well j but we are fenfible that fome of 
the Nations are there that have been inftrumental to this Mifunderftanding, in felling Lands 
in this Province, having, in former Years, ufurped that Authority, and called us Women, 
and threatened to take us,by the Foretop, and throw us afide as Women. But, after a long 
Space, I believe, it is evident, nay, there are Witneffes prcfent, who can prove that it is 
otherwdfe. Alfo, when I have confidered thefe feveral Particulars, as you told "'us there 
Was nothing in the Way, to hinder us from confirming a durable and lading Peace, I at 
prelentdcfire nothin g at all of my Brethren^ the Enj^lijh, for my La nds, I only want, for tJie 
SatisfaSlbn oflKeTn^ans of the Tf« Nations prelent, and alfo of all other Indians, that the 
Deedsm^f-Jifi.4jroduced, and well looked into; and^as you have told me, that Mr. George 
Croghan was theMan that would fettle Affairs for our Peace, here he is ; I want nothing 
but to fee the Deeds fairly looked into, and true Copies of them taken, and put with thefe ' 
Minutes, now taken. And, after they have been fairly taken down, if you agree to this, 
then I Ihall, by two Belts tied together, take you by the Hand, and, with my Uncles, con- 
firm a lafting Peace, with you ; and if it pleafe the Governor, and Mr. Croghan, let the Co- 
py of the Deeds be fent to Sir William John/on, and to the King, and let him judge. I want 
nothingof the Land, till the King hath fent Letters back j then if any of the Lands be found 
tcTEelong to m e, I expect to be paid, for itT and 'not before. Brother, another Reafon for 
not going is, if we cannot agree to iettle this Affair here, I am afraid the Nations that are 
watching and looking into what is done here, will have~Reafon to think we have not'afted an 
honeft Part, as they expeft a real, true and lafling Peace, will be fettled^ here* I am alfo 
concerned,on Account of our Women and Children^ back, and of our Brethren the Englijh, 
on the Frontiers. For thefe now prefent, who it was expeded would go Home' witfi great 
Joy, will go Home widi their Finger in their Mouth, as every Body expeded 'this would 
be the Time of confirming a real^and lifting Pea ce. I told you I would proclaim with a 
loud Voice, and thofe prefent are W itnelles to what I faid, and will not be eafy if this is not 
done. I think nothing hinders us, at all. "* 

As you told us you had Letters from the King, or Proprietaries, I deiire they may be pro- 
duced and read, and put down^with the Minutes. No\i^this is the Conclufion, and in Con- 
firmation-of what I have faid, i give you this Belt. Gave a Belt. 

The King further faid, I defire alfo that a Copy, of what paffed in private,between yoa 
and me, may be given to be entered with thefe Minutes; and that it 'may be read in publick 
at our next Meeting. ' 

As foon as the Meeting was over, I told the Governor, the Good of His Majefty's Service 
required, that Ttedyufcungi Requell,of having the Deeds and private Conferences read, and 
Copies of them, given him, with a Copy of fo much of the Proprietaries Letters, as relates 
to having the Enquiry ihade, by Sir William Johnfon, fhould be granted. 

D Eapn, 



t '4 ] 

Eaflon, Aiigujl 2, 1757. 

Teedvuscung, "Zi^/Vj^ //j;r(? Nanticokes, who arrived Tejlerdny, and three of his Council, came 
to me at my Lodging^., and de/ired I voould hear what thofe Nanticokes had to fay. Upon 
which the Nanticoke Chief made the following Speeches. 

^7S7- ' I ^HE chief Man of the Nanticokes has fent me here, to fee the Governor and you > 
-"V — ^ J[ and defired me in his Name to wipe the Tears from your Eyes, which thofe trouble- 
fome Times may have occafioned ; and I do it with this String of Wampum. 

A String. 
You may have fwallowed, fince thefe Troubles arofe, fomething bitter, which has given 
vour Heart fome Uneafinefs : I, with this String of Wampum, remove all Grief from your 
Hearts, that your Minds may be as eafy as they were in Times of Peace. 

A String. 
I fee a great deal of Blood fpilt ; I, with this String, clean the Blood from off your Beds, 
that you may fleep eafy, and from off your Council Seats, that you may fit with Pleafure in 
Council with your Brethren ; and with this Feather I open your Ears, which the great high 
Winds may have flopped, that you may hear what your Brothers may fay to you. 

We mull confider, and think it was not the good Spirit that has occafioned this Diflurb- 
ance 5 no, it was the evil Spirit that furely occafioned all this Mifchief, and I hope God will 
direft us to do every Thing in our Power to aiTift in the Good Work o f Peace , that we may 
be once more united together, and live in' Friendfliip, as the good Spirit has ordered us. 

I am come here to this Council Fire with our Coufins the Delawares and you, to give all 
the Affiftance I can to the good Work of Peace, and to join my Coufin l'eedyufcu77g, and the 
Six Nations, to gaflier up the dead Bodies and fcattered Bones^ together, and will join in 
Prayer to the good Spirit^to hide them ; and ^when the Peace is confirmed, I will put botlj 
my Hands, into the Chain of Friendfhip^with you, and our Coufins^the Delawares and the 
Six Nations ; to confirm my Words, I give this String of Wampum. 

Ganje a String. 

At a Meeting '■mth the Indians in Eafton, on Wednefday, Auguft 3, 
1757, A. M. 


ne Honourable WILLIAM DENNY, Eff, Governor, &c. 

T^he Council. "the fame Members of AJfnnbly. 

the Provincial Commiffioners. 

A Number of Gentlemen from theCity o/" Philadelphia, andothers, the Inhabitants oftheProvina\ 

Captain Thomas M'Kee, Interpreter for the Crown. 

Conrad Weiser, Efq; Interpreter ' for the Province. 

Mr. John PuMPSHiRE, Interpreter for Teedyufcung. 

TEEDYUSCUNG, King of the Delawares, attended by fevcral Chiefs and Deputies cj 

the Ten Nations he reprcfents, and a great Number of others. 

-The Governor told Teedyufcung, that Five o Clock Teferday was appointed for the Time of 
Meeting ; but underfanding that the King was then particularly engaged with fome Friends 
lately come in, he had df erred meeting them till this Morning. 

— Jhe Governor Jpoke as follows. 


I HAVE well weighed and confiderecLwhat you faid to mc at our lafl Meeting, and am 
forry you do not incline to go to Sir Ivilliam Johnfon to have your Coin])laints ilriftly en- 
quired into, and examined by him. It is true Sir IVilliam has, for fome Time part, had a 



[ 'S ] 

general Commiffion from the King to fuperintend Indian M^-mk, and that he hai given Mr. lycj 
Crogha?! a Power to Ad: as his Deputy, under, which he might have been juftified in going in- «— -v — 
to an Examination as well of your Complaints as the Proprietaries Defence, ^ad not the 
King's Minifters lately been pleafed to dired: the Hearing to be, before Sir William Jotmjhn 
Jijmfel f Though you may think yourfelves at Liberty, and may refufe to com{!)ly with thefe 
Direftions, yet, as I told you before, I am the King's Servant, and obliged to obey, and can- 
not take upon me to go into a Defence of the Proprietaries Title^at this Time. But as you fo 
earneftly defire to fee the Dee ds for the Lands mentioned in your laft Treaty, that you may 
be fatisfied whether they are genuine, or whether the Indians who figned them had a Righf 
to fell thofe Lands, I have- brought them with me, and am willing to (lievv them to you 
now, or at any other Time you will appoint, and give you Copies of them, agreeable to 
your Requeft. 

Here the Deeds were laid down on the Table. 

And now let all further Debates and Altercations concerning Lands reft here, till they fhali 
be fully examined and looked into by Sir William Johnjon, in order to be tranfmitted to the ] 

King for His Royal Determination. / 

After having now gratified you^in every reafonable Requeft, and being fincerely defirous to 
re-eftablifli that Friendfhip and brotherly Love, which fo happily fublifted between your Ance- 
ftors and ours, I am ready, with the King's Deputy Agent, to take hold of the two Belts 
you mentioned with both my Hands, and confirm a lafting Peace, and exchange them with 
one prepared for that Purpofe, in the Name of the King of England, and all His Subjefts, 
as foon as we can agree upon the Terms, 

The Orders of His Majefty's Minifters, on this Occafion, have been fignified to me^by the 
Proprietaries, which is the proper Channel through which they ihould come. That you 
may the better underftand this, it will be neceffary to inform you, that the Proprietaries are 
Governors in Chief over this Province, and I am appointed their Deputy, with the Approba- i 

tion of the Crown. When, therefore, the laft Treaty was laid, before the King's Minifters, I 

they gave the Proprietaries Notice of their Rcfolution, that the Matter Ihould be heard before ) 

Sir William Johnjon only, to whom they would fend fpecial Direftions for that Purpofe. The 
Proprietaries, for whom I aft in this Cale, have made me acquainted with the Minifters Or- 
ders, and defired fne to regulate my Condudl by them. It would have been irregular and 
improper to have lent the Order itfelf to me, but I do not doubt the King's Minifters have j 

tranfmitted it to Sir William Johnfon, as an Authority for him to hear and examine our Diffe- / 

rences, and that he has received it before this Time. As I could not fufpecft that you would 
have required a Copy of fuch of the Proprietaries Letters as relate to this Matter, I did 
not bring them with me here ; wherefore, it is not in my Power to comply with your Re- 
queft, to furnilh you with Copies of them ; and^to confirm the Truth of this, I give you 
this Belt of Wampum. 

When the Governor had ended his Speech, he afkcd the King whether he would have the 
Deeds read now, and Copies taken. Before the King returned an Aniwer, he took up the 
Belt which the Governor had juft delivered, and^rifmg up, fpoke firft to the Delawares, and 
then to the Five Nations ; then turning to the Governor, laid. 

I underftand the Words^ you have faid here; but they are not agreeably to your Know 
ledo-e, nor a full Anlwer to what I faid. There are two Things not agreeable. 

The Governor faid, Will the King pleafe to tell^what thefe two Things are. No, replied 
the King, let the Governor find them out. The Governor faid, he did not know what the 
King meant; he wiflied he knew what Anlwer to niake. 

Teedyiifcung then laid. If it pleafe the Governor, in a few Words, what has been fpoken, 
on that Belt is as a Rumbling over the Earth, or Confufion^ about Lands. I did not want 
you to make Mention of thern; when I expefted an Anlwer in a lovTngTVIanner, I wanted 
you Ihould come to the ni ain Poin t, without having fo many Words with it. 

As the Indians feemed very much at a Lofs^ about the Governor's Speech, I fpoke, to the 
King, and told him, that the firft Part of the Governor's Speech was only to inform the King 
that^he Deeds are now produced, and Copies will be given^to Jiim, agreeable to his own 
.Requeft, that they may" be fent to 'HiiWiTUam "'Johnjon, to be^by him tranfmitted to the King, 


[ '6 ] 

i'7C7-l ^r His Determination. This done, we^ in the next Place,now, offer to take hold of the two 
' Belts,you mentioned at the laft Meeting : That what was faid about agreeing upon Terms, 
only referred to the Exchange of Prifoners, and other Things^ufual on making Peace ; which ^ 
Teedyufcung faid^he would dq after the Peac e was confirmed : That^in the Conclufion of his 
Speech, the Governor only told the King^ that the Proprietaries Letters, for a Copy of which 
the King afked, were it Philadelphia, for which Reafon^the Governor could not comply 
with what the King requefted, but that an Extraft^of as much of them^as referred to this 
Affair, will be delivered to nie , fome Time hence : In Confirmation of which the Governor 
gave the Belt. 

As foon as the King heard this, he rofe up, and taking up the two Belt^tied together, he 
fpoke as follows. 

I defire you would, with Attention hear me. By thefe two Belts^ I will let you know, 
what was the ancient regular ^lethod of confirming a lailing Peace. This, you ought to 
have confidered, and to have done ; but I will put you in Mind. You may remember, when 
you took hold of my Hand, and led me down, and invited my Uncles, feveral of whom 
are prefent, with fome from each of the Ten Nations, when we had agreed , we came down 
to take hold of one of your Hands, and my Uncles came to take hold of the other Hand. 
Now, as this Day and this Time is appointed, to meet^and confirm a hftingPeace, we, that 
is, I and my Uncles, as we ftana, and you, as you ftand^in the Name oFtETGreat King, 
three of us ftanding, we will all look up, and by continuing to obferve the Agreements, by 
which we (hall oblige ourfelves one to another, we (hall fee the clear Light, and Friendlhip 
(hail laft to us, and our Pofterity .after us, for ever. Now, as I have two Belts, and Witneffes 
are prefent, who will fpeak the lame, by thefe Belts, Brothers, in the Prefence of the Ten 
Nations, who are Witneffes, I lay hold of your Hand (taking the Governor by the Hand) 
and brighten the Chain of Friend(hip ,that (hall be lafting j and whatever Conditions (hall 
be proper for us to agree to, maybe mentioned^afterwards: This is the Time to declare our 
mutual Friendftiip. Now, Brother the Governor, to confirm what I have faid, I have giveiv 
you my Hand, which you were pleafed to rife and take hold of; I leave it with you. When 
you pleafe, I am ready. Brother, if you have any Thing to fay,as a Token of confirming the 
Peace, I (hall be ready to hear; and as you arofe, I will rife up, and lay hold of your Hand. 

! To confirm what I have faid, I give you thefe Belts. Gave two Belts tied together. 

\ The Governor faid, that he and I would be ready to give an Anfwer^prefently. 

\ Then the King toking out another Belt, faid. If the Governor pleafe, I have a Word or 

two more to fay to' you. In remembering the old ancient Rules of making Friend(hip, I re- 
member f was formerly,re prefented as a Wonur^, by my Unc les, the Six ox_ Five Nations ; but 
i they gave me a Pipe, and good ToEacco ; thofe prefent Icnow it to be true ; and what I fay 
\ is, in Behalf of all thofe prefent, and thofe afar off. That Pipe and good Tobacco, of 
\ Fricnd(hip, I now deliver to you. Brother, when you (hall fmoke that good Tobacco, it 
I wUl give you fuch a RelHh, that you (hall feel it as long as the Sun (hines. That very good 
: Tobacco and Pipe, that I (hall deliver into your Hand, reprefents, among us^a perpetual Friend- 
I (hip. Now I deliver you an equal Part of it, and I defire it may be a lafting Comfort,in this 
I World, and the World to come. Gave a Belt. 

After teedyufcung had confirmed the Peace, in Behalf of the ten Nations he reprefents, 
his Honour ,the Governor, and myfelf, confirmed it i n Behalf of th eKing, and all His Sub- 
jeds, and exchanged the Belts in the following Manner. 

Brother Teedyufcung, and all our Brethren of the Ten Nations, 
We your Brethren, all His Majefty's Subjedts , now prefent, have heard, with Satisfaftion , 
what you have faid, and with great Pleafure receive the two Belts, you have given us, which 
will confirm a lafting Peace, to us and our Pofterity, and we embrace this Meeting to ex- 
change,with you a Belt of Friendlhip, and take hold of you^with one Hand, and oi the. Five 
Nations vi'ixhxhe other, and confirm, in the Name of the King of Great-Britain, and all His 
Subjeft?, a lafUng Pea ce, that may continue as long as the Sun and Moon give Light ; and 
we hope tins Day may be always held in Remembrance by our Pofterity; and we will be 
ready to confultwith you, at any Time ^bout fettling other Matters, as you yourfelf have faid. 
We now rife and take you into our Arms, and embrace you^with the greateft Pleafure as our 
Priends and Brethren, and heartily defire we may ever,hereafter,look on one another as Bre- 
thren, and Children of the fame Parents : As a Confirmation of this ^we give you this Belt. 
Gave a very large white Belt, with tf^e Figures of three Men in it, reprefentingHis Majcjiy 
King George, taking hold of the Five Nation King /with one Hand, and Teedyul- 
cung, the Delaware King, -with the other, and marked with t/je following Letters and 
Figure, G. R. 5 N. D. K. for King George, Five Nations, Delaware King. 




[ '7 ] 

This done, the KiHg^again.aflced the Governor^ for a Copy of tlie Confe rences that had 
beenheld^in private, that they ir.ight be read, in Publick, and entered with the' Minutes. 
The Governor faid it w.i? ready, and fliould be delivered immediately, and one was fent for 
it. The Governor then alTced the King phen it would be agreeable to him to have "the 
Deeds read. The* King faid, To-morrow Morning, between Seven and Eight a Clock ; 
which Time was , accordingly, agreed on 3 and the Reading of the Private Conferences was 
deferred till that Time. 

I think it necefiary to infert here, the following Speech of Labougbpetin, a Delaware Chief, 
made to Tecdyujhaig &i the Time he feemed at a Lofs about the Governor's Speech to him, 
which is as follows. 

" What, has not our Brother defired you to bring us down by the Hand^t o make Peac e ' 
why don't you do it ? 'We have been here,thefe twenty Days, and have heard nothing, but 
fcolding and difputing about Land s : Settle the Peace, and let all thefc Difputes ftand till 
after." " 

As foon as the Meeting was over, I let the Governor know^Icould not help taking Notice, 
that there was one Dced^ relative to thole Lands^ wanting, which is mention ed in a Treaty^ 
held^by this Government,widi the Indicms^'m 1728, faid there to be dated irwTiS, and that 
I expeded to fe e that Deed, and have a Copy of it; and likewife, Extrads^of fo much of 
the Proprietaries Letter to him as relates to the Defire of His Majefty's Minifters, lignifying 
to them, that they ordered the Differences fubfifting between them and the I/idiaiis^to be ex- 
amined by Sir William Johiifon. And that, as Teedyujcung, in Anfwcr to a Mcffage his Ho- 
nour, had fent by Mr. /^'fZ/t'A-, to him Yefterday Morning (which will appear as follows) faid, 
that he would be contented, fo he fee all the Deeds, relative to thefe Back Lands, now in 

Difpute, and have Copies of them " and ot th e f rop rietaries L'etter ; and further faid, as 
foon as that was done, he would not fay one Word more^outlhe Difputes about Lan ds ; I 
then let his Honour know, as Teedyujcung had now confirmed the Peace, I expefted his Ho- 
nour would now furnifh me with a Copy of that Deed, and the Proprietaries Letter^ to him. 

Eajitn^ Auguft 2, 1757. 

TH IS yioin\Vi<g^Teedyuj'cung Cent Samuel Evans^for me to come to him^at Colonel Weifer's -\ 
Lodging: I went there, and found him, with five of his Counfellors, and Mr. IVeifer. J 

Upon my coming in, Mr. Wcifer told Teedyufcung, th?it he wanted to have fome Converfation 
with him. Tcedyufcung alted liim^if it was^by Order of the Governor. Mr. Weifer replied, 
it was by Confent of the Governor and Council. 

Mr. Weifer then aflced Teedyufcung, whether he wanted to fee all the Deeds of the P ro- 
vi nce^ from th^ firrf P urchafe s, or only,thofe r elating to the Back Lands ^w here we a rc.'" Mr. 
Weifer ?aid, the Reafon for his aflung was7 that he believed the whole ot the Deeds^were not 
brought up, butluthonly as were thought necelfary, and relating to his Complaint, and the 
late Purchafcb. 

Tcedyifcung anfwcrcd, I fhould be well pleafed to have feen_an the Deeds, as the Country, 
to the Sea Shore, was firft ours ; but ,if there be the Deeds^ for diefe Back JLands, which is 
thc^mairTPoHjr, I wiirBc"contentcd, fo that I fee them, and have Copies of them, and of 
the Letters, fn^m thffTCTngVTVtiTllflers or Proprietaries ; as foon, as that is done, I will 
not fay one Word more about the Differences or Lands, but confirm the Peace as foon as 
that is done. 

This Evening the Governor wrote me, that his Letter, from the Proprietaries^ was in Phi- 
ladelphia, Extradls of wfiichhc would give me as foon as I went to Town. And he affured I 
me, that he would give mc a Copy of the Dee'd mentioned in the Treaty of 1728. j 



[ 'S ] 

y^/ a Meeting wJib tie Indians in Eafton, Thurfday, Auguft 4, 1757. 


rhe Honourable WILLIAM DENNY, Efq; Governor, &c. 

The Council. The fame Members of Afjembly. 

'the Provincial CommiJJioners. 

A Number of Gentlemen from the City of Philadelphia, and others, the Inhabitants of the 


Captain Thomas M'Kee, Interpreter for the Crown. 

Conrad Wei SER, Efq; Interpreter for the Province. 

Mr. John Pumpshire, Interpreter for T^tAyntcMng. 

TEEDYUSCUNG, King of the Delawares, attended by feveral Chiefs and Deputies 
of the Ten Nation* be reprefents, and a great Number of others. 

7S1\ ' I ^ H E Conferences held in Council^between the Governor and King Teedyufcung ^wctt 
~ ' 1 pr ' 

produced, and read ; and to them was added, by Order of the King, and approved 
by the Governor, a Paragraph, relating to the King's bfifting a fecond Time on having a Se- 
cretary, and the Governor's Anfwer. 

The Deeds, {hewn Yefterday ,were again produced, and Teedyufcung was told, that Mr. 
Charles Thompfon, his Secretary, had got Copies of them, and compared them^with the Origi- 
nals ; and was aiked, if he chofe to fee the Originals. The King faid, I am fatisfied, as my 
Secretary has feen the Copies compared. If he is fatisfied that they are true Copies, I am 
fatisfied that they fhould be fent to the King, for His Determination; then aiked Mr. Thomp- 
fon^i lie had feen them compared.*^ Mr. Thompfon faid, he -had feen, and compared all the 
Deeds that were delivered Yefterday. The King ,then ydefired an Account of what Deeds 
were produced, which was accordingly taken, and is as follows. J i. A Paper Copy of the 
laft /«J/fl« Purchafe, 28th of Sixth Month, 1686. I2. A Kdezfe^from the Delaware I?hlians, 
Augufl2K,, 1737. *\7,. A Rdeafe of the Indians of the Five A^atiom,o( the Lands on Saf- 
quehannah River, Oaober 11, 1736. I4. A Releafe^from the 5/x- A^a//o«iof Lands Eaftward 
to Delaware Kiver, dated 0<S?o^fr 25, 1736, with another, indorfed on it, dated die 9th of 
July, 1754. V- A Deed of Releafe for Indian Purchafe, dated the 22d of Augujl, 1749. 

Note, The above Deeds werefjewn^ in open Council, and Copies of them delivered^to Teedy- 
ufcung, which his Secretary acknowledged^ be bad compared^ with the Originals, a?id that 
they were true Copies. 

When this was done, the Governor fpoke to Teedyufcung as follows. 

Brother Teedyufcung, and all our^ Brethren of the Ten Nations, 
As you, and all His Majefty's Subjedts are now united again ;n the firm Bands of Peace, ^; 
is our Duty to do every Thing in our Power,^o make each other happy; and it was flipulated 
at the Conferences held at this Place laft Summer, that all Prifoners you had taken fhould 
be delivered up. 

The Relations of thofe who yet remain Prifoners amongft you, have their Eyes nxed^on 
me, expcdting,at my fee their Friends reftored to them ; but,as few of them are 
brought down, and this will be a Bar to our Happinefs, it is necefTary for you,to do every 
Thing in your Power to reftore to us, as foon as poffible, all our People^that remain Pri- 
foners amongft any of your Nations ; awl to procure thofe who are among any other Tribes 
in Amity with you, to be fent to us. 

It is a Rule among Nations, upon confirming a Peace, to deliver up all Prifoners on both 
Sides. It is the only Method we can take^to convince each other, of our Sincerity ; and wc 
do infift on this being done. You will be fo good, immediately on your Return, to convey 
them down^by fome of your young Men, who /hall be well rewarded for their Trouble. 

Gave a Bi'lt. 

When the Governor had delivered his Speech, and gave the Belt, Teedyufcung faid, I will 
take no other Belt, but the very fame I have. Why have you done this, now ? Why did you 



L '9 J 

not do,it before ? After we had finiihcd, why do you make any Words^ about luch Things ? 
This was your Duty ; you ought to have done it,before. If you really believed I would be faith- C 
ful and honefl, you might be fure I would do it^without your delivering a Belt, Now, as you 
have mentioned thefe Things, I alfo will mention, that you muft deliver me my juft Due , 
about Lands. As you mention that your People look to you, expedting to fee their Relations 
fent back at this Treatj^ fo the Nations that lay Claim to thefe Lands look to me for tliem. 

Returned the Belt. 

The Governor told Teedyufcniigy that he did not do this, as if he had diflrufired his Ho- 
nour, the King having, already, given d full Proof of that, by delivering up fome Prifoners, 
for which he thanked him ; that he only meant to put the King in Mind of his Promife. 

I then told Tecthufcung, that before the Peace was concluded, when I was explaining to 
him the Governor's Speech, that Part of it where the Governor fays, " as foon as we can 
" agree upon the Terms," related intirely to the Exchange of Prifoners, and Teedyufcung 
faid, that ihould be fettled^afterwards. 

'Teedyufcung it\ie^n,A^^\\tA to his Secretary, to know, if any fuch Thing had been mention- 
ed ; and being informed,by his Secretary, that it was entered in the Minutes, he (Teedyuf-. 
cung) then rofe up, and, having firft confulted with his own People, and the Five Nations, 
fpoke as follows. 

Brother, the Governor, 
Pleafe to hear me in few Words. What you told me I have told^to my Uncles the Six 
Nations prefent, and alfo to all the Ten Natiojis. We have confulted, on thefe Wo'rdS;that 
you have now fpoken : We now think ^they wer e very prope r, and are very a greeable : We 
look on it as our Duty : Why fhould we keep your Fleih and Blood, or any of your People, 
when we have agreed as one, and look on one another as one, and treat one another as Bre- 
thren ? After we have all confidered, and all prefent have heard, we beg your Pardon, that 
we forgot to give you an Anfwer^immediately. As it was written down^by our Clerk^in the 
Minutes J Yefterday, it mufi: be fo ; and as we are^now^fenfible this Matter was mentioned 
Yefterday, we accept your Words, and look on it as our Duty^ to anfwer you, and to per- 
form } whatever fhall be in our Power, we fhall endeavour to do. In Confirmation of which 
I give you my Hand. ^ 

Gave the Governor his Hand. 

After this Speech the Governor, again , delivered back the Belt^to the King, who readily 
accepted it. 

The Governor, then,told the India7:s, that a Prefent was prepared, and would be delivered 
to them , To-morrow, as a Token of Friendlhip. 

I told Teedyufcung, that^as the Bufinefs was now nearly finifhed with Onas, I had fomething 
to fay to him, in the Name of the King of Great-Britain, and that I would let him know, 
when I was to fpeak to him. 

After the Council broke up, the Governor fent for Teedyufcung, and fome of his Coun- 
fellbrs, to his Lodgings, from whence, we went to Mr. Vernorii, where an handfome En- 
tertainment was provided, at which were prefent, the Governor, his Council, the Speaker, 
and Members of Affembly, the Commiffioners and Gentlemen in Town ; the Delaware King, 
his Counfellors, Warriors, and all the Indians, Men, Women and Children, in Number 
about Three Hundred. After Dinner, Peace was proclaimed , in Form, and the Proclama- 
tion interpreted to the Tklaivares and Six Nations ; at the Clofe of which, the Governor, by 
his Secretary, exprelTed his Satisfadlion^at being one of the happy Inftruments of bringing 
about this Peace. His Honour recommended it^to all Ranks and Profcffions of Men, to 
cultivate, to the utmoft of their Power, a good Underftanding,with the Indians, and to treat 
them kindly, that they may daily fee the Advantage of prefervjng our FriendHiip. 

Having given this in Charge to the Freeholders, prefent, he defired Teedyujcung to do the 
fame^to his People, that we might.on both Sides ^rget what was part, and live,afFe(ftionately / 
together for the Time to come. A Detachment of the Pennfylvania Troops was drawn up^ 
in the Front of the Company, and fired three VoUies, 

The Governor afterwards continued his Entertainment, at which /here was a great Chear- 
fulnefs. At Nigfit was a large Bonfire, and a Variety of Indian Dances. 



[ ^o ] 

At ^Meeting w///6 r^^ Indians in Eafton, Friday, Auguft 5, 1757. 


T^K Honourable WILLI AM DENNY, EJq; Governor, &c. 

Ihe Council. Daniel Roberdeau, Efy; Member of the Affembly. 

'The Provincial CommiJJioners. 

A Number of Gentlemen from the City of Philadelphia, and others, the Inhabitants of the 


Captain Thomas M'Kee, Interpreter far the Crowfi. 

Conrad Weiser, Ef^-, Interpreter for the Province. 

Mr. John Pumpshire, Interpreter for Teedyufcung. 

TEEDYUSCUNG, King of the Delawares, and the fame Indians as before. 

THIS Morning, another Sheet of Council Conferences was produced, which, the Go- 
vernor faiiwas omitted to be delivered^Yefterday ; for which Reafon they were de- 
livered, and publickly read To-day, and ordered to be annexed to the Conferences in Council, 
delivered and read^Yefterday. 

After this was read, I'eedyufcung arofe and faid. Brother, I am obliged to you ; I hope, as 
it lies in your Power, you will afl: for our mutual Good. I take you as a Brother. When any 
Thing is omitted, I hope you will mention it to me ; and I likewife will mention any Thing^ 
that I find yov may have forgotten. I hope we both fpeak^with an honeft Heart. I truft 
much to my Interpreter. I thank you^for making that Addition, and, in Token of Friend- 
fhip, I give you my Hand. 

"The Governor then addrefjed the Indians as follows. 
The Peace, fo happily concluded, gives an univerfal Joy. I fhall proclaim it.far and wide, 
that all may hear and know it. The People of this Province are difpofed to obferve it faith- 
fully, and will do the Indians every good Office^ in their Power. 

Altho' we have now, fo folemnly^ entered into this Peace, v/ith each other, yet^you are fen- 
lible there are ftill many Enemy Indians, who are daily doing Mifchief^ on our Frontiers. 
Yefterday^I received an Account of one Woman's being killed, and four.Perfons taken Pri- 
foners, between T^olhao and Monaidy. As it will,therefore^be very difficult to diftinguifh be- 
tween our Friends and our Enemies, I fhould be glad you would favour me^widi your Ad- 
vice how to aft in fuch a Manner, as not to hurt our Friends, or fuffer our Enemies to 
efcape. ' Gave a String. 


The Governor, and People of this Province, obferve, with a brotherly Compaflion, the 
many Difficulties^ to which the Indians are expofed^ in thefe troublefome Times, and have 
therefore provideci a Quantity of Goods, to fupply them in their Diftrefs. You will, on your 
Return Home, proclaim the Peace, Union and Friend(hip, which is now eftablifhed between 
us, and let every one know, as you have Opportunity, how well difpofed you have found 
us. Accept thefe Prefents, as a Teftimony of the fincere Affedion of us jour Brethren^ 
towards you. 

To this Teedyufcung replied, 

I am obliged to you,for putting me in Remembrance of thefe Things. I will take dieni 
into Confideration, and To-morrow, when I am ready to give you an Anfwer, I will let you 
know. He further added, 
■^ Brother, 

There is fomething, which we intertded to fay before, but forgot, as we have not the Ufe 
of Writing. But better late than never ; we will,therefore^nention it now. Tlic Copy of 
the Deeds, and the Tranfadions of thtS; Treaty, we entruft to our Clerk. We believe 
to be an honeft Man. Every Thing is done^to Perfedion. We hope you will not be a- 
gainft his making out a Copy,, and giving it to Mr^J fiac Norr is, v yhom tvc alfo njipoint fo r 

other mity 

"ihould milcar'ry, the other mity go fafe 

On which,! acquainted Teedyufcung, that the Governor ajid myfelf,had no 
IVIr. Morris's having true' Copies of the Minutes of thefe Confcrences^and Deeds, to lend to 
the King, as he requefted. " Then, 


[ 2. ] 

Then, by Order of the Governor, Proclamation was made, that no One Ihould cheat, 
defraud or purchafe anyof the Goods now ready to be given to the Indians, upon the Pain *■ 
and Penalties that may fail thereon. 

Then Teedyufcung faid, he had yet one Thing more, to mention. 

I have fome Complaints to make^ about Lands in the Jerfeys , in Behalf of myfelf, John 
Pumpfiire, Mofes Tetamy, and others; which Complaints are contained^ in thefe two Papers: 
And as you reprefent Sir William Johnfon, the King's Agent here, I defire you may take 
them under your Confideration, and fee that Juftice is done us on that Account, as it is the 
King's Orders to you, to fee Jufticc done, to all the Indians in thefe Parts. 

Teedyufcung then ordered Mr. Thompfon to read the Papers, and give me true Copies of 
them, which he did immediately in publick Council. 

The Papers delivered me are, a Copy of an old Indian Deed, and a Letter of Complaint , 
about Lands in the "Jerfeys, figned by John Pumpjhire ; I then acquainted him, that I would 
take the Papers, under my Confideration, and give him an Anfwer. 

Ea/lon, Augujl 6, 1757. 

THIS Morning I cxpedled to have had a Meeting with the Indians, but as the friendly 
Aflbciation of fakers had called the Indians together, to deliver them a Prelent, the 
Indians thought proper to put oiF the Meeting for this Time. 

After this^ the three Nanticoke Meffengers came to me, and congratulated the Governor 
and myfelf, on the Conclufion of the Peace, and faid, they had put both their Hands^nto 
the Chain of Friendlhip, as they were ordered by their Chief^ before they left Home, and, 
by a String of Wampum, defired that the Governor might fend fome Perfon.with them^to 
Lancajkr, to take Care of them, and fupply them with Neceffaries^on the iload, as they 
were come to take the Bones of their Friends, which died at Lancajler, to their own Town, 
to be buried, with their Relations. Gave a String. 

This Afternoon Packfinofa, the Shawanefe Chief, with Abraham, a Mohickon Chief, and 
about Fifty or Sixty of their People, came to Town. Soon after^ Mr. Peters, and Conrad 
Weifer, went to them, and, with a String of Wampum, bid them Welcome, agreeable to 
the ancient Cuftom of our Forefathers. Teedyufcung, and the Six Nation Chief, did the fame. 

Ai « Meeting with the Indians /« Eafton, o« Sunday, Auguft 7, 1757, 

at Seven Clock in the Mor?iing. 


Joseph Galloway, 

Efquires, Provincial 

Joseph Galloway, -j 
William Masters,/ 
Joseph Fox, X 

John Hughes, J 

Some Gentlemen from the City of Philadelphia, and others, the Inhabitants of the Province, 

Captain Thomas M'Kee, Interpreter for the Crown. 

Conrad Weiser, Efq; Interpreter for the Province. 

Mr. John Pumpshire, Interpreter for Teedyufcung. 

TEEDYUSCUNG, King of the T>z\^vi2.Tts, and his Chiefs. 

Packsinosa, Chief of the Shawanefe. The Nanticoke Meffengers. 

Abraham, Ctnef of the Mo\i\cco'a.%. Anac^uateeka, C/6/?/'o/"//j^ Six Nations. 

Teedyufcung, taking out the Peace Belt. that had been delivered to him by the Governor and my- 
felf repeated over.iahat had been faid on it, informing Packfinofa a«^ Abraham, o/" the Peace ^ 
cnncluded by him between the Englifh and the Tcnfeveral Nations he reprefents, repeating over 
the Names of the Ten Nations. 

After which Ifpoke to them, in the Name of Sir William Johnfon, as follows. 
Brother Teedyufcung, and all the Chiefs and Warriors of the Ten Nations, cur Friends and 
S we are now become one Peo ple, we muft; look on the Enemies of the one^ as the 
Enemies of the other. 

F And 




L 22 ] 

And I now, in tlie Name of the King of Great-Britain, your Father, and my Mafter, de- 
fire you will turn the Edge of your Hatchet^ againft your, and our^common Enemies, in 
Conjundion with your Uncle^the Six Natio/is^and us; and that you will not fuffer any of His 
Majefty's Enemies to pafs,through your Country /o war,againft any of His Subjed^ in this or 
the neighbouring Colonies : And if a Body of the Enemy, fo large^that you are not able to 
repel, fliould attempt to pals acrofs your Country, I expeft^you will give the earlieft Notice 
you can,of it, to your Brethren, the Etiglijh, either by Way of Fort Augu/la, or any other 
Wav.vou fhall judge moft convenient. 

'' Gave a Belt. 
' Brother, 

You faid, as foon as the Peace fhould be confirmed, that you would fpeak^with a loud 
Vqice, and the_Nati ons around lho uld_hearjou. As that good Work is now happily accom- 
plifhed, I deiire youTnay" proclaim it aloudT that all the N ations may hear it. 

You muft be fenfible^that your Brethren, the EngliJI?, are the moft wealthy and powcriul 
People on this Continent, and not only fo, but the beft inclined^ to help and affift their Bre- 
thren the ZW/<7«j,with the Neceflaries of Life; all this you (liould let the Nations knowr, 
that you fpeak to ; and I allure you, in the Name of the Xing of Great-Britain, and of Sir 
Williard John/on, His Majefty's fole Agent, and Superintendent of the Affairs of the Six 
Nations, their Allies and Dependents, in the Northern Diftridt, that they are ready to receive , 
with open Arms al l the Nations you fli all fpeak to, that defire to take hold of the <■"''-;" ^f 
Friendlhip, and be united with the Six NatTorn^ yoM, and us, your Brethren^ the £«o-////&. 

Gave a Belt, 

Tlie Papers you delivered me Yefterday, containing your, John Ptimpfiire, I'undy, alias 
(Mcjcs) Tetamy, and others. Complaints of Lands,you lay,you have been defrauded o f in the 
Jerfeys ; I affure you I will do every Thing in my Power^to have a ftrift Enquiry made about 
thena, and when I can get the fair State of the Cafe, I will lay it^before Sir William Johnfony 
for him to fend to the King for His Royal Determination, unlefs the Difference can be fet- 
tled here t6 your Satisfa6tion. 

Gave a String. 
'To this Teedyufcung anfwered. 

I v/ill, in Anfwer to what you tell me, let you know^what I intend to do. I fliall. Bro- 
ther, as I promifed to fpeak with a loud Voice^ to the Nations, perform my Promife, and 
fpeak to the different Nations. I will, faithfully, let them know, what you have promifed, 
and, as we are Witncffes that you are wealthy and powerful, and well difpofed to affift fuch 
as fliall come in as Brothers, I will let them know it. And alfo, as I think it is very proper 
that I fliould do fo, and as I think it my Duty, Vv-hatever Nation I fee coming againft the 
Englijk, whenever I fee them, I will make ready, and do every Thing in my Power, to vin- 
dicate the Caufe of myfelf, and of my Brethren. If I am able, I will let them go no far- 
ther^ than where I tell them to ftop. If they will not, by reafonable Terms, turn about, and 
join with nie, I will then either make an End of them, or they of me. And if there is a 
great Number, fo that I may not be able to withftand them, I will take all prudent Steps to 
let my Brethren the Englijb know. And alfo, if I perceive that there is fo great a Num- 
ber, that it is not lafe for my Women and Children, I will acquaint my Brethren the Eng- 
lijl:, that they may affift me, in defending my Women and Children, and I will leave, my 
Country, and bring them down to you. 

Now, you may remember I was ftiled,by my Uncles, the Six Nations, a Woman ^in for- 
mer Years, and had no Hatchet, in my Hand, but aPeftle,or Hominy Pounder ; but now. 
Brethren, here are fome of my Uncles, who are prefent, to witnefs the Truth of this ; as I 
had no Tomahawk, and my Uncles were always ftiled Men, and had Tcmahawks^in their 
Hands, they gave me a Tomahawk. And as my Uncles have given me the Tomahawk, and 
appointed and authorized me to make Peace, with a Tomahawk in my Hand, I take that 
Tomahawk, and turn tlic Edge of it againft your Enemies, the French. In Confirmation of 
what I now lay, I give you this String. 

Gave a String. 

I liavcjuft a Word or two more. I remember what you have fpoken, in order that we 
may prevent any Milchief, by having a Signal : I fliould be glad that the French may not 
deceive us, that not one^but feveral^Signs and Methods may be fixed on, by you. And 
wlv.Ucver you ihall think proper, I will agree to. Gave a Belt. 

I then returned Teedyufcung Thanks for his kind Speech, and let him know that I would 
confiiit with the Governor about fettling the Signals, and would give him an Anfwer. 



[ ^i ] 

Teedyufcutig then taking up four Belts, and a String, Ipoke to his Uncles, the Six Nations, jyrl. 
telling them, that as they had empowered him, he had, in the Prefence of thefe Witneffes v— -v4--' 
they had fent, made a firm Peace, with their Brethren^the £«g-///2i; he, therefore, by thefe 
Belts defired, that they would perform their Part ) and/as they faid they would take hold of 
the Englip^hy one Hand, and he,by the other, he had now done it. And as the Chain of 
Friendfhip was now brightened, he defired they would be ftrong, and if they fee any Ene- 
mies coming againll us, they would look on it, that whoever ftrikes any one of us ftrikes all. 
Thefe Belts he gave to Anaquateeka, and defired he would carry them to the Six 'Naticns. 

'Teedyufcung then acquainted me, that he had done; whereupon Packfmofa fpoke to me as 
follows. '' 

I heartily thank you for being fo kind^as to wipe the Sweat from our Faces, picking out the 
Briars, and taking away all bad Thoughts,from our Minds, and cleaning the Paffage/rom 
the Heart to the Throat, that we may fee our Brethren, and be well from all our Wounds. 
By thefe Strings we return you Thanks. ' Ga'-ce a String. 

The fame he faid^by another String to the Six Nations and Delawares. 

Then the young Warrior, Anaquateeka, arofe, and, diredling his Speech to the Euglifo, 
and his Coulins, laid. 

MyCoufins have entrulled me,with all that was here tranfaded, refpedting the great Work 
of Peace (here conlirmed, to lay it before the Six Nations. I alfure you I will execute the 
Truft repofed in me^with Faithful nefs, and lay it before the Six Nations, particularly,before 
the Seiiecas, to whom I belong. I do not pretend to be a Counfellor : I am a young War- 
rior; yet^the Atfairs of War and Peace belong to us^Warriors : And as I am'entrufted, I 
affure you I will rake Care that all the Six Nations may know what is here done. 

Then his Honour the Governor, Mr. Logan, and Mr. Peters, came into Council. I ac- 
quainteci the Governor, that I thought it was proper what had been tranfadted^this Morning 
fhould be read, and it was accordingly done ; after which the Governor addrelfed Packfmc- 
fa as follows. ' 

Brother Packlinofa, ' 

You have been frequently invited^by thisGovernment^to come and give us the Pleafure of a 
Vifit. I am glad to fee you, I take you by the Hand, and bid you heartily welcome, and thank you 
for bringing along \v4th you Abraham, the Mohiccon Chief; he is likevvife extremely welcome. 

Ga-ce a String. 
We have often enquired after you, and always heard you continued to be our heart}- 
Friend, and a Lover of Peace. Sir William Jchnjon was kind enough to fend me an Account 
of the Conferences he lately held with you at Fort John/on, and they gave me great Satisfadtion. 
With Pleafure I acquaint you, that Peace is now concluded, and it will add much to the 
Joyjall feel^on this fucccfsful Ilfue of our Conferences; and I am glad to fee you and Abra- 
ham here to take hold of the Peace Belt. Gave a Belt. 
We were in Hopes to have I'eeii you with Teedyufcung ^vjhen he came here. We heard 
you was not come, but would follow : I have ftaid fome Time^ in Expedlation of your Ar- 
rival. I ihould have been glad to have fpent more Time^with you, but the Bufinefs of the 
Government obliges me to return to Philadelphia this Afternocn, fo that you will pleafe to 
ufe Difpatchin letting me know any Thing you may have to fay to us. 

Having finilhed this Speech, the Governor told Packfmofa, that fome Prefents were re- 
ferved for him and his Friends, which ihould be delivered prefently. 
' / 

Teedyufcung then addrcjjing himfelf to the Governor, fpoke as follows. 
Brother, ' ' 

I have a Word or two more to fay. You know when you employ your Soldiers, they are paid^ 
for their Services. As I am joined with you, you being ricli, and I poor, as I am going againll 
your Enemies, and carrying my Flclh againft them, I think it would be proper, for the En- 
couragement of my young Men, to appoint fome Reward for Scalps, and Prifoners, and 
that fome Place may be fixed, where the Scalps and Prifoners may be brought in, and the 
Reward received, th.'.t my Men may return quickly from thence. 



L 2^ J 

1757. Then the Governor faid, he would take into Confideration what he, Teedyufcung^ had laid, 
-— V" — ■> and in Half an Hour would return an Anfwer. 

Teedyufcung further added ; You may remember, when I mentioned Ifaac Norris., the 
Speaker, I mentioned him alone-, but I did not intend to mention him alone, but that he, 
with the Affembly, (hould look into it, and fend Copies Home. — I then told Teedyuf- 
cung., that I had no Objedion to Mr. Norris, with the Affembly, fending authentick Copies 
of the Minutes of this Treaty, and Deeds, Home. 

Sunday y Augufi 7, 1757. 


'the Honourable the Governor. 

William Logan, I . . ^^^^^^^ oftheCouncil. 
Richard Peters, J ■'^ ' ■' 

Conrad Weiser, Efgi Mr. John Pumpshire, Interpreter. 

Teedyuscung. Seneca Chief 

Packfimfa, Shawanefe Chief. Daniel. 

Abraham, Mohickon Chief A Nanticocke, and 4 other Delaware Indians. 

Teedyufcung addrejfed the Governor as follows. 

WE have now finifhed. The Treaty is over. Peace is confirmed. I told you I 
thought of going to Philadelphia, but upon confidering the Matter with more At- 
tention, I think it will be more for the publick Service if I proceed immediately to Diahogo: 
Many Nations will be uneafy to know what has been done at this Council-Fire, and will 
take their Meafures accordingly ; I Ihall therefore make the beft of my Way to DiahogOy 
and proclaim there, and to Nations ftill more diftant, the Confirmation of the Peace with our 
Brethren the Englijh. This will take up three or four Months ; after which I may perhaps 
come and fee you at Philadelphia. I wifh the Governor a good Journey, and that we may 
both live to enjoy the Fruits of this happy Peace, which gives my People great Joy. 

To which the Governor returned the following Anfwer. 

Brother Teedyufcung, 

l^giv*} rne great Pleafure that we have brought the important Bufinels we met about to fo 
happy an IlTue. You have very agreeably prevented my mentioning to you the Neceffity of 
your returning Home, in order to publilh to the Indians what has been tranfaded here. I 
thank you for the Change of your Purpofe : It is a further Sign of your Zeal for Peace, and 
I make no Doubt but you will ufe your utmoft Difpatch. 

In Anfwer to what you requefted this Morning, I aiTure you that your Warriors will al- 
ways find this Government ready to reward them for any Services they Ihsdl do againft the 
Enemy. I cannot at prefent give you a more particular Anfwer, but (hall lay your Propofals 
before the Aflembly, who meet To-morrow, and confult with them thereupon. 

Teedyufcung replied. 

Brother, the Governor, 

You have not fo much as given us a rufty Iron to defend ourfelves. If we meet an Ene- 
my on the Road, what are we to do ? We cannot defend ourfelves againft him. We have 
nothing to do it with. Our young Warriors think as much of themfelves, and their Lives 
arc as dear to them as white People's. But you have not given them any Encoufagement to 
go againft the Enemy. Can this be right ? You know you have not. Confider this well 

Further, Brother, I think it proper to tell you, if Englijh and Indians Ihall go to War to- 
gether, my young Men will not be fubjeil to an Englijh Captain ^ and if any of your People 
will go to War with me, I expeft they will be fubjedto my Direftions : We underftand our 
own Way of Fighting better than you. 

The Governor then faid he had given Direftions to Colonel Weifer to agree with him on 
proper Signals for the Indians, when they were coming towards the inhabited Parts of this 
Province, as this was a Matter that ought not to be fpoke of in Publick. 

They then took a kind Leave of each other, and the Governor fet out for Philadelphia. 

Ompared vith the Original, by 

Jacob Duche, AJ^antOerkto Mr. CHoghan. 



O F 





In OCTOBER, 1758, 

With the Chief Sachems and Warriors of the Mohawks, 

Oneidoesy Onondagoes, Cayugas^ Senecas, TufcaroraSy Tuteloesy Skaniada- 
radigroTWSy coniifting of the Nanticokes and Conoys^ who now make one 
Nation ; Chugnuts^ Delawares, Unamiesy MahickanderSy or Mohkkom \ 
Minifi?iksy and JVapingerSy or Pumpio?is. 


Printed and Sold by B. F R A N K L I N, and D. H A L" L, at the 
NeiD-Printing-Offiuy near the Market. MDCCLVIII. 


[ 3 ] 

Minutes of Conferences^ Sec, 

j^i a Meeting leU at Eafton, on the Seventh of Odober, 1758. 


^e Honourable WILLIAM DENNY, Efp Lieutenant-Governor of the Province 
of Pennfylvania, 
Lawrence Growdon, Benjamin Chew, ~i 

Richard Peters, John Mifflin. KEfquires. 

Lyn-Ford Lardner, j 

H E Governor and Council coming to Town this Afternoon, Teedyufcung, accom- ,-0 
panied with Mofes Tittamy, Daniel, I'eepyufcung, and Ifaac Stille, waited on his ^^y~^ 
Honour, and made the ufual Salutations. 

I am very glad to fee you here again ; you may remember that we have already made 
Peace, and you defired me to halloo loud, and give Notice of it to all the Indians round a- 

I have fpoke loud, and raifed my Voice, and all the Indians have heard me as far as the 
Jwigbtwees, and have regarded it, and are now come to this Place. 

I bid you welcome, and join with me in calling up our Eyes to Heaven, and praying the 
Bleffing of the Supream Being on our Endeavours. 

According to our ufual Cuftom, I, with this String, wipe the Dufl: and Sweat off your 
Face, and clear your £yes, and pick the Briars out of your Legs, and defire you will pull 
the Briars out of the Legs of the Indians that are come here, and anoint one of them with 
your healing Oil, and I will anoint the other. 

A String. 

The Governor returned him Thanks for the Vifit and his good Advice, which he pro- 
mifed to comply with, and appointed a Meeting in the Morning for that Purpofe. 

j^i a Conference held in the Town of Eafton, on the 8th of Odlober, 1758. 

The Honourable WILLIAM DENNY, Efq; Lieutenant-Governor^ 

Lawrence Growdon, Lyn-Ford Lardner,") r^r ■ -xr t r ? 

William Logan, Benjamin Chew, I ^■'^^"'Z\—t'Zfl' 

Richard Peters, John Mifflin, » Governor s Council. 

Isaac NoRRis, John Hughes, 1 r^r ■ ^ 

Joseph Fox, Daniel Roberdeau, m^^^r" C t ^^ ^ 

Joseph Galloway, Amos Strickland. \ Houfe of Reprefentattves 

Charles Read, j -n-r.-^^ 5 CommiJJioners for Indian Jffairs in the Province of 
Jacob Spicer, J ^M^'res, j New-Jerfey. 

A Num- 


[ 4 ] 

A Number of Magifirates and Freeholder's, of this and the neighbouring Prcvt?-,ce, end of the 
Citizens of the City of Philadelphia, chief y of the People called Quakers. 

George Croghan, Efq-, Deputy Agent for Indian Affairs, uuder Sir V/ I L L I A M 

INDIANS of fever al Nations, viz. 

Mohawks. Nichas, or Karaghtadie, "joith one Woman and two Boys, _ _ ^ 
Oneidges. Thomas King, Anagaraghiryj Aflanyquou, with 3 Warrior Captains, 

6 Warriors, and 7,1 Women and Children, -_---_ ^^ 

O.N'ONDAGOES. AiTaradonguas, with g Men, and g Women and Children, - 19 

Cayugas. Tokaaion, with 2> Men, arid 11 Women and Children, - - - 20 
Senegas. Takeaghfado, Tagalhata, or Segachfadon, chief Man, with j other Chiefs, 

U other Men, 20 Women, and feveral Children, in all, " - - S3 

TuscARORAS. Unata, alias Jonathan, with 5 Men, 12 Women, and 2 Children, 20 
Nanticokes ^w^CoNOYS, now One Nation. Robert White, rt//^5 Wolahocumy, Pa- 

fliaamokas, alias Charles, with 16 Men, 20 Women, and i3 Children, - 56 

Kandt, ^//^i Laft Night, with g Men, 10 Women, and 1 Child, - - - 21 

TuTELOES. Cakanonekoanos, a:ias Big Arm, Aflwagarat, with 6 Men, and 2 Women, ir 

Chugnuts. 10 Men, and 20 Women and Children, - - - 30 
Chehomockes, rt//'rt^ Delawares aWUnamies. Teedyufeung, with fundry Men, 

Women and Children, - - - - - - -60 

MuNSiES, or MiNisiNKS. Egohohowen, with fundry Men, Women and Children, 35 

MoHiCKONS. Abraham, or M\mmatuckan, with feveral Men, Women and Children, 56 
Wapings, or PuMPTONS. Nimham, Aquaywochtu, with fundry Men, Women and 

Children, in all, ~ ------ 47- 

In all, 507 
Conrad Weiser, Efq-, Provincial Interpreter. 

Captain Henry Montour, Interpreter in the Six Nation and Delaware Languages. 
Stephen Calvin, "J 

Isaac Stille, i Delaware Indians, Interpreters in the Yidz.vf2.XQ Language. 

Moses TiTTAMY, J 

The Governor opened the Conferences wHh th' following Ceremonies, addreffng himfelf to all the 
Indians prefent, of every Nation. 
[758. T T gives me great Pleafufe to fee fo many of you, and of fo many different Nations, at 
"v—^ J^ this Council Fire. I bid you heartily Welcome. 

With this String I wipe the Sweat and Duft out of your Eyes, that you may fee your Bre- 
threns Faces, and lookchearful. With this String I take all Bitternefs out of your Breaft, as 
well as every Thing difagreeable that may have gathered there, in order that you may fpeak 
perfeftly free and open to us. With this String I gather the Blood, and take it away from 
the Council Seats, that your Clothes miy not be ftained, nor your Minds any Ways difiurbed. 

Ihree Strings. 

Mr. Weifer interpreted the Subftance of this Speech, and faying his Memory did not fervc 
him to remember the feveral Ceremonies in Ufe on this OcCafion, he defired Nichas, a Mo- 
hawk Chief, to do it for him, which he did, and it was afterwards interpreted by Captain 
Henry Montour, in the Delaware Language, to Teedyufcung, and the Delaivares. 

After a fhort Paufe, I'agafiata, the Seneca Chief, rofe up, and repeating, as ufu'al, each 
Paragraph diftindy as fpoke by the Governor, he returned Thanks, and went through the 
fame Ceremonies to the Governor, Council, and People of the Province, adding en the laft 
String, that their Great Grandfathers had told them, that they had made a Road for them to 
travel to their Brethren the Englifi, and that whenever it ftould be flopped, they would be- 
come a poor People. They were very glad to find the Road open to their Brethren, and 
(hould take Care to preferve it fo on their Side. 

Three Strings. 

After Mr. Weifer had delivered this in Englijh, and It was interpreted in the Delaware 
Language by Mofes Tittamy, Takeaghfado, or Tagafiata, proceeded j 


C 5 ] 

Brother Onas, 
By this Belt you fent an Invitation to us to come to Pcnnjylvania, which reached our Towns 171 
about the Time that the Leaves put out laft Spring, but we were then fo much alarmed by «---/ 
the French; who were near us, that we could not then leave our Country. Some little Time 
ago we received another Belt from Sir William John/on, which he informed us was fent to 
him by you, to be forwarded to us, to enquire into the Reafons why we did not come to 
you, according to your firft Invitation, and Sir William Johnfon defired us to come here to 
meet you in Council ; upon which we immediately arofe, and came as foon as we could to 
your Council Fire, and now we are here, is you fee. 

Tim Belts. 
Here is another Belt, by which we were invited lately to come to a Council Fire, that 
was kindled in an Ifland near the Sea : This furprized us, as we never heard of a Council 
Fire in an Ifland. * We know of no Council Fires, but the old Council Fire at Philadel- 
phia, and the great Council Fire in Albany. 

Here he laid the Belt on the Table. 

Then taking four other Strings of Wampum, he faid, Thefe were fent to us by Nichas, 
the Mohawk Chief, with a Meffage, that he was arrived in this Province, and defired we 
would comply with the Invitation, and come down. 

Here he laid the four Strings on the Table. 

Nichas having acknowledged the Meflage, and taken up the Strings, Tagajhata concluded, 
faying, Thefe are your Belts, by which we were invited to this Council Fire ; and as we 
are now come, wc return them, and defire to fee the Belts that were fent by us, particu- 
larly one, on which were feveral Images of Men holding each other by the Hand. 

The Governor replied, that he would enquire for the Belts fent by them, and they fhould 
be returned. 

The Subftance of thefe laft Speeches of Tagajhata was interpreted to Teedyufcmg, and 
the Delawares. , .. . „ , 

* Meaning BuriingloH. 

Otlober 9, 1758. 

THIS Morning his Excellency Governor Bernard arrived at Eajton, and defired a 
Meeting of the Indians, in order to make them the ufual Compliments ; but was 
acquainted by Mr. Weifer, that they were then In Council, deliberating on Matters neceflary 
to be adjufted before the Meeting. 

OSfober 10, 1758. 

THE Indian Chiefs continued in Council the greateft Part of this Day, and defired 
the Governors would not be impatient. 

O£lober 11, 1758. 

THIS Morning the Indian Chiefs communicated to the Governors, by Mr. Weifer, 
the Bufinefs they had been confulting upon, and faid they had concluded to fpeak to 
us this Forenoon. The Governors waited till Onfe o' Clock, expedting the Indians to meet 
them, being told that they were gathering together for that Purpofe ; but they not coming, 
after feveral Meffages fent to haften them, it was agreed to meet punftually at Four o'Clock. 

At a Conference held at Eafton with the Indians, Otlober 11, 1 758. P. M. 


Governor DENNY, with his Council, and the feveral Pennfylvania Gentlemen, as before. 

Governor BERNARD. 

Andrew Johnson, Jacob Spicer, } Efquires, Indian Com- 

Charles Read, William Foster, K^J^ .' ' /-, t^^/-„, 

John Stevens, j m,fmersfor ].vky. 

TAGASHATA, the Seneca Chief, intending to fpeak firft, on Behalf of the /«- 
diarn, had laid fome Belts and Strings in Order on the Table. 
As foon as the Company fat down, Teedyufeung, holding out a String, faid he had 
fomething to deliver, and defired he might be heard firft ot all, Mr. Croghan rcqucftcd 

B to 


C 6 ] 

[758. to know, if what he was going to fay was the Refult of the DeJaivare Council, and if it 
-> ' was their Defire it fhould be fpoke firft ; but no Anfwer was given him as to this. 

Governor Bernard fignifying his Defire to bid the Indians welcome, and juft mention 
to them the Bufinefs he came upon, it was agreed he fhould ipeak firft, which he did as 


I am glad to fee fo many of you met together, to cultivate Peace with your Brethren and 
old Friends the Englifl:. I heartily bid you welcome ; and v/ifh that the good Work for 
which vou are now alfembled, may profper in your Hands, and have that Succefs, which 
your wife Men, and all that wifh you well, muft defire, as a Thing much to your Advantage. 

The Situation of the Province over which I prefide, and the Difpofition of its People, 
have hitherto afforded very little Occafion for Treaties with the neighbouring Indians ; but 
having, fome Months ago, fent a Meffage to the Minifmks, I received a MefTage from our 
Brethren the Senecas, and Cayugas, wherein they take upon them to anfwer my Meffage to 
the Minifmks, and defire that I would meet them at the Council Fire burning at this Place. 

It is not ufual for the King's Governors to go out of their Provinces to attend Treaties ; 
but I am glad to have an Opportunity of Hiewing my good Difpofition to eftablifh Peace and 
Friendfhip with my Neighbours; and therefore I have waved all Forms, and am come 
here, according to the Invitation I received at Burlington. 

To you therefore, our Brediren the Senecas and Cayugas, and your Nephews the Minifinh, 
I now fpeak, and defire that you v/ould take into your moft ferious Confideration, my Mef- 
fage to the Minifmks, your Meffage to me, and my Anfwer thereto, and let me know what 
we are to exped: from you. 

What is part, we are willing to forget ; but I muft remind you, that if you are difpofed 
to be our Friends for the future, you Ihould give us that Proof of your Sincerity which I 
have dcfired in my Anfwer to your Meffage, and return us the Captives that have been tak- 
en out of our Province, and are now within your Power ; this fhould be one of the firft 
Steps, and will be the beft that can be taken, towards reftoring and confirming that Brotherly 
Love and Friendfhip between us, which I arii convinced will be for the mutual Benefit of 
all Parties. 

This was interpreted in the Bix Nation Language by Mr. Weij'er, and in the Delaware by 
Mr. Stephen Calvin, the Indian Schoolmafter in JVeJi-Jerfey. 

Then Teedyufcung fpoke. 
I defire all of you who are prefent, will give Ear to me. As you, my Brethren, de- 
fired me to call all the Nations who live back, I have done fo ; I have given the Halloo, 
and fuch as have heard me are prefent. Now, if you have any Thing to fay to them, or 
they to you, you muft fit and talk together. 

I fit by, only to hear and fee what you fay to one another ; for I have faid what I have 
to fay to the Governor of Penrijyliania, who fits here ; he knows what has paffed between 
us. I have made known to him the Reafon why I ftruck him. Now I and the Governor 
have made up thefe Differences between him and me, and I think we have done it, as far 
as we can, for our future Peace. 

A String. 
The above Speech was interpreted in the Six Nation Language. 

Tagafliata then rofe up and fpoke. 

Brethren the Governors, and your Councils^ 
It has pleafed the moft High that we meet together here with chearful Countenances, 
and a good deal of Satisfadlion ; and as publick Bufinefs requires great Confideration, and 
the Day is almoft fpcnt, I chufe to fpeak early To-morrow Morning. 

The Governors anfwered, that they fliould be glad to give all the Difpatch poflible to 
this good Work they were engaged in ; and defired the Chiefs would fix the Time of 
Meeting ; but they declined it, laying, they were unacquainted with Hours, but would 
give Notice when they were ready. 



[ 7 ] 

At a Conference held at Eafton, 07^ the 12th of Odober, 1758. 



7>jf Gentlemen of their Councils, And others, as before. 

TAG AS H AT" J, the Seneca Chief, taking the Strings and Belt of Wampum c 

which Governor Bernard gave Yeflerday, repeated, according to the Indian Cuflom, \JZ^ 
the Particulars of his Speech, and then added. 

We approve of every Article mentioned to us Yeftcrday by the Governor of Jerfey, all 
that he faid is very good; we look upon his Meffage to us as a Commiflion and Requeft fiom 
him, that we fhould bring Matters to a good Conclufion with our Coufins the Mini/inks. 
They themfelves fent for us to do the fame Thing, on their Behalf, and, at their Requeft, we 
came here, have taken it in Hand, and will ufe our utmoft Endeavours to bring about the 
good Work vvhich Governor Bernard delires, and do not doubt but it will be done to his en- 
tire Satisfaftion. 

I now fpeak at the Requeft of Teedyufcung, and ,our Nephews the Delawares, living at 
Wyomink, and on the Waters ot the River Sajquehannah. 

We new remove the Hatchet out of your Heads that was ftruck into them by our Coufins 
the Beiawares ; it was a French Hatchet that they unfortunately made ufe of, by the Inftjga- 
tion of the French , we take it out of your Heads, and bury it under Ground, where it ftiall 
always reft, and never be taken up again. Our Coufins the Delawares have afliired us they 
will never think of War againft their Brethren, the Englijb, any more, but employ their 
Thought^ about Peace, and cultivating Friendfliip with them, and never fuffer Enmity againft 
them to enter into their Minds again. 

The Beldivares defired us to fay this for them by this Belt. A Belt. 

Our Nephews, the Minijink Indians, and three other different Tribes of that Nation, have, 
at laft, liftened to us, and taken our Advice, and laid down the Hatchet they had taken up 
againft their Brethren the Englijl}. They told us they had received it from the French, but 
had already laid it down, and would return it to them again. 

They aflured us, they would never ufe it any more againft you, but would follow our 
Advice, and untreated us to ufe our utmoft Endeavours to reconcile them to you their Bre- 
thren, declaring they were forry for what they had done, and defired it might be forgotten, 
and they would tor ever cultivate a good Friendftiip with you. Thefe Declarations were made 
by the principal Warriors of Four Tribes of the Minijink Indians at giving us this Belt. 

A Belt. 

Then, taking eight Strings of Black Wampum, he proceeded. 

We let you know that we have not only brought about this Union with our Nephews on 
the Waters of the River Safqueha?jnah, but alfo have fent MefTages to our Nephews the Dela- 
wares and Minifmh, and to thoib likewife of our own Nations, who are on the Ohio, under 
the Influence of the French. We have told all thefe that they muft lay down the French 
Hatchet, and be reconciled to their Brethren the Englijh, and never more employ it againft 
them, and we hope they will take our Advice. We the Mohawks, Setiecas, and Onondagas, 
deliver this Stung of Wampum to remove the Hatchet out of your Heads, that has been 
ftruck into them by the Ohio Indians, in order to lay a Foundadon for Peace. 

Eight Strings of Black Wampum. 

Tagajhata fat dcvn, and then the Cayuga Chief, I'okaaio, arofe and faid. 

I fpeak in Behalf of the younger Nations, Part of, and confederated with, the 5/a.' Na~ 
tions, I'iz. The Cayugas, Oneidoes, Tufcaroras, Tuteloes, Nanti cokes, and Conoys. 

A Road 


[ 8 ] 

A Road has been made from our Country to this Council Fire, that we might treat about 
Friendfhip ; and as we came down the Road, we faw that (by fome Misfortune or other) 
Blood has lately been fpilt on it. By thefe Strings we make the Road wider and clearer; — 
we take the Blood away out of it, and likewife out of the Council Chamber, which may 
have been ftained ; we wafh it all away, and defire it may not be feen any more, and we 
take the Hatchet out of your Heads. 

Gave three Strings. 
Brethren, the Governors, and all the Englilh, 
I now confine myfelf to the Cayugas, my own Nation. 

I will hide nothing from you, becaufe we have promifed to fpeak to each other from the 
Bottom of our Hearts. 

The French, like a Thief in the Night, have ftolen away fome of our young Men, and 
mifled them, and they have been concerned in doing Mifchief againft our Brethren the 

We did not know it when it happened, but we difcovered it fmce. The Chiefs of our 
Nation held their young Men faft, and would not fuffer them to go out of their Sight, but 
the French came and Hole them away from us, and corrupted them to do Mifchief. We are 
forry for it ; we alk Pardon for them, and hope you will forgive them ; we promife they 
fhall do fo no more, and now, by this Belt, we take out of your Heads the Hatchet with 
which they ftruck you. 

A Belt of ten Rows. 

He added, he had found out that fome of their young People had been concerned in 
ftriking us four Times. 

^t a Conference with the Indians, held at Eafton, October 13, 1758. 


Gmernor DENNY, G(^ermr BERNARD, 

The fame Gentlemen, Indians, Interpreters, &c. as before. 

S foon as the Indians had taken their Seats, Governor Denny made the following 

Brethren, Chiefs and Warriors of the United Nations, and others your Brethren and Nephews, 
now met here. 
Agreeable to your Requeft, at our firft Meeting, I now return you the Belt, which the 
young Seneca Indian brought me, with your Anfwer to the Invitation I gave you to come 
down to this Council Fire. 

Here his Honour returned the Belt. 
I invited you to come down to the Council Fire kindled at this Place by me and your 
Nephew Teedyufcu7ig, with a Defign to lay before you Matters of the greateft Confequence to 
you and us ; I am now about to comm.unicate them to you, and to anfwer all that has been 
faid by you to me, fince our meeting together; I therefore, by this String, open your Ears, 
that you may hear clearly, and carefully attend to what I lliall fay to you. 

A String. 
I muft firft put you in Mind, tliat perfed Peace and Friendfliip fubfifted between you and 
your Brethren, the Englijh, in this Province, from our firft Settlement among you, and that 
whatever little Difputes happened between your People and ours, they were amicably fettled 
and adjufted by our wife Men at our Council Fires, according to an Agreement made by our 
firft Proprietary William Penn, and your Fathers. Had this wife Aoreement been care- 
fully oblerved, as it always ought to have been, our late unhappy Differences had never arofe. 
But what is pafled cannot be recalled, and Ihall be forgotten. Let us both refolve never to 
be guilty of the like Error for the future. 

A String. 
You gave us Yefterday thefe two Belts, in Behalf of your Nephews the Delatvarcs and 
Minifmks, and joined with them in taking out of our Heads the Hatchets with which we 
had been ftruck, acquainting us, '' that thefe Hatcliets were given to your Nephews by the 

•• French, 



C 9 ] 

« French, and that they would not ufe them any more againft us; but were heartily difpofed 
" to cultivate a firm Friendfhip with us for the future." 

We accept your Belts ; we thank you for the Pains you kave taken in enquirino- of your 
Nephews into the true Caufe why they ftruck us. 

Now that the Hatchets are taken out of our Heads, and we are reconciled, we dcfire that 
your Nephews the Delawares and Mini/inks will conceal nothing from you and us, that ever 
did, or now does, lie heavy on their Minds, that the End of this Meeting may be anfwered, 
which was, with your Affiftance, to put Matters that have at any Time difturbed their Minds 
on fuch a juft and reafonable Footing, that the Peace between us may never be interrupted, 
but continue firm to the remoteft Ages. 

Two Belts. 

By thefe eight Strings of black Wampum, you the Mohawks, Senecas, and Omndagoes, told 
us, that you had not only brought about an Union with the Delawares and Mimf.nks, on the 
Waters of the River Sajquehannah, but had alfo fent Mefiages to the Indians now en the 
Ohio, as well thofe of thefc two Nations, as thofe of the Six Natio?is, under the French 
Influence, defiring diem to lay down the Hatchet, and enter again into Friendfhip with their 
Brethren the Englijli ; and, on their Behalf, you have taken the Hatchets out of our Heads, 
fo far as to lay a Foundation for a future Peace. 

Brethren, the Mohawks, Senecas, and Onondagoes, 
This was a very friendly Part, and we flatter ourfelves they will hearken to you, as there 
are now Deputies here from thofe Indians on the Ohio, with Mefl"ages to us, which will be 
delivered in Publick. 

We accept your Strings, and approve your taking the Hatchet, on the Behalf of the Ohio 
Indians, out of our Heads, fo far as to make it the Foundation of a future Peace. 

Nine Strings 

Brethren, the Cayugas, Oneidoeg, Tufcaroras, Tuteloes, Nanticokes, or Conoys,. the younger 
Nations, hmho are Parts of, and united with, the Six Nations, 
By thefe Strings you fay, " That, as you came down the Road which has been opened 
" from your Country to this Council Fire, you faw Blood lately Ipilt upon it, and have 
" waftied it away, not only out of the Road, but out of the Council Chamber, left that 
" fliould have been ftained." 

We join, by thefe Strings, with you, in removing the Blood. We bury it deep in the 
Earth. nree Strings. 

Brothers the Cayugas, 
With this Belt " you juftly lament the Folly of your young Men, who have fufFered 
" t-heinfelves to be ftolen away from you by the French, and then, at their Inftigation, to 
" ft.ike us. You take the Hatchet out of our Heads, you afk Pardon for them, and defire 
" we will forgive the Mifchief they have done us, and both you and they promife never to 
" hurt us more." 

We accept the Belt in their Behalf, and give you this Belt in Token of our Friendfhip and 

A Belt. 
You may remember, that the Day before Yefterday, your Nephew Teedyufcung told me 
by this String, " that he had already faid to me, at our former Meetings, every Thing he had 
" to fay, and had made me acquainted with the Caufe why he had ftruck us, and that I 
" knew what had pafled between us. — That we had made up all Differences, and had done 
" it, as far as we could, for our future Peace." 

" That at my Requeft he had given the Halloo, and brought down to this Place you 
" who heard him, and are now prefent ; and that he would fit by, and hear what we faid to- 
" gether." 

As there are a great many of you here, who were not prefent at our former Meetings, 1 
think it proper, for your Information, to give you a fhort Account of what has pafled be- 
tween your Nephews the Delawares and us. 

C About 


L lo ] 

;7<;8. About three Years ago your Brethren the EngliJ}j, living on the Borders of this Province, 

-v^— J w^ere ftruck on a fudden, at a Time when they were in profound Peace with you, and fol- 
lowing their Bufinefs, fufpedting no Danger. Many were killed, and others carried away 

We were furprized, and did not know who ftruck us, but fent MelTengers up the Saf- 
quehannah, as far as the Six Nation Country, to enquire whence the Blow came, and for 
what Reafon. 

On the Return of thefe MelTengers, we were informed that the Hatchet had been ftruck 
into our Heads by our Countrymen the Delaware^ and Shaivanefe. 

Some Time after this Difcovery was made, a Ceffation of Hoftilities was brought about 
by the Six Nations, at our Requeft, made to them for that Purpofe by Sir William Johiijln ; 
and, upon our Invitation, our Brother Teedyufcung came down, with a Number of Deia- 
ivares and other Indians^ to a Council Fire, kindled at this Place, where we have fince had 
feveral Meetings. 

At one of thefe Meetings Teedyufcung told us, that the Caufe of the War was, their 
foolifti young Men had been perfuaded by the falfe-hearted French King to ftrike their Bre- 
thren the Englifi; and one Reafon why the Blow came harder was, that the Proprietaries of 
this Province had taken from them by Fraud the Ground we now ftand on, and all the 
Lands lying between tohiccen-Creek and Wyomink, on the River 

At laft all Blood was wiped away, and buried under Ground, and Peace Belts were ex- 
changed between us and our Brother 'teedyufcung, who then told us he adled in Behalf of 
Ten Nations, and promifed to bring in and reftore to us all our Fellow-Subjedts that had 
been carried oif Prifoners by them. 

For the Truth of this ftiort Relation I refer you to our Brother teedyufcung, who will 
confirm it to you more particularly. 

A Belt. 
To continue our Friendftiip, it is abfolutely neceflary to preferve Faith, and keep the Pro- 
mifes we make with each other. 

I will fpeak plainly to you, and from the Bottom of my Heart, as one Friend ought to 
another, that nothing may lie heavy on my Mind to difturb me hereafter j and I expeft 
the fame Opennefs and Freedom on your Parts. 

I defire therefore to know the true Reafon, why our Flefti and Blood, who are in Capti- 
vity, and in your Power, have not been delivered to us, according to the Promife made u3 
by our Brother teedyufcung, in Behalf of all the Indians he reprelentcd ; and what is be- 
come of thofc Belts we gave him to confirm the Peace, and that Promife ; for till that Pro- 
mife is complied with, wc can never fleep in Quiet, or reft fatisfied in the Friendftiip of thofe 
who detain our Children and Relations from us, 

A Belt. 

After the Governor had done fpeaking, the United Nations gave the ufual Shouts of Ap- 
probation, with great Solemnity, each according to Rank. 

Then Governor Bernard delivered the Belts requefted by the Senecas, Cayugas, and Mini^ 
Jinks, and fpoke as follows. 

The Governor of Pennfyhania has given a particular Anfwer to what has been faid to us 
both. So far as his Anfwer relates to the Province over which I prefide, I confirm what has 
been faid by this Belt. A Belt. 

Previous to what follows, it is neceflary to obferve, that Pifquitomen, and another Ohio /«-> 
dian, having come to Philadelphia laft Summer, acquainted the Governor, that the Indians in 
thofe Parts had not received any Account of the late Tranfadtions with this Government, nor 
any Meflage from it ; and that they might be perfuaded to lay down the Hatchet, the Go- 
vernor therefore took that Opportunity to fend a friendly MelTage to thofc Indians by Pif 
quitomen, and appointed Mr. Frederick Pofl, a German, who underftood the Delaivare Lan- 
guage, to attend him, and acquaint the Indians at Ohio of the Peace made by the Safque- 



r " ] 

bannah Delaivares, and orhtr Indians, and the Difpofition of tliis Government to forgive 1758. 

what was part, if they would return to their antient Alliance. This Meffage was accordingly * v~— 

delivered, and an Anfwer returned by Frederick Poft, Pifquitomen, and Thomas Hick?nan, an 
Ohio India?!, who having come down together as far as Harris's Ferry; Frederick Pojl went 
to wait on General Forbes, and left the two Indians to proceed with the Meffage, who being 
now arrived at Eajhn, Pifquitomen, who had the particular Charge of it, introduced it as 

When I was at Allegheny, the chief Men fat together as we do here now. I was em- 
ployed by the Governor, Teedyufcung, 2s\A Ifracl Pemberton, thefe three Men, pointing to 
them ; and the chief Men told me, that when I ihould come among the Englijh Inhabitants, 
I muft fliake Hands for them with the Governor, Teed ufcmg, and IJrael Pemberton (here 
he (hook. Hands with them) and that what they had to fay, was written down in a Paper, 
which he then produced, andfaid they defired it might be read in Publick. Nov/ you. Gen- 
tlemen, who are Head Men, fent Frederick PoJl with me, defiring me to take and carry him 
in my Bofom there, and when I came diere, to introduce him to the publick Council ; I did 
this, and have brought him back fafe again. 

Then taking a Belt, and three Strings of Wampum, which were delivered with the Paper, 
he faidhe would interpret them; but as all that was faid v/as truly fet down in the Writing, it 
was not necelfary. Let it be read. 

Then Pifquitcmeii delivered the Paper, with the Belt, and three Strings of Wampum, who, 
on being afkcd afterwards to whom they were fent, anl'wered, one was fent to the Governor, 
another to Teedyufcitiig, and another to Iftael Pemberton. The Meffage was read in thefe 

The Indians /peak no-n'. brethren, hear what I have to fay. 

IT is a good many Days fince we have feen and heard of you from all Sorts of Nations. 
This is the firft Meffage which we have feen and heard of you ; we have not yet rightly 
heard you. 

You have talked of that Peace and Friendfliip which we had formerly with you. 

We tell you to be llrong, and always remember that Friendfhip which we had formerly. 

We defire you would be ftrong, and let us once more hear of our good Friendfliip and 
Peace we had formerly. 
We defire you to make Hafle, and let us foon hear of you again. 

Ga'jc a String. 
Hear what I have to fay ; look Brethren, iince we have feen and heard of you of all Sorts 
of Nations, we fee that you are fbrry that we have not that Friendfhip we formerly had. 

Look Brethren, we at Allegheny are likewife forry that we have not that Friendlhip with 
you we (brmerly had. 
We long for that Peace and Friendfliip we had formerly. 

It is good that you have held that Friendfliip which we had formerly amongfl: our Fathers 
and Grandfathers. 
We mufl tell you we will not let that Friendfhip quite drop, which was formerly be- 
tween us. Now, Brethren, it is three Years fince we dropped that Peace and Friendfhip 
which we formerly had with you. Now, Brethren, that Friendfliip is dropped, and lies 
buried in the Ground where you and I fland, in the Middle between us both. Now, Bre- 
thren, fince I fee you have digged up and revived that Friendfhip, which was buried in the 
Ground, now you have it, hold it faft. Do, be flrong. Brethren, and exert yourfclves, 
that that Friendfhip may be well eftablifhed and finifhed between us. 
If you will be flrong, it is in your Power to finifh that Peace and Friendfliip well. 
Now, Brethren, we defire you to be ftrong, and eflablifli and make known to all the 
Englifi of this Peace and Friendfhip, that it, over all, may be well ell.ibliflied, as you are 
of one Nation, and one Colour, in all the Englijh Governments. 
When you have made this Peace, which you have begun, known every where amongft 





jj^S. your Brethren, and have finifhed and agreed every where together on this Peace and Friend- 
•^Os_; ihip, then you will be pleafed to fend it to me at Allegheny. 
When you have fettled the Peace and Friendfhip, and finifhed it well, and you fend it 
to me, I will fend it to all the Nations of my Colour ; when I receive of you the Anfwer, 
and I have looked that every Thing is well done, fo that I can fend it to the Nations of 
my Colour, they all will join to it, and we all will hold it faft. 
When all the Nations join to this Friendfhip, then the Day will begin to fhine clear over 
us. When we once hear more of you, and we join together, then the Day will be ftillj 
and no Wind or Storm will come over us to difturb us. 

Now, Brethren, you know our Hearts, and what we have to fay, be ftrong; if you do 
fo, every Thing will be well ; and what we have told you in this, all the Nations agree to 

Now, Brethren, let the King of £KfA;«i know what our Minds are, as foon as poffible 
you can. 

Gives a Belt of eight Rows. 

Received the above Speech from the under-writtenj who are all Captains and Counfellors, 

Beaver King, Oivahammin, Macomal, 

Shingas, Cockquacaukeheton, Popauco, 

Delaware George, Cuhjhawmehwy , Wajhafcautauf, 

Pifquitom, Kekeknapalin, 'John Hickoman, 

TaJJacomin, Captain Peter, Kill Buck. 

The above Names is of Captains and Counfellors. 

After this was interpreted in the Six Nation Language, and in the Delaware, the Three 
Strings were delivered to the Governor, Teedyujcung, and IJrael Pemberton. 

As the Governor was going to clofe the Conference, Nichas, the Mohawk Chief, fpoke for 
fome Time, with great Vehemence, pointing frequently to Teedyufcung, and Mr. IVcifer was 
ordered to interpret it ; but he defired to be excufed, as it was about Matters purely relating 
to the Indians thcmfelves, and defired Mr. Montour might interpret it ; after fome Paufe, he 
faid, perhaps it might be better if it was interpreted to the Governors, Councils, and Com- 
mifTioners, in a private Conference. Mr. Weifer was defired to mention this to the Indians, 
and know of them what they would chufe (hould be done, whether it (hould be interpreted 
now, or at a private Conference, and they anfwered now ; but foon after they faid, that, at 
the Requeft of Mr. Weifer, they confented that it fhould be interpreted in the Morning, at 
a private Conference. 

OStober 14, 1758. The /«^/««j declined meeting To-day. 

At a private Conference with the Indians on thei^th of Odober, 1758. 


Governor DENNY, Governor BERNARD, and 

His Council, and the Commit- the Jerfey Commijjioners. 

tee of . '~ 

Chiefs of the Mohawks, Scnecas, and Onondagoes. Chiefs of the Oneidoes, Cayugas, Tuf- 
caroras, Nanticokes, or Conoys, and Tuteloes. 

Nichas, the Mohawk Chief, flood up, and, direEling his Difcourfe to both Governors, faid. 


WE thought proper to meet you here, to have fome private Difcourfe about our Ne- 
phew Teedyufcung. 

You all knov; that he gives out, ne is the great Man, and Chief of Ten Nations ; 
this is his conflant Difcourfe. Now I, on Behalf of the Mohawks, fay, we do not know he 
is fuch a great Man. If he is fuch a great Man, we defire to know who has made him fo. 
Perhaps you have, and if this be the Cafe, tell us fo. It may be the French have made him 
fo. We want to enquire and know whence his Greatneis arofe. 



[ '3 ] 

Tagafluta, on the Bekalf of the Stneas, Jpoie next. ^75'^- 

Brethren, * v — 

I, for my Nation, fay the fame that Nichas has faid ; I need not repeat it. I fay we do 
not know who has made Teedyufcung this great Man over Ten Nations ; and I want to know 
who made Iiim lb. 

Affarandonguas /poke next, on Behalf of the Onondagoes. 
I am here to reprefent the Onondagoes, and I fay, for them, that I never heard, before 
now, that Teedyufcung was fuch a great Man, and much lefs can I tell who made him fo. 
No fuch Thing was ever laid in our Towns, as that Teedyufcung was fuch a great Man. 

Thomas King fpoke. 
Brethren the Governors, and allprefe?it. 
Take Notice that I fpeak in Behalf of Five Nations, who have their Deputies here pre- 
fcnt, viz. The Oneidoes, Cayugas, Tujcaroras, Nanticokes, and Comys, who have joined to- 
gether, and now make one Nation, zwATuteloes. We Five are ail connefted together, and 
if any Thing is faid to one of us, it is communicated to all the reft. 

On their Behalf I now tell you, we none of us know who has made Teedyufcung fuch a 
great Man ; perhaps the French have, or perhaps you have, or feme among you, as you 
have different Governments, and are different People. We, for our Parts, entirely difown 
that he has any Authority over us, and delire to know from whence he derives his Au- 

A Belt. 
Tokaaio, the Cayuga Chief, fpoke. 
I fpeak now to you, on Behalf of the Nations juft now m.entioned to you. You may re- 
member, that you faid the other Day, you could not be eafy without your Prifoncrs v/ere re- 
turned. We have confidered this, and I now affure you that they Ihall be returned: 

We fpeak from the Bottom of our Hearts ; we will look carefully into all our Towns for 
them. You fhall have them all. Wc will keep none. It there be any of them that have 
gone down our Throats, we will throw them up again. You told us, a tendc- Father, 
Hufband, Wife, Brother, or Sifter could not fleep found, when they refledted that tiieir Re- 
lations were Prifoners. We know it is fo with us, and we will therefore ufe our Endeavours 
to make your Hearts eafy, and we give you this Belt as a Promife, that we will perform our 
Words. A Belt. 

Wich^s fpoke next, in Behalf of the Mohawks, Senecas, ^W Onondagoes. 

I fpeak now on Behalf of my own Nation, and my two other Brethren, Deputies of the 
Senecas and Onondagoes. We remember you defired us to leave nothing in our Hearts, but 
Ipeak open on every Matter, and you faid you would do the fame to us. 

You told us, that you could not fteep found whilft your Prifoners were detained from you, 
nor could you have any Confidence in the Friendfhip of thofe who did detain them. 

We of thefe three Nations promife, that we will ufe our beft Endeavours to make you ea- 
fy. When we return, we will enquire of every Town for the Prifoners. We will call our 
Councils, and lay what you have faid before them, and make diligent Enquiry for them 
through all our Towns, and all that we can find you fhall fee. 

If any of them are gone down our Throats, wc will heave them up again. 

A String of f even Roii's. 

At a Conference voith the Indians, on the \6th of 0<3:ob»er, 1758. 

The GovERNOKS, and the Gentlemen of their Councils, See. 

H E Minutes of the preceding Conferences were read, and approved. 


Thofe of Yefterday's private Conference were read at the particular Defire of the Chiefs of 
the Eight Nations, and interpreted to Teedyufcung, and the Delaivares, in the Debivare 
Language, by Mr. Stephen Calvin. 

D The 


1758. The Governors then fpoke leparately ; Governor Denny begmning as follows. 

Brethren, the Mohawks, Onondagoes, Senecas, Oneidoes, Cayugas, Tufcaroras, Nanticokes 
and Tuteloes, 
In a Conference held with you Yefterday, you told me, that we know your Nephew 
Teedyufctmg gives out, that he is the great Man, and Chief of ten Nations, and that this was 
his conftant Difcourfe ; by this Belt therefore you denied him to be fo great a Man, and de- 
fired to know of me who made him fo, or gave him any Authority over you. 

I will anfwer you truly, and tell you, in a few Words, all that I know of the Matter ; I 
have already informed you, that after the Delaware^ had ftruck us, you, our good'Friends 
the United Nations, advifed them to fit flill, and do us no more Mifchief ; and that foon 
after this, we invited the Delawares to meet us at a Council Fire kindled at this Place. 

We received an Anfwer to our Mcfiage from Teedynjciing as a Chief among the Delaioares. 
At the Time appointed he came, and told us, that he reprefented ten Nations, amongft 
which the U?iited Nations, were included, that he aded as a chief Man for the Delaivares, but 
only as a Mefienger for the United Nations, who were his Uncles and Superiors ; to whom 
he would faithfully carry every Thing that Ihould be tranfaded between us, that they might 
do as they faw Caufe. 

We believed what your Nephew told us, and therefore made him a Counfellor and Agent 
for us, and defired him to publiih to all Nations of Indians v/hat we did at our Council Fires, 
and to let them know we were fincerely difpoled to beat Peace with them. 

I can only fpeak for myfelf, and do aflure you, that I never made Teedyiifcung this great 
Man, nor ever pretended to give him any Authority over you ; and I mufl do him the Juftice 
to declare to you, that, at our former pubiick Treaties, Teedyufcung never aflumed any fuch 
Pov.'er, but, on many Occafions, when he fpoke of you, called you his Uncles and Su- 

I never fiiall attempt to nominate or impofe a Chief on any Indian Tribe or Nation, but, on 
all Occafions, will pay due Regard to thofe who are chofen by their Countrymen. 

If any others have made Teedyufcung fo great a Man, as to fet himfelf above you, I am lor- 
ry for it. It is more than I know, and they who have done it muft anfwer for themfelves. 

I ihould be greatly concerned, that any Uneafinefs fliould arife among you ; and hope you 
will guard againft it, and preferve that Harmony which ought to fubfilt between Friends and 

By this Belt and String, you promifed me to make diligent Search in your Towns for 
our Flefli and Blood, who are Prifoners among you, and return them to us. 

We have always found you honeft, and pundual in the Performance of your Promifes ; 
your Words therefore give me great Comfort, and fill all our Hearts. with Pleafure. 

We rely upon you that no Time may be loft in fulfilling an Engagement, on which our 
Peace and Quiet fo greatly depend. 

A Belt and String. 
Then Governor Bernard fpokc. 
Brethren of all the Confederated Nations, 
As you propofed your Queftion, conczxvimg.Teedyiifcung, feparately, I think it proper to 
give you a feparate Anfwer thereto. 

I know not who made Teedyufcung fo great a Man ; nor do I know that he is any greater 
than a Chief of the Delaware Indians, fettled at Wyomink. The Title of King could not be 
given him by any Englip Governor ; for we know very well, that there is no fuch Perfon 
among Indians, as what we call a King. And if we call him fo, we mean no more tlian a 
Sachem or Chief I obfervc, in his Treaties, which he has held with the Governors of 
Penjifyhania (which I have pcrufcd fince our laft Meeting) he fays he was a Woman till 
you made him a Man, by putting a Tomahawk in his Hand ; and through ail of thofe 



[ IS ] 

Treaties, efpecially in the laft, held at this Town, he calls you his Uncles, and profefles 175? 
that he is dependent on you ; and I know not that any Thing has fince happened to alter *— -^v^ 
his Relation to you. I therefore confider him to be ftill your Nephev/. 

I heartily thank you for your kind Promifes to return the Captives which have been taken 
from us. I hope you will not only do fo, but will alio engage fuch of your Allies and Ne- 
phews, who have taken Captives from us, to do the fame. That you may be mindful of 
this, I give you tJiis Belt. A Belt. 

After the Governors had done fpeaking, and their Anfwers were interpreted in the Six 
Nation and Delaware Languages, the Indian Chiefs were allied if they had any Thing more 
to fay; on which Tagajhata arofe, and made a Speech to his Coufins the Delaicares and 
Minifmk Indians, diredting his Difcourfe to Teedyufcu?ig. 

You may remember all that pafled at this Council-Fire. The Governors who fit there 
have put you in Mind of what was agreed upon lafl Year. You both promifed to return the 
Prifoners. We, your Uncles, put you in Mind of this Promife, and defire you will perform 
it. You have promifed it, and you muft perform it. We, your Uncles, have promifed to 
return all the Eiiglip Prifoners among us, and therefore we cxped: that you, our Coufins and 
Nephews, will do the fame. As loon as you come home, we defire that you will fearch 
carefully into your Towns for all the Prifoners among you, that have been taken out of eve- 
ry Province, and caufe them to be delivered up to your Brethren. You know that this is an 
Article of the Peace that was made between you and your Brethren, in Confirmation of 
which you received a large Peace Belt; of which B^-lt we defire you will give an Account, 
and let us know what is become of it, and how far you have proceeded in it. 

A Belt. 

After this was interpreted in the Delaware Language, it was obferved, that there were no 
Minijir.k IndiiUis prefent ; the Governors therefore dcfired Mr. Read and Mr. Peters would 
procure a Meeting of the Chiefs of the United Nations, with the Delawares and Minifinks, 
and caufe the Speech of Tagajhata to be interpreted to the Minifinks, in the Prefence of 
their Uncles. 

Robert White, the Nanticoke Chief, arofe, and faid ho was going to fpeak in the Behalf 
of feven Nations, and, directing his Dilcourfe to the Governors, he delivered himfelf in the 
Englijh Language, as follows. 

It is now more than two Years pafi:, fince we heard of our Coufins the Delawares taking 
up the Hatchet againfi: the Englij!.. At th*; firft. Sir William Johnfon fent a Mefiage to the 
Head Nations, and when they received it, they fent one to us at OtJ'aningo, telling us, that, 
as we lived clofe by our Coufins, they defired we would invite them to meet at our Town, 
and accordingly wc invited them, and they came to a great Meeting at our Town cf 
Otfaningo. We then gave our Coufins a Belt of a Fathom long, and Twenty-five Rows in 
Breadth, and dcfired them to lay down the Hatchet that they had taken up againfi: the 
Englijh, and to be eafy with them ; and if they would follow this Advice, we told them, 
that they would live in Peace, until their Heads were white with Age, otherwife it might 
not be fo with tliem. 

Not hearing from our Coufins of fome Time, what they did in Confequence of this Belt, 
we fent to them two other Belts, one of Sixteen, and the other of Twelve Rows, defiringthem 
once more to be eafy with their Brethren the En^lifi, and not to llrike them any more ; but 
fiill we heard nothing from them : Indeed, fome Time afterwards we underfi:ood the Dela- 
wares iliould fay, that the Indians at Otfaningo had grey Eyes, and were like the Englifi:, 
and fliould be fervcd as EngUfmen ; and we thought we fiiould have had the Hatchet ftruck 
into our Heads. We now want to know what is become of thefc Belts ; may be they may 
be under Ground, or they have fvvallowed them down their Throits. 

As our Coufins have been loath to give any Anfwer to thefe Belts, we now defire they 
may let us know, in a publick Conference, what they have done with them. 

A String. 
OSlober 17, 1758. 
•'~|~'riE Tndiatis were in Council all Day; and acquainted the Governors, that they 
X could not be ready to meet before Morning. At 


[ '6 ] 

Ai a Con PEKEUCE /je/d ai Eaflon, o;: t/je i Sib of Odoher, 1758. 

T'hc CovERKORS, Council, Gentkme)i, ami Indians, with tl.w Intei-preters as before. 

[758. TV yTR. ReaJ, and Mr. Peters, acquainted the Governors, that, at a Meeting of the Chiefs 
-V-— ' I V J^ of 'he Older and Younger Nations, with the feveral Tribes of the Delaware and Mi- 
nifinli Indians on Monday Night, the Speech of Tagafiata, delivered tliat Morning in the 
Publick Conference, refpedting the giving up the Priloners, was interpreted in the Delaware 
Language hv Stephen Cahin ; and another Belt, on the Part of the Governors, being joined 
to 'fagajkata'i Belt, they Were both delivered to the Delaware and Minifink Chiefs, to en- 
force the Matter. When this was done Tagajhata fpoke to the Minifink Chief, Egohohowen, 
fayino-, we were told by you that you had delivered up the Englijb Prifoners, and we be- 
lieved you : But our Brethren have told us that they were not delivered up ; and therefore 
we earneftly deiirc that they may be made eafy on this Article. You know, Coufins, that 
their Hearts will always be in Grief till they fee again their Flelh and Blood. It is natural 
that they fliould be ib. It would be lb with us, if it was our Cafe. We defire you will be 
extremely careful to perform this Matter fully, and foon. Let there be perfetl: Peace over 
all the Englijh Country. And let it now be publifl-.ed, that we may all iive in Peace, and 
with Satisfaction, now, and for ever. I told you, Egobohoweu, when you was in my Town, 
to bring with you the Englijh Prifoners, and that our Brethren would expetil it. I v/iih 
3'ou had done it. But however do it now with all Speed, and it v.'ill be well. 

E^chohowen anfwered, it is true, I was at my Uncle's Fire, and I believe he dcilred me to 
bring the Prifoners down ; but I luppofe it was not interpreted to me, for I did not under- 
ftand it clearly, but I now underlbnd it. 

The Minifink and Delaware Indians were defired to collet: all their Warriors together, 
and give them thefe Belts, and receive from them their Anfwer, it being neceifary they 
fiiould concur heartily in whatever fliould be concluded. 

Nichas, the Mohawk Chief, acquainted the Governors, that, as Counfellors, they had fi- 
niihed, having nothing to propofe at this prefent Meeting. The Warriors were to fpcak now, 
and Thomas King was appointed to deliver their Words, who thereupon arofe, and began 
with an Exhortation, as well to all concerned in publick Affairs, Governors and their Coun- 
cils, and Indian Chiefs and their Councils, as to Warriors of all Nations, White People and 
Indians, defiring all prefent to attend carefully to what was going to be related, as Matters of 
great Confequence, which would lerve to regulate the Conduct of Englijh and Indians to 
each other. He added, that the Relation going to be made, liad taken a great deal of Trou- 
ble to put it into Order, and it was made on Information given by the leveral Indians now 
prefent, who were acquainted with the Fafts. Brethren, we the Warriors have waited fome 
Time, in Hopes our Counfellors would have taken this Matter in hand, but as they have not 
done it, we have, at their Defire, undertaken it, and they have approved ol every Thing. I 
fiv, the Counfellors of the Five Younger Nations, as well as the Three Older Nations, have 
approved of what the Warriors are going to relate ; and take Notice, that the Speech is not 
only the Speech of all the Warriors of the Elder and Younger Nations, but of our Coufins 
the Delawares and Mini/inks. 

This was interpreted in the Delaware Language ; and Ti:omas King then proceeded, dired- 
ing his Speech to the Governors, and all the Englifo upon the Continent. 

You have been inquifitive to know the Caufe of this War; you have often enquired among 
us, but perhaps you did not find out the true Caufe of the Bitternefs of our Hearts, and may 
charge us wrong, and think that you were ftruck without a Caufe by fome of our own War- 
riors, and by our Coufins. But if you look a little about you, you will find that you gave 
the firft Offence. For in Time of profound Peace, fome ot the Shawanefe, paiTing through 
South-Carolina, to go to War with their Enemies, vvere taken up, and put in Prilbn. The 
Englifi knev/ they were going to War, and that they ufed to do it every Year ; and yet, alter 
they had perfuaded them in a friendly Way into their Houfes, they were taken up, and put 
into Prifon, and one, who was an Head Man of that Nation, loft his Life, and the others 
\\erc feverely ufed. This firft raifed Ill-will in the Minds of the Shawanefe, and as the French 
came a little after this happened to fettle on the Ohio, the Shawanefe complained of it to 
i-licm, and they made an artful Ufe of it, let them againft the Englijh, and gave them tiic 



[ '7 ] 

Hatcher. Being refolved on Revenge, they accepted it, and likewife fpoke to their Grand- 1758. 
fathers the Z)f/^Wizr«, faying, Grap'^ fathers. Are not your Hearts fore at our being ufed fo <— — v — 
ill, and at the Lofs of one of our ( fiffs ? Will not you join us in revenging his Death ? So 
by Degrees cur young Men w^ere Jfbught over to ad: againft you. On fearching Matters to 
the Bottom, you will find that you, in this Manner, gave the firft Offence. This we thought 
proper to let you know. It may be of Service for the future. You may be induced by this 
to take better Care in conducing your Council Bufinefs, fo as to guard againft thefe Breaches 
of Friendftiip ; or, as foon as they happen, in correfponding immediately v/ith one another, 
and with the Iniiian Nations, who are in any wife concerned, on luch Occafions. 

Eigk Si rings of black Wampum. 
This was the Cafe of the Shaivaticfe, that I have juft now related. Another of the like 
Nature has fince happened to the Senecas, who have fuffered in the fame Manner. 

About three Years ago, eight Scntxa Warriors were returning from War, through Virgi- 
nia, having feven Prisoners and Scalps with them ; at a Place called Green Briar, they met 
with a Party of Soldiers, not lefs than One Hundred and Fifty, who kindly invited them to 
come to a certain Store, and faid, they would fupply them with Provifions ; and accordingly 
they travelled two Days with them in a friendly Manner, and when they came to the Houfe, 
they took their Arms from the Senecas : The head Men cried out, here is Death ; defend 
yourfelves as well as you can, which they did, and two of them were killed on the Spot, 
and one, a young Boy, was taken Prifoner. This gave great Offence, and the more fo, as 
it was upon the Warriors Road, and we were in perfedt Peace with our Brethren. It provo- 
ked us to fuch a Degree, that vve could not get over it. 

You have juftly demanded your Prifoners ; it is right, and we have given you an Anfwer. 
And therefore, as we think this Boy is alive, and fomewhere among you, we defire 
you will enquire for him. If he he alive, return him ; if you have fwallowed him down 
your Throats, which perhaps may be the Cafe, let us know it, and we will be content. His 
Name is Squijfatego. 

Six Strings of ivhite Wampum. 
We have one Word more to mention of the fame Nature, and which was the very Caufe 
why the Indians at Ohio left you. 

When we firft heard of the French coming to the Ohio, vve immediately fent Word to the 
Governors of Virginia and Pennfylvania ; we defired them to come, and likewife to fupply 
us with fuch Things as were proper lor War, intending to defend our Lands, and hinder the 
French from taking the PoffelTion of thetn. But thcfe Governors did not attend to our Mef- 
fage ; perhaps they thought there was no FounJation for our Intelligence. The French, how- 
ever, came, and became our Neighbours, and you neither coming yourfelves, nor affifling 
us with warlike Stores, our People, of Neceffity, were obliged to trade with them for what 
we wanted, as your Traders had left the Country. The Governor of Virginia took Care to 
fettle on our Lands for his own Benefit ; but when we wanted his Affiflance againft th( 
French, he difregarded us. 

A Belt. 
At this Treaty you juftly demanded to fee your Flefh and Blood. We have preffed this 
on our Coufins the Minifinks, and they, by this String, defired us to aifure you, the Gover- 
nors, that they would make ftridl Search in their Towns, and fincerely comply with your 
Requeft, and return all the Priloncrs in their Power. 

Two Strings of bidck and white Wampum. 

Then direding his Difcourfe to the Governor of the Jerfey, he proceeded. 

Brother, the Governor of Jerfey, 
Our Coufins the Minifmiis tell us, they were wronged out of a great deal of Land, and the 
Englijh fettling fo taft, they were pufhed back, and could not tell what Lands belonged to 
them. If we have been drunk, tell us fo. We may have forgot what we fold, butwetruft 
to you the Governor of Jerfey to take our Caufe in Hand, and lee that we have Juftice done 
us. We fay that we have here and there Tradls of Land, that have never been fold. You 
deal hardly with us ; you claim all the wild Creatures, and will not let us come on your Land 
to hunt after them. You will not fo much as let us peel a fingle Tree ; tins is hard, and has 
given us great Offence. The Cattle you raifs are your own ; bit thofe which arc Wild, are 

E ftill 

[ '8 

ftlll ours, and (Tiould be common to both ; for our Nephews, when they lold the Land, did 
not propofe to deprive themfelves of hunting the wild Deer, or ufing a Stick of Wood, when 
they iliould have Occafion. We defire the Governoi take this Matter into his Care, and 

fee Juftice done in it. ^ r. ■ r , ■ „^ 

Tivo Strings of ivbite fvampum. 

All that has been faid has been of one Nature, that is, of Matters that are Subjefts of 
Difpute ; this that I am now going to Ipeak upon is of another Nature. 

Then, directing himfelf to the Governor of Pemfyhania, he faid, 

We muft put you in Mind, that four Years ago, you bought at Albany a large Trafl: cf 
Land over Sajquekvmah, extending from the Mouth of 'jokn Penn's Creek to the Ohio. The 
Proprietaries Agents then paid One Thoufand Pieces of Eight for the Part which was fettled by 
your People, that have been fince driven oft and killed. We acknowledge to liave received Pay- 
ment for thofe Parts that were fettled, but for the other Part that we have not received Pay- 
ment for, that we reclaim. Our Warriors, or Hunters, when they heard that we had fold 
fuch a large Trad, difapproved our Condud in Council ; fo now we acquaint you, that we 
are determined not to confirm any more, than fuch of the Lands as the Confideration was 
paid for, and were fettled ; tho' included in the Deed, they are our hunting Grounds, and 
we defire the Requeft may be granted, and Notice taken, that it was made in open Confer- 
ence. _. ,. n ■ 

V bree '■^hife Strings. 

Then Thomas King fat down. 

The Six Nation Chiefs being afked if they had any Thing to fay, anfwered, that they 
had done ; and having eafed their Minds of all that lay heavy upon them, they would re- 
turn home. 

The Governors promifed attentively to confider what was faid, and give them an Anfwer. 

Teedyufcung then arofe, and fpoke. 
J Hiould have faid fomething at the Time our Uncles laid before you their Grievances, ot 
Caufes of Complaint, in Behalf of my Countr)'men who lived near Gojhen. About three 
Years ago nine of tlieir People were killed at Gofien, when they were in Peace. I will not 
take upon me to fay that the Land had never been fold, but there was no Difpute about 
tliis at that Time. I verily believe that they killed thofe nine Indians, for no other Reafon 
than becaufe they were hunting on that Land. I fpeak to all the Englifi when I mention 
this, as what was very wrong. 

Three white Strings. 
One of the IVapin'^ Tribes, or Gofljen Indians, tells me, that, as foon as thofe nine Men 
were killed, he went with three Belts, and Tears in his Eyes, to Geo?ge Freeland's, in order 
to have the Matter made up ; but he never received an Anfwer to this Day, tho' he told him 
that he would fend the Belts to the Governor, and as foon as he fhould receive his Anfwer, 
he would fend for him, and let him know it ; but he has never yet received any Anfwer. 

I give you this String, to enquire what became of the three Belts, and what Anfwer was 

made to tliem. 

TIjree Strings of i^hite IVampum. 

You may remember we made Peace lafl; Year, and a Peace Belt was made, a Fathom 
long, and of Fifteen Rows. Mr. Croghan was prefent, fo were fome of my Uncles, and 
the Mini/inks. They all law it. You have alked me what is become of that Belt, and how 
far it went. I will tell you ; I fent it up the Safquehannah to Diahoga ; from thence it went 
to Affintxin ; thence to Secaughliung. The chief Men there got together to confider what 
was beft to be done with it. They all concluded that it (hould be fcnt to our Uncle. He 
is a Man, and often told us he ought to fee Things firft, and confider what is to be done. 
The Scnecds had the Belt the firft, and then all the United Nations afterwards ; they had 
it almoft a Year. Now it is come back, and in Lapachpeton% Hands, who is one of the De- 
laimares, and lives at Secaiighkung. How far the Peace Belt went, I don't know ; but I 
fjppofe it went thro' all my Uncles, and I allure you I will do as my Uncle does. He has 
promifed you he will deliver up all your Captives, and I allure you I will do fo,' wherelo- 
ever I find them, in all my Towns. Four Tribes, now prefent, have agreed to this, viz. 




9 \ 

Dclaiaan-s, Unaniics, Mohicco;:s, tm\ IVapitigs, who are fettled as tar as &rar/g-M«;;^. Th;: 1758. 
Belt confirms iry Words. " ' 

' A Belt. 

I did let you know formerly wliat my Grievance was. I told you, that from Tokccon as 
far as the Deiawares owned, the Proprietaries had wronged me. Then you and I agreed 
that it (hcij'id be laid before the King of England; and likewife you told me you would let 
me know, as foon a-^ ever he faw it. You would lay the Matter before the King, for you 
faid he was our Father, that he might fee what were our Differences ; for as you and I 
could not decide it, let him do it. Now let us not alter what you and I have agreed. Now 
let me know if King George has decided the Matter between you and me. I don't pretend 
to mention any of my Uncles Lands, I only mention what we the Delawarcs own, as far 
as the Heads of Dclaivarc. All the Lands lying on the Waters that fall into the Saj'quchaii- 
ftah, belong to our Uncles. 

^ A Belt. 

I'eedyujcung then took up another Belt, defigning to fpeak to his Uncles the United Na- 
tions ; but whiift he was delivering the above, their Chiefs had one after another left the 
Council, feemingly much difpleafed, he therefore declined fpeaking it. 

Oi^ober 19, 1758. 

TH E Governors, having prepared their Anfwers, defired the Indians to meet, but they 
continued holding private Councils among themfelves all that Day, till late in the 
Afternoon ; and as the Governors were going to the Place of Conference, the Indians lent 
Mr. WeiJ'er out of Council, to dcfire they would defer meeting till the next Morning, 
their own private Bufinefs not being finiflicd. 

At a private CosFERRNCE with the Indkns, held at Ezi^on, Oftober 19, 1758. P.M. 


His Excellency Governor BERNARD, 

The ConwiiJJwners of New-Jerfey, 

The Chiefs of the United Nations, and of the Minifinks and Wapings, 

George Croghan, Deputy to Sir V/ I L L I A M JOHNSON, 

Andrew Montour, His Majcfys Interpreter, 

Stephen Calvin, Interpreter of the Minifink and Waping Language. 

IS Excellency reciting die Requefl of the United Nations to him, to do Juftice to their 

Nephews the Minifinks, concerning their Claims to Lands in Neic-feifey, faid, he 
would make diligent Enquiry what Lands were remaining unfold by them ; but as that 
would be a Work of Time and Expence, he wilhed that fome Means could, be found to 
give them Satisfadlion at this Meeting. The People of Neia-ferfey faid, that they had 
bought all, or the greateft Part of the Minifink Lands ; and the Minifinks faid they had a 
great Deal of Land unfold. 

He could not tell who was in the right ; but would fuppofe there were fome Lands un- 
fold, and upon that Suppofition would give them fome Money, by Way of Confideration, for 
them, if they would propofe a reafonable Sum ; and defired they would advife about it, and 
give an Anfwer. 

The United Nations faid it was a very kind Propofal, and recommended it to the Confi- 
deration of the Mitiifmks. 

The fame Day Teedyufcung waited on Governor Denny, at his Houfe, bringing with him 
Ifaac Stillc, for his Interpreter, and his Grandfon ; and, in the Prefence of Governor Ber- 
7iard, Mr. Andrew Johnfon, and Mr. Peters, acquainted the Governor, that the Delawares 
did not claim Lands high up on Delaware River ; thofe belonged to their Uncles ; and he 
thought proper to let the Governor know this, that there might be no Mifunderftanding of 
what he had faid in the publick Conference. 



[ ^o J 

At a Conference with the Indians, held at Eafton, Odober 20, 1758. 

'T/'t' Governors, Council, Gentlemen and Indians, with the Interpreters, as before. 

GOVERNOR Denny defired to know of Teedyufcung, if he propofed to fpeak, as 
the abrupt Departure of the Six Nation Chiefs from the Conference Yefterday, had 
^ ' ~ prevented him from finifliing what he had to fay. 

Then Teedyufcung arofe, and, addrefling himfelf to the Six Nation Indians, faid. 

According to our old Cuflom, we ufed to fpeak to one another at home ; but we are now 
met here on Bafmefs, I muft fpeak to you in the Prefence of the Englifh Governors ; and 
■what I fhali fay, I defire both you the Englif, and my Uncles, who are here, will attend to. 

A Belt. 
I take this Opportunity of fpeaking to you in the Prefence of our Brethren the Englijh, 
and two of their Governors ; pleafe to take Notice what I am going to fay. 

You may remember that you have placed us at Wyomink, and Shamokin, Places where 
Indians have lived before. Now I hear fince, that you have fold that Land to our Brethren 
the Englif ; let the Matter now be cleared up, in the Prefence of our Brethren the Englifi. 

I fit there as a Bird on a Bow ; I look about, and do not know where to go ; let me 
therefore come down upon the Ground, a-d make that my own by a good Deed, and I (hall 
then have a Home for ever ; for if you, my Uncles, or I die, our Brethren the Englifh will 
fay, they have bought it from you, and il) wrong my Pofterity out of it. 

A Belt 

Govenior Denny then requefted the Attention of the Indians, andfpoke. 

Brethren, Chiefs and Warriors of the Six United Nations, and your Nephews, here affemMeJ, 
I am much obliged to you for the Account you gave me the Day before Yefterday, of the 
true Caufe of the Bitterncfs of your Hearts towards us, and the Reafons which induced fome 
of your young Men firft to ftrike us, and others to fide with the - 'rench on the Ohio. 

The Advice you gave us, to take better Care and guard againft any Breach of Friendfhip 
between us for the future, is very kind and whollome ; we will join with you, and endea- 
vour to prevent the like Evils for the Time to come. 

I promife you, that I will immediately fend to the Governor of Virginia, to enquire after 
the Seneca Boy, Squifatego, who you fay was left a Prifoner in his Country, and if he is alive, 
you may depend on his being returned to you. 

A Belt. 

By thefe Strings you put me in Mind, that the Proprietaries, four years ago, bought of 
you at Albany, a large Trad: of Land over Safquehannah, from the Mouth of a Creek called 
Kayarondinhagh, or John Penns Creek, to the Ohio, and were paid by the Proprietaries Agents 
One thoufand Pieces of Eight, as the Confideration Money lor fuch Parts as were fettled by 
our People ; but that, as your Warriors difapproved of your Conduft in Council for making 
that Sale, you now reclaimed fuch of the Lands contained in that Grant, as you have not 
received a Confideration for. 

The Proprietaries of this Province have, on all Occafions, manifefled their particular Regard 
for you ; they prefer yourFriendfliip and the publii. k Good to their own private Interell. Their 
former Condudt gives you no Room to doubt the Truth of this ; what I am about to tell you 
is a further Confirmation of it; therefore give me your Attention, and lifien to what I fiiall fay. 
You may remember, that, at a Treaty you held with your good Friend Sir William fohnfon, 
three Years ago, fome of your wile men told him, that there were fome among them whoXvere 
dillatisfied with the Sale of the above Lands, made by them at Albany, and were dcfirous 



that Part of ic (IiouI.J be refen-ed for them, though the Proprietaries had purchafed it fairly of 1758. 
them, and pa;v 0>ie Thoufand Pieces of Eight, which was all they were to receive, till our People v— i— v-^ 
fetticd to Ehe VV'tflward of the Allegheny, or Appalacci an Hills. Sir William John/on reprefented 
this Matter to th-^ Proprietaries, in your Behalf, whereupon they chearfully agreed to releafe to 
yrv: all that Fart of the Purchafe you have reclaimed, and, by a Letter of Attorney, em- 
pcwcred :l:chard Peters, and Conrad Weijer, to execute a Deed to you for thofe Lands, on your 
ccri;Iriniiig to them the Refidue of that Purchafe. On this Subjed: therefore you will pleafe 
to conlw' With tliem, and letde the Boundaries between you, that they may releafe the Lands 
tp you accordingly, before you leave this Place, and fet your Minds at Eafe. 

A String. 
I thank you for the Pains you have taken with your Nephews, to prevail with them to re- 
turn us fuch of our Brethren as are Prifoners among them, and we depend on the fpeedy Per- 
formance of their Promife. 


I have fomething to fay to you which is of the utmoft Importance to us all ; it requires your 
particular Attention and Confideration. Providence has brought you and your Nephews to- 
gether at this Meeting, Face to Face with us, that every Thing may be fettled, and nothing 
remain, not fo much as a Doubt, to create any Uneafinefs in our Hearts hereafter. You 
know, Brethren, that there is an old Agreement between the Proprietaries and you, that you 
will not fell any of the Lands lying within this Province to any one but them, and they ne- 
ver take PoflelTion of Lands till they have bought them of the Indians. You know alfo, that 
the United Nations have fold Lands to the Proprietaries, which your Nephews the Deb'-iVares 
now claim as their Right. This is the Cafe with Regard to Ibme Part of the Lands Iving 
between TohicconCreck and the Head of Delaware River, which Tecdyufcung, in your Hear- 
ing, the Day before Yefterday, faid, the Proprietaries had defrauded him oh The Proprie- 
taries are defirous to do ftrift Juftice to all the Indians, but it cannot be fuppofed they can 
know in which of you the Right was vefted. It is a Matter that mull be fettled among vour- 
felves ; till this is done, there will probably remain fome Jealoufy and Difcontent among you, 
that may interrupt both your and our future Quiet, which we fliould guard againft by all 
Means in our Power. 

A String. 

I now acquaint you, that a Store of all Sorts of Goods for your Ufe is opened at Sbamoh'n, 
where the Indians nu^y be fupplied, at the moft reafonable Rates, with any Goods they wantj 
and the beft Prices will be given to you for fuch Skins, Furs and Peltry, as you fhall bring 
them. Another Store is intended to be opened at Fort Allen, and you may depend upon it 
that fuch Perfons will be placed there, who fhall ufe you with the ftridcfl Juftice in all their 

A String. 
Frother Teedyufcung, 

As I underftood at our laft Meeting, that you were prevented at that Time, by the Abfence 
of fome of the Six Nation Chiefs, from finifliing what you then had to fay, I defer .in- 
fwering, for the prcfent, fuch Parts of your Speech as relate to me. But I fliall loon take an. 
Opportunity of doing it. 

This was interpreted to the Ddawares by Ifaac Stille. 

After the Governor had done fpeaking, Tagajhata and Nichas arofc, and faid, t'.iey did not 
rightly underftand that Paragraph relating to the Lands, and requiring them to fetde Matters 
among themfelves ; they faid the Governor had left Matters in the Dark ; they did not know 
what Lands he meant. If he meant the Lands on the other Side of the Mountain, he knew 
the Proprietaries had their Deeds for them, which ought to be produced and fliewn to them. 
Their Deeds had their Marks, and when they Ihould fee them, they would know their Marks 

And then Conrad fVeifer being defired to bring the Deed, Governor i?fr;wrrt' informed the 
Indians he was going to Ipeak to them ; on which they acquainted him, that tiiey chofe to be 
Ipoke to by one Governor only at a Conference ; for that when they both Ipckf , their Belts 
were mixed, and they were thereby conful'ed in their Councils. Whereupon he deferred his 
Speech to another Time. 

The Deed was then produced to the Indians, and Nichas faid, this Deed we weli remem- 
ber ; we know our Chiefs who figned it ; fome of them are prefent now ; wc fold the Land, 
and were honeftly paid for it ; the Land was ours, and wc will juflifv it. They were defircd 

F ' to 


[ " ] 1 

1758. to take it with them into their Council Room, and confer on it, and fettle the Matter among I 
- — V— — ' thenifeh-es. I 

The Co7iferencc then broke up. j 

TecJyufcujig having Yefterday requefted of the Governor, that two Belts, which he then ' 
prcfented to him, might be fent as their joint Belts to the Ohio Indians: \ 

This Day the Chiefs of the United Nations, and Teedyufcung, had a Meeting with two 1 

Members of Governor Denny % Council, at which the following intended Anfwer from Go- 1 

vernor Denny to the Ohio India?is, being firft interpreted to the Indians, was confidered, fet- 
tled, and approved by all prefent. 

Governor D E N N Y'i Afifiver to the Mejfage of the Ohio Indians, brought by Frederick Poft, 
Pifquitomen, and Thomas Hickman. 

BY this String, my Indian Brethren of the United Nations and Delaicares, join with me 
in requiring of the Indian Councils, to which thefe following MelTages iliall be pre- 
lented, to keep every Thing private from the Eyes and Ears of the French. 

A String. 
We received your Meflage by Pifquitomen and Frederick Pofi, and thank you for the Care 
you have taken of our Melfenger of Peace, and that you have put him in your Bofom, and 
proteded him againft our Enemy Onontio and his Children, and fent him fafe back to our 
Council Fire, by the fame Man that received him from us. 

A String. 
I only fent Poft to peep into your Cabbins, and to know the Sentiments of vour old Men, 
and to look at your Faces, to fee how you look. And I am glad to hear from him that you 
look friendly, and that there Hill remains feme Sparks of Love towards us. It is what we 
believed before-hand, and therefore we never let llip the Chain of Friendlhip, but held it fail 
on our Side, and it has never dropped out of our Hands. By this Belt we defire you will dig 
up your End of the Chain of Friendfliip, that you fuffered, by the Subtilty of the French^ 
to be buried. 

A Belt. 
It happened that the Governor of Jerfy was with me, and a great many Indian Brethren, 
fitting in Council at Eafton, when your MeiTengers arrived, and it gave Pleafure to every one 
that heard it ; and it will afford the fame Satisfaftion to our neighbouring Governors, and 
their People, when they come to hear it. I Ihall fend MeiTengers to them, and acquaint them 
with what you have faid. 

Your requcfting us to let the King of England know your good Difpofitions, we took to 
Heart, and Ihali let him know it, and we will fpeak in your Favour to His Majefty, who 
has, for fome Time paft, looked upon you as his loft Children. And we can affure you, 
that, as a tender Father over all his Children, he will forgive what is paft, and receive you a- 
gain into his Arms. 

A Belt. 

If you are in Earneft to be reconciled to us, you will keep your young Men from attack- 
ing our Country, and killing and carrying Captive, our Back Inhabitants. And will likewife 
give Orders that your People may be kept at a Diltance from Fort Duquefnc, that they may 
not be hurt by our Warriors, who arc lent by our King to chaftife the French, and not to 
hurt you. Conlider the commanding Ofticer of that Army treads heavy, and would be very 
forry to hurt any of his Indian Brethren. 

A idrge Belt. 
And Brethren, 

The Chiefs of the United Nations, with their Coufins, our Brethren the Dela'u.-ares, and 
others now here, jointly with me fend this Belt, which has upon it two Figures that reprefent 
all the Englif, and all the Indiatjs now prefent, taking Hands, and delivering it to Pifquito- 
men, and we delire it may be likewife fent to the Indians, who are named at the End of thefe 
Meftages * ; as they have all been formerly our very good Friends and Allies ; and we defire 
they will all go from among the French to their own Towns, and no longer help the French. 

Brethren on the Ohio, 
If you take the Belts we juft now gave you, in which all here join, Englijh ^nA. .Indian s^ 
as we don't doubt you will ; then, by this Belt, I make a Road for you, and invite you to 


• Siftaghretfy, Anigh Kalickon, Alowatcany, Towi^h Towigtiroano, Geghdagcghroano, Oyaghtanom, Siiaghroano, 
Stiaggeghroano, Jonontad) liago. 


[ ^3 ] 

come io Pkiladclpbui, to your firft old Council Fire, which was kindled when we firft faw 1758. 
one another ; which Fire we will kindle up again, and remove all Difputes, and renew the *—— NT- 
old and firft Treaties of Friendfhip. This is a clear and open Road for you ; fear therefore 
nothing, and come to us with as many as can be, of the Delaivares, Shaii;anefe, or of the 
Six Nation Indians. We will he glad to fee you ; we defire all Tribes and Nations of Indians, 
who are in Alliance with you, may come. As foon as we hear of your coming, of which 
you will give us timely Notice, we will lay up Provifions for you along the Road. 

A large white Belt, with the Figure of a Man at each End, and Streaks 
of black, rcprefenting the Road from the Ohio to Philadelphia. 
The Six Nation and Delaware Chiefs join with me in thofe Belts, which are tied to- 
gether, to fignify cur Union and Friendfhip for each other; with them we jointly take the 
Tomahawks out of your Heads, and bury them under Ground. 

We fpeak loud, fo as you may hear us; you fee we all ftand together, joined Hand in Hand. 

Two Belts tied together. 

The Indian Chiefs being afked, if it would not be proper to infert in the Meflage an Ac- 
count of the Situation of our Army to the Weftward, and to defire tliem to join General 
Fortes, againft the French; they replied, that they would by no Means advife this Govern- 
ment fo foon to prefs them to take up the Hatchet, becaufe their Wounds were not vet heal- 
ed, nor Peace made, which muft firft be done. They laid further, that as the French had 
manv Indians fighting for them, and they by Intermarriages were related to the Indians who 
fent the Melfages, it could not be expeifted they would eafily be pcrfuaded to join the Eng- 
lijh, left they Ihould kill their own Flefli and Blood, adding, tlut die onlv proper Meafure 
that could now be taken, was to advife them to fit ftill, and keep out of the Way, and 
this Advice they believed would be hearkened to. 

They then defircd, that at leaft two of our Inhabitants might accompany Fifquitomen 
and Thomas Hickman, the two Mcfiengers, to the Oljio. The Six Nation Chiefs promifed to 
fend two of their own People with them ; and Tcedpjcwig laid he would fend one, if not 
two Delawares. 

At a private CosrERE^CE with //jt- Indians, held at EaAon, Odtober 21, 1758, 


Ills Excellency Go^oernor BERNARD, and the Jerfey Commijfioners ; 

Thomas King, Chief of the Oneidoes, 

Tagashata, Chief of the Senecas, 

ToKAAio, Chief of the Cayugas, 

Egohohowen, Chief of the Miniiinks, 

NiMHAM, Chief of the Wapings, with other Indians of the feveral Nations ; 

George Croghan, Deputy to Sir W IhLl KM JOHNSON, 

Andrew Montour, His Majefys Interpreter to the United Nations, 
Stephen Calvin, Interpreter of the Delaware and Minifink Languages. 

HI S Excellency informed them, that he met them to agree about the Price of the un- 
certain Claims of the Minifmks, Wapings, -2.^^ other Indians, Claimants of Land in the 
Northern Parts ot the Province of New- Jerfey, and defired that it might be confidered, that: 
they knew not what they loJd, and he knew not what he bought; therefore the Price ought 
not to be large. ° 

That they might propofe a Sum to liim, or he would make an Offer to them ; or it fhould 
be left to their Uncles to confider of a Price, as would pleafe them bcft. 

The Mingoes, ov Six United Nations, hy Thomas King, faid, that die United Nations h^ii 
no Claim to the Lands of the Minifnks, or others their Nephews, on die Eaft Side of De- 
laware, and fliould therefore leave die fixing a Price to them. 

Then the Minifmks and Wapings withdrew to confult upon it ; and being returned, Ego- 
hohowen, the Minfmk Chief, laid, they would chufe the Governor lliould make an Offer, as 
they might perhaps demand too much. 



[ ^4 ] 

[758. His Excellency, having confulted the Commiffioners, offered them Eight Hundred Spanlfli 

A-^ Dollars for their Claim in New-Jerfey, as an extraordinary Price. 

The Mini/inks faid, they (hould be glad of the Opinion of their Uncles in the Matter. 

The Mingoes, or United Natiofis, by fhomas King, faid, that it was a fair and honourable 
Offer, and that if it were their own Cafe, they would chearfully accept of it ; but as there 
were a great many Perfons to ftiare in the Purchafe-money^ they recommended it to his Ex- 
cellency to add Two Hundred Dollars more ; and if that was complied with, the Report of 
it would be carried to all the Nations, and would be a great Proof of the Affeftion and Ge- 
nerofity of their Brethren the EngliJ/j on this Occafion, and would be very agreeable to them. 

His Excellency defired to know of the Mini/inks, and other Claimants, if they approved 
of the Propofal of their Uncles, and they informed him that they did. 

The Governor, after confulting the Commiffioners, faid, it was more than he had intended 
to give J but as the United Nations had given themfelves the Trouble of being Mediators be- 
tween them, he could not refufe their Recoinmendations, and was glad of the Opportunity 
he had of fhewing his Regard to the U>::^'d Nations, and his Benevolence to the Mmifink and 
other Indians, who had refided in the Province where he prefided, and therefore complied 
with thcu- Rcqueft. 

His Excellency then defired them to remember, tL„. this Confideration Money was to be 
in full for the Claims of all the Minijink and Waping Indians, and all others who claim any 
Lands in a Map, which was laid before them at the fame 1 me, which included all the 
Lands from the Line between the Provinces of New-York and Neiv-Jerfey, and down Hud- 
fon's River, to the Mouth of Rariton, uf the fame to Laometang Falls, on the North Branch 
of Rariton River ; thence on a ftrait Line to Paoqualin Mountain, where it joins on Dela- 
ivare River ; and thence up the Delaware to Ciijhyhink ; and recommended it to them to 
have refpeft to this in the Divlfion of the Confideration Money. 

Then Tagafiata, the Seneca Chief, arofe, and, addreffing himfelf to the Mini/inks, and 
other Indian Claimants, fpoke as follows. 

My Nepheizs, 
I delire you will now give over all Thoughts of your Land, and that we may hear no 
more Complaints about it. 

Now you muft remember the Friendship between you and your Brother, and tranfmit it 
to your Children ; and make them acquainted with the Tranladtlons of this Day. I recom- 
mend this to you, not from my Lips only, but from the Bottom of my Heart. I hope it 
will alio make a deep ImprelTion In your Hearts. 

It feems as if your Grandfathers had not told you of the Treaties they ufed to have with 
their Brethren, but carried them with them to the Grave. But we hope you will not do fo, 
but carefully inform your Children of your Agreements. We h.ive given you this Advice, 
and hope you will follow it. We alfo exped: you will take Care of your young Men, that 
they d